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The replacement of Donald Trump with US President Joe Biden is much more than a changing of the guard in the White House. It marks a wholesale changeover in Washingtons foreign policy elites, a substitution of mindsets. Recent deep-think journal articles map the shift.

A good place to start is the May 2020 article in Foreign Affairs by Daniel Benaim and Jake Sullivan titled Americas Opportunity in the Middle East. Sullivan was an early negotiator of the controversial 2015 nuclear deal with Iran (the JCPOA) and is now President Bidens national security advisor.

Sullivan made it clear that the US ought to immediately reestablish nuclear diplomacy with Iran and salvage what it can from the 2015 nuclear deal, and only after that get into regional negotiations to tackle Irans hegemonic troublemaking and terrorism.

This indeed is the approach that President Biden seems to be taking, even though it probably will free Iran of Western sanctions up front, and fritter away whatever leverage Washington has on Iran for addressing regional challenges over time. For this reason, Israel passionately opposes this approach to dealing with Iran.

In a similar vein, Rob Malley signed off on a January 2020 report by the International Crisis Group (of which he was president and CEO) with 19 conflict-prevention tips for the Biden administration. Just before he became President Bidens chief Iran envoy, Malley and his colleagues urged the US to initiate a process of fully reversing Trump-era sanctions... and support Irans International Monetary Fund loan request as a sign of good-will while Iran brings its nuclear program back into full compliance.

It may be tempting to link rejoining the JCPOA to other issues, but that could put the whole deal at jeopardy. The objective should be a clean re-entry. Other issues, such as regional de-escalation and Irans ballistic missile development, are critical, but best pursued subsequent to, not as a condition of, full restoration of the existing agreement.

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Again, this runs directly counter to Israels view of how to handle Iran and the JCPOA. To understand just how disastrous a clean-return to the JCPOA would be, read Dr. Uzi Rubins recent piece of JISS scholarship. He warns that if the US administration bows to the Iranian nation (as Ayatollah Khamenei has demanded) by rushing back into Obamas nuclear deal with no substantial correction of its many weaknesses, the ayatollahs will justifiably regard this as a historic victory.

Iranian prestige and standing in the region will be enhanced immensely, and Iranian coffers will overflow with income from oil exports and renewal of international trade. This Iranian victory also will discourage Arab states from further normalizing their relations with Israel.

Martin Peretz reminds us in a pungent essay on TabletMag.com that the policies Ron Malley has promoted and facilitated over 20 years are consistently in the service of rapprochement with the Palestine Liberation Organization, Hamas and Iran which are held up by institutional progressives as the marquee victims of Western interventionism in the Middle East. He notes that Malleys allies in Washington (like Peter Beinart, who no longer believes in Jewish statehood) venerate Malley for his capacity to do something Beltway militarists find deeply threatening: See beyond Americas self-congratulatory self-conception and grasp how the US and its allies look to their victims. Ugh.

Yossi Klein Halevi nevertheless seeks a path forward for Israel and its new Gulf allies in dealing with the new Democratic administration. In a paper published for an Emirati think tank, he calls for an Israeli-Gulf state initiative aligning with the moderate majority within the Democratic Party, to present a strategically credible and united front on Iran.

IN PLACE OF the Obama administrations dangerous illusion of an Iranian-imposed regional stability, a new force for regional stability has emerged the Abraham Accord alliances. This gives Israel a strategic advantage it lacked in the first round of the struggle to prevent the Iran deal. A joint Arab-Israeli case against a return to the JCPOA in its previous form (or cosmetically modified) will carry substantial strategic and moral weight. This is an advantage that must be maximized.

Writing in Commentary Magazine, Bret Stephens begs President Biden not to mess up the Abraham Accords. He reminds readers that Obamas policies succeeded in infuriating or betraying nearly all of Americas traditional allies in the region while winning no new friends; whereas the logic contained in the Abraham Accords offers Biden one shot at success across a range of traditional Democratic foreign-policy objectives. These include reducing the scale of US Middle East commitments by growing Israel-Arab alliances and promoting regional integration; advancing normalization of Arab ties with Israel to fight Islamic radicalism and Palestinian rejectionism; and countering Iranian aggression.

He also warns Biden against overworking the Israeli-Palestinian issue. The infatuation so many US policymakers have with Palestinian statehood has disserved American interests in myriad ways; as well as harming Israeli, Arab, and even Palestinian interests.

Picking up on obsessions with peace-processing the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Shany Mor and Michael Doran write in a pair of brilliant MosaicMagazine.com essays that Americas foreign policy establishment has, in the name of peace, only incentivized conflict in the Middle East.

The peace-processing guild (which Trumps team upended) remains wedded to a fuzzy-headed and unchanging conventional wisdom, characterized by epistemic closure, that has proven remarkably resistant to sober-minded reappraisals (such as the Trump peace plan).

This guild sanctimoniously seeks to rescue a morally fallen Israel (a country compromised by its own hard-fought victories) by forcing a peace deal that will see Israelis in pain. Thus, Israeli withdrawals and sacrifices for peace are the only way to ritually purify Israel from its sins, and thereby expiate America of its responsibility for crimes against progressivism and against an equitable balance of power in the region. When speaking of Israel, You need to furrow your brow like a parent who is more disappointed than angry, and assert that Israels policies will not achieve their goals but rather backfire on Israel.

Mor calls this a return to the dark days of daylight (referring to Obamas drive to open up daylight, or distance, between America and Israel). Doran calls this saving Israel in spite of herself, and he locates the source of this predilection in neo-theological Protestant missionary impulses that run deep among American elites.

How I wish that the new administration would hearken to the wise words of Jim Jeffrey, a veteran American diplomat who served in seven administrations, most recently as special representative for Syria engagement and special envoy to the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. Writing in Foreign Affairs, Jeffrey argues that Biden does not need a new Middle East policy, because the Trump Administration, for all its peccadilloes, got the region right.

Trump made it clear that he would work primarily through partners on the ground. Therefore, he supported Israeli and Turkish military actions against Iran and Russia in Syria, and relied primarily on the Gulf states, Jordan, Iraq, and Israel to stand up to Tehran. The US would in turn complement these efforts militarily when necessary, selling weapons, targeting terrorists, or punishing Syrian President Bashar Assads use of chemical weapons. [While] the administration was generally cautious about using military power... when it did decide to act, US forces effectively targeted Assad, terrorist groups, Russian mercenaries, and Iranian-backed militias.

In exchange for carrying this extra burden, the Trump administration largely ignored the domestic behavior of important partners, including Egypt, Turkey, and even Saudi Arabia. The administration also made clear that it would openly back Israel when it came to Palestinian issues, overturning long-standing US and international policies on arms transfers, the Golan Heights, Jerusalem, and Western Sahara. Those policies produced the historic Abraham Accords between Israel and several Arab states.

In short, if it aint broke, dont fix it!

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Biden brings back 'progressive' diplomacy, and Israel is worried -opinion - The Jerusalem Post

As Paste EIC Josh Jackson put it after watching John Fettermans first campaign video in his upcoming bid for the Pennsylvania Senate, if Im Pat Toomey, Im really glad Im retiring. Watch for yourself:

Its a great ad, but more importantly, its coming from an actual progressive who believes in things like Medicare for All and a $15 minimum wage. Weve seen a lot of very good political ads in the past few years, but often they come from nothingburger candidates like Amy McGrath, who offer nothing beyond a few slick videos and whose centrist policies stand no chance of taking root in conservative parts of the countryor in actually helping those people, even if by some miracle they won. The difference between someone like Fetterman and someone like McGrath is, to put it bluntly, the bullshit factor. Fetterman means what he says, and youll never find him dancing circles around the truth. He doesnt need to; he has both the courage of his convictions andperhaps more importantly in politics on this scalethe faith that his convictions are appealing to a massive chunk of the electorate. Its a big change from Democrats whose chief selling point is that theyre not Republican.

The tempting comparison here is to say that Fetterman is AOC for rural people, for purple-staters, for the hackneyed notion of the REAL (read: white, allegedly culturally conservative) American. There is probably some truth to the idea that as inspiring as AOC or Rashida Tlaib or Ilhan Omar or Cori Bush or Ayanna Pressley or Jamal Bowman are, the common thread is that they come from big cities with a high minority population. Translating their appeal outside those concentrated urban areas is a harder task, and there are many middle-of-the-road Democrats in winnable conservative districts who believe The Squad was used as an effective weapon against them in the 2020 races. Theres a lot of rationalization in that perspective, since it absolves them of their own lack of policy ambition, but if theres a nugget of truth there, its that the battle plan for exporting progressive politics into the interior requires a slightly different approach.

As far as I can tell, John Fetterman embodies that approach almost perfectly. Theres a lot to like, and his ubiquity during the election led to a kind of informal Internet cult developing around him and his wife, but there are a few key things that really matter. The first is that he can handle himself verbally. Theres no nonsense to the guy, and if you attack him, he can stand on his feet and exchange blows. There are other qualities, too, which are trickier to admit. Hes got a masculine aura, which matters more than you might think if youve never lived in small, red towns, and he knows which issues to highlight and which to push to the background. A look at his campaign website finds nine core topics, from minimum wage to weed legalization to healthcare to environmental justice to LGBTQIA+ rights to criminal justice. Not listed there? Guns, the albatross weighing down every democratic candidate outside urban districts. And in fact, Fetterman himself is a gun owner. Hes the kind of guy who can credibly speak to both progressives and those voters who have progressive interests but consider themselves culturally opposed to liberalism.

Its a rare quality, but hopefully becoming more common. The path to a broad coalition for progressivesone that can feel impossible due to social and cultural differencesare people like Fetterman who can highlight the hypocrisy and phoniness of the two-party power structure in ways that feel genuine and not simply in furtherance of a political career. Thats because hes walked the walk for a long time, starting as mayor of Braddock, PA, where he tattooed the dates of each of the towns murders on his watch onto his arm. As a young man, he was well on his way to taking over his fathers insurance business before a friends death in a car accident changed his path totally. He became a Big Brother, joined Americorps, and won his first mayoral race in Braddock by a single vote. He made about $110 a month as mayor, and $30,000 running an Out-Of-School Youth program, and founded a non-profit to benefit the city and its residents. In 2010, he was arrested for protesting the closure of Braddock Hospital. The so-called Braddock Renaissance is a fascinating story, and whats clear at the root of it is that Fetterman was never in this for his own ambition.

People like Fetterman, or AOC, are few and far between, but its inevitable that in a time of progressive political awakening, theyll become more common. And in order for any of this philosophy to take root in red and purple parts of the country like Pennsylvania, it will take candidates like Fetterman who can credibly bridge the culture gap and talk to people on their level from experience. The movement for a higher minimum wage or Medicare for All or free public education will require different tactics in different parts of the country, but the ideas themselves are palatable to an overwhelming majority everywhere. To get the message across, you need a good messenger, and thats what has to change from place to place. What works in Queens might not work in rural Pennsylvania or in Texas or in Idaho, and vice versa. In that sense, Fetterman represents the tip of the speara new kind of candidate who is almost like a missionary, spreading the important ideas where theyll have the most trouble catching on.

His Senate campaign will be fascinating to watch, especially in the primary stages where he faces the inevitable party candidate. Will he have the same popular appeal among white voters as Bernie Sanders? Will he be able to make inroads with black urban voters, or will he face the same obstacles that Sanders faced in the south on that front? The more Fetterman can make his campaign about the message, the more successful hell be, and its likely that the chief tactic used against him will be the same social bludgeons used against Sanders and figures like Jeremy Corbyn in the U.K. His success or failure takes on an importance far beyond this individual race, because to some degree it represents the future success or failure of the movement he represents. In a perfect world, he would be the AOC of purple America and illustrate the path forward. At the very least, it will be a stress test of the very concept of a progressive winning a massive race like the one for U.S. Senate in a state not called Vermont, and an illustration of what works and what weapons the opposition will use to stop it from happening.

In a basic sense, his goal is to reach the people, and to make the people want to reach him. If he can do that, the skys the limit, and not just for John Fetterman.

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John Fetterman Represents the Progressive Movement Into Red and Purple America - Paste Magazine

The two liberal strategists, funded by Democratic donors, plan to offer their services free to progressive organizations and have already hired two staff members Hannah Simon and Tr Easton to help with their work. The name of their group references the slogan of Nevada a homage to the home state of Mr. Reid, a mentor and the last Senate majority leader to preside over a Democratic-controlled Capitol. Mr. Jentleson described their new operation as a political intelligence organization for progressives, offering insights about legislative maneuvering and ways to shape the policy debate.

Were in this moment where we have power for the first time in a long time, and the question is how to use it, he said. One of the things we bring to the table is having served in leadership roles when Democrats had power and were able to advance their agenda.

The shadow of that period looms large over the party, with many Democrats arguing that former President Barack Obama and Mr. Reid spent too much time chasing Republican support for their early legislative initiatives. Mr. Reid has privately urged President Biden and Senator Chuck Schumer, the Democratic majority leader, to adopt a more aggressive approach to passing their agenda.

With the country in the shape its in, we dont need people who get along just to go along, Mr. Reid said, praising the new collective. We need people who will try to reshape the country and the party.

Mr. Jentleson and Ms. Kirszner Katz, he said, are outsiders with the knowledge of the insiders.

So far, progressives seem fairly satisfied with the early moves of the new administration, encouraged by Mr. Bidens cabinet picks, a spate of early executive orders and signals that Democratic leaders plan to push through a $1.9 trillion Covid-19 relief package.

But the post-pandemic future will likely presage intraparty battles. Throughout the presidential campaign, Mr. Biden staked out a more moderate path than many of his primary rivals, rejecting calls from liberals for proposals like ending the filibuster and expanding the Supreme Court. He has not entirely embraced the Green New Deal and supports more limited plans to tackle health care and college debt.

Pushing their own party will involve a new set of political skills for many progressive activists. Younger organizations, like Justice Democrats and Sunrise, built a following by rallying the public with staunch calls of opposition to Mr. Trump and his administration. Mr. Jentleson and Ms. Kirszner Katz are urging them not to use those same tactics within the party, encouraging phone calls before blasting a fellow Democrat on Twitter, and have released a series of messaging memos laying out their collective position.

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Progressives Made a Splash. Can They Pass Bills, Too? - The New York Times

Sen. Bernie SandersBernie SandersCBO says minimum wage would increase deficit B The Hill's Morning Report - Presented by TikTok - Senate trial of Trump to dominate this week This week: Senate starts Trump trial as Democrats draft coronavirus bill MORE (I-Vt.) said that President Biden sees the progressive movement as a strong part of his coalition, even as recent debates over the federal minimum wage and coronavirus relief have revealed some divisions between liberal and more centrist Democrats.

In an interview with The New York Times published Tuesday, Sanders, a leading voice on the left, said congressional Democrats are largely united with the Biden administration in efforts to respond to the health care and economic crises fueled by the coronavirus pandemic.

The new Senate Budget Committee chairman, citing the the large portrait of Franklin D. Roosevelt opposite the Resolute Desk thathe saw when he walked into his first Oval Office meeting with Biden last week, told the Times, President Biden understands that, like Roosevelt, he has entered office at a time of extraordinary crises and that he is prepared to think big and not small in order to address the many, many problems facing working families.

There is an understanding that if were going to address the crises facing this country, were all in it together, Sanders added.

Bidens former 2020 Democratic presidential primary opponent added that already in the presidents first three weeks in office, he has spoken frequently with him, as well as White House chief of staff Ron KlainRon KlainOvernight Health Care: New COVID-19 cases nationally drop below 100K for first time in 2021 | CDC warns states against lifting restrictions amid threat of virus variants | Health officials warn COVID-19 eradication unlikely House Democrats renew probe into Trump administration's pandemic response Biden makes inroads with progressives MORE, withSanders saying that his calls to the White House have been returned very shortly.

Biden, Sanders said,"sees the progressive movement as a strong part of his coalition and is reaching out to us and is adopting some of the ideas that we have put forth that make sense in terms of todays crises.

Despite opposition from Republicans, Democrats appear largely united in their effort to advance Bidens proposed $1.9 trillion coronavirus relief package, as well as in a collective desire to hold former President TrumpDonald TrumpDOJ to seek resignations of most Trump-appointed US attorneys: report Trump attorney withdraws request to not hold impeachment trial on Saturday Kinzinger in op-ed calls on GOP senators to convict Trump in impeachment trial MORE accountable in his Senate impeachment trial this week.

Trump faces a single article of impeachmentafter the House accused him with inciting the violent Jan. 6 riot at the Capitol, which led to the deaths of five people, including Capitol Police Officer Brian Sicknick. Two additional officers who responded to the rioting have since died by suicide.

However, Sanders over the weekend condemned some fellow Democrats who he says are looking to lower the income eligibility thresholds for coronavirus stimulus checks from $75,000 to $50,000 for individuals and from $150,000 to $100,000 for couples.

On Thursday, the Senate voted 99-1 on an amendment from Sens. Joe ManchinJoseph (Joe) ManchinHouse Democrats unveil draft coronavirus relief legislation Former Ocasio-Cortez spokesperson: Manchin, Sinema should be primaried if 'they're going to stand in the way of progress' CBO says minimum wage would increase deficit B MORE (D-W.Va.) and Susan CollinsSusan Margaret CollinsThe GOP's impeachment 'prisoner's dilemma' This week: Senate starts Trump trial as Democrats draft coronavirus bill Biden makes inroads with progressives MORE (R-Maine) related to "targeting" the checks and making sure that "upper-income taxpayers are not eligible."

The moves come asthe addition of two new Democratic moderates to the upper chamber Sens. John HickenlooperJohn HickenlooperOVERNIGHT ENERGY:DOJ to let companies pay for environmental projects again to reduce fines | House Democrats reintroduce green energy tax package Republican 2024 hopefuls draw early battle lines for post-Trump era Senate Democrats approve budget resolution, teeing up coronavirus bill MORE (Colo.) and Mark KellyMark Kelly'Purple America' will set political direction in 2022 Republican 2024 hopefuls draw early battle lines for post-Trump era Senate Democrats approve budget resolution, teeing up coronavirus bill MORE (Ariz.) has strengthened the centrist wing of the caucus.

Manchin and other moderates have signaled opposition to raising the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour, which is currently part of Bidens coronavirus relief package, despite having support from Sanders and other powerful progressives in both chambers of Congress.

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Sanders says Biden sees progressives as 'strong part of his coalition' | TheHill - The Hill

President Biden has established an early working relationship with the progressive wing of the Democratic Party, satisfying a group that was skeptical of him during the campaign with an aggressive agenda in his first weeks in office.

Biden campaigned as a moderate in a primary field of progressive stalwarts including Sens. Bernie SandersBernie SandersCBO says minimum wage would increase deficit B The Hill's Morning Report - Presented by TikTok - Senate trial of Trump to dominate this week This week: Senate starts Trump trial as Democrats draft coronavirus bill MORE (I-Vt.) and Elizabeth WarrenElizabeth WarrenOvernight Energy:Biden faces calls to shut down Dakota Access pipeline | Hackers breach, attempt to poison Florida city's water supply | Daines seeks to block Haaland confirmation to Interior Biden faces calls to shut down Dakota Access pipeline Wyden to wield new power on health care, taxes with committee gavel MORE (D-Mass.). When opponents attempted to brand him as a socialist, he shot back, I beat the socialist.

But the president has managed to win over much of the progressive wing of the party in the early going through regular outreach, executive orders on climate and immigration, and a commitment to a $1.9 trillion relief package.

There are certainly areas were continuing to talk to them and push them on, but generally its been a good productive relationship, and we feel like many of the priorities of progressives that benefit working people and poor people across the country are really getting addressed and spoken to even in these first two weeks, said Rep. Pramila JayapalPramila JayapalHouse Democrats unveil draft coronavirus relief legislation Biden makes inroads with progressives Biden's push for stimulus checks sparks income eligibility debate MORE (D-Wash.), who chairs the 94-member Congressional Progressive Caucus.

Early and consistent outreach from the White House has been key in building trust with progressives on Capitol Hill, officials said.

One of the first calls Louisa TerrellLouisa TerrellBiden makes inroads with progressives Biden officials hold call with bipartisan group of senators on coronavirus relief plan MORE made as Bidens director of legislative affairs was to the Progressive Caucus. The group has also met with Domestic Policy Council Director Susan RiceSusan RiceBiden makes inroads with progressives The Hill's Morning Report - Biden seeks vaccine for all by summer; Trump censure? 5 things to know about Biden's racial equity orders MORE and National Economic Council Director Brian DeeseBrian DeeseBiden makes inroads with progressives The Hill's Morning Report - Presented by Facebook - Republicans squeeze Biden with 0 billion COVID-19 relief alternative Biden's push for stimulus checks sparks income eligibility debate MORE, among others.

The Sunrise Movement, a progressive group focused on climate change, has been in regular contact with members of Bidens climate team.

Progressives have been satisfied with Bidens choice of Ron KlainRon KlainOvernight Health Care: New COVID-19 cases nationally drop below 100K for first time in 2021 | CDC warns states against lifting restrictions amid threat of virus variants | Health officials warn COVID-19 eradication unlikely House Democrats renew probe into Trump administration's pandemic response Biden makes inroads with progressives MORE as his chief of staff, preferring him as a voice who would bring progressive ideas to the table in contrast to Rahm Emanuel, who served as former President Obamas chief of staff from 2009 to 2010.

If we want to have unity on a bill that is a priority for the president, I say the same thing that I say to leadership, which is, consult us early and often, Jayapal said.

Officials say progressive priorities have been reflected in Bidens early actions, thanks in part to the recommendations of unity task forces between the former presidential campaigns of Biden and Sanders.

Biden delivered progressive groups wins by revoking the permit for the Keystone XL Pipeline, signing an executive order to end the use of private prisons in the criminal justice system and pushing to include an increase in the minimum wage in the economic relief proposal.

It really does tell us that Biden is listening and is committed to using his full executive power. And while this is a great step forward we also are very aware this is just the beginning of what needs to get done, said Ellen Sciales, press secretary for the Sunrise Movement.

The Democratic Party has so far been unified in its push for a robust relief package even without Republican support, weary of repeating the mistakes of the Obama administration when a stimulus package was narrowed to garner GOP votes in 2009 in response to the Great Recession. Any talk of Democrats in disarray has also been overshadowed by infighting among House Republicans.

The basic lesson of the Obama White House was they never regretted when they went bold and they almost always regretted when they slow walked or watered down popular ideas under the illusory hope that Republicans like [Maine Sen.] Susan CollinsSusan Margaret CollinsThe GOP's impeachment 'prisoner's dilemma' This week: Senate starts Trump trial as Democrats draft coronavirus bill Biden makes inroads with progressives MORE would deal in good faith," said Adam Green, cofounder of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee, who commended Biden for sticking by his $1.9 trillion coronavirus relief proposal.

But progressive groups and lawmakers have made clear they will push Biden on key issues, setting up potential fractures in the party as the president navigates the rest of his term.

Green's group is pressing for the relief bill to fund full $2,000 stimulus payments to some Americans, after Democrats campaigned on them in the Georgia Senate runoffs. Biden's proposal includes $1,400 checks that add to $600 payments already signed into law in December by former President TrumpDonald TrumpDOJ to seek resignations of most Trump-appointed US attorneys: report Trump attorney withdraws request to not hold impeachment trial on Saturday Kinzinger in op-ed calls on GOP senators to convict Trump in impeachment trial MORE.

Rep. Ilhan OmarIlhan OmarDemocrats should make the 'Bee-Gees' the face of theRepublican Party Biden makes inroads with progressives Defiant Greene attacks media, dodges questions on past remarks MORE (D-Minn.) led a group ofmore than 50 progressive Democratic lawmakers who penned a letter to Biden late last month urging him to support recurring monthly direct payments to Americans during the pandemic.

The Congressional Progressive Caucus will pressure the White House to extend the ban on private prisons to the immigration system and act on student loan debt relief, Jayapal said. The White House said Thursday it is reviewing what actions Biden might be able to take unilaterally to forgive federal student loans amid the pandemic.

The filibuster, which requires 60 votes to close debate on legislation, is another point of tension, though with Sens. Joe ManchinJoseph (Joe) ManchinHouse Democrats unveil draft coronavirus relief legislation Former Ocasio-Cortez spokesperson: Manchin, Sinema should be primaried if 'they're going to stand in the way of progress' CBO says minimum wage would increase deficit B MORE (D-W.Va.) and Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.) opposed to eliminating it, Democrats do not now have the votes to do away with it.

Dozens of progressive groups nonetheless wrote to Senate Majority Leader Charles SchumerChuck SchumerOcasio-Cortez, Schumer announce federal COVID-19 fund to help families pay for funerals Over 60 progressive groups urge Schumer to nix filibuster Booker reintroduces bill to give all newborns ,000 savings accounts MORE (D-N.Y.) on Friday urging him to end the filibuster, which they called a weapon of pure partisan gridlock.

Tensions could also persist over certain staffing moves in the administration. Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-CortezAlexandria Ocasio-CortezON THE MONEY: CBO estimate makes waves | Democrats to expand child tax credit | Wyden wields power Ocasio-Cortez, Schumer announce federal COVID-19 fund to help families pay for funerals Former Ocasio-Cortez spokesperson: Manchin, Sinema should be primaried if 'they're going to stand in the way of progress' MORE (D-N.Y.) late last year criticized the makeup of Bidens Cabinet and whether progressives were being rewarded for their role in helping Biden to the White House.

Progressives have been satisfied with some of Bidens nominees to Cabinet and other high-level positions, including Rep. Deb HaalandDeb HaalandOvernight Energy:Biden faces calls to shut down Dakota Access pipeline | Hackers breach, attempt to poison Florida city's water supply | Daines seeks to block Haaland confirmation to Interior Biden makes inroads with progressives Daines seeks to block Haaland confirmation to Interior MORE (D-N.M.) to lead the Interior Department, Xavier BecerraXavier BecerraIs Biden truly committed to unity and moderation? There's hope, but time's running out Biden makes inroads with progressives Pelosi pushing Newsom to pick Schiff for next California AG: report MORE to serve as Secretary of Health and Human Services, and Marcia FudgeMarcia FudgeBiden makes inroads with progressives The Hill's Morning Report - Presented by Facebook - House boots Greene from committees; Senate plows ahead on budget Senate panel advances Biden's picks for Housing secretary, chief economist MORE as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development.

Some progressives also waged a campaign against Mike Morell for CIA director, a position for which Biden ultimately nominated veteran career diplomat William BurnsWilliam BurnsBiden makes inroads with progressives Biden's Cabinet gradually confirmed by Senate Biden announces veteran diplomat William Burns as nominee for CIA director MORE.

Weve won a bunch of these fights, but it doesnt make any sense that some of the people we were having to fight against were ever in the running, said David Segal, executive director of Demand Progress. The idea that Bidens team would have ever considered installing Morell at CIA is another signal we need to be very watchful in the national security realm despite them having made the seemingly better choice of Burns.

Segal said that overall the nominations went better than expected but described them as far from perfect. He raised concerns about Agriculture Secretary nominee Tom VilsackTom VilsackUSDA: Farm-to-school programs help schools serve healthier meals OVERNIGHT MONEY: House poised to pass debt-ceiling bill MOREs work for the U.S. Dairy Export Council, Commerce Secretary nominee Gina RaimondoGina RaimondoBiden makes inroads with progressives Daines seeks to block Haaland confirmation to Interior Hillicon Valley: Democratic senators unveil bill to reform Section 230 | Labor board denies Amazon request to delay local union vote | Robinhood lifts restrictions on GameStop, other stocks MOREs ties to Wall Street, and Secretary of State Antony BlinkenAntony BlinkenColombia to register thousands of Venezuela migrants in bid to give them legal residency The Hill's 12:30 Report: Senate prepares for impeachment trial to start Biden administration announces plans to rejoin UN human rights council MOREs consulting work at WestExec Advisors.

Biden is also facing pressure to more forcefully root out individuals from the government who were installed under former President Trump.Jeff Hauser, executive director of the Revolving Door Project, noted in particular that most of the U.S. attorneys appointed under Trump remain in place and also argued that FBI Director Christopher Wray should be fired in light of the security failure at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6. The White House said last month that Biden would keep Wray on in his position.

Were disconcerted by the number of Trump officials still in power, Hauser said.

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Biden makes inroads with progressives | TheHill - The Hill