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Denis McDonough, best known for serving as President Barack Obamas chief of staff (though cinephiles may also recall John Hamms portrayal of McDonough in The Report, which depicted his effort to slow-walk the release of information related to the CIAs torture program) also made the cut. Appointed as co-chair to the platform committee, McDonough also sits on the vultures perch at Rework America Task Force, a bipartisan leviathan of corporate interests attempting to, unsurprisingly, remake Americas workforceall with the help of its dedicated founding partners at Walmart, Boeing, Kaiser Permanente, McKinsey, and Microsoft. Danielle Gray, senior VP and chief legal officer for Blue Cross Blue Shield, holds a vice-chair seat on this committee, alongside Jake Sullivan, a senior adviser to Hillary Clinton and the former national security adviser to Joe Biden.

Other notable committee appointments went to former senator Heidi Heitkamp, who now sits on the board of the hawkish neoconservative (John) McCain Institute; former Obama official Carol Browner, who voted down radical climate change initiatives in 2016; Harold Ickes, described by the Times as Bill Clintons Garbage Man, for both selling access to the president and whipping support after the Gennifer Flowers incident; Alex Padilla, accused of suppressing progressive independent voters in California; and Michael Steed, founder of the Paladin Capital Group, which settled with the state of New York in a pay-to-play scheme involving a New York pension fund. Paladin Capital has also invested hundreds of millions of dollars in a homeland security fund headed by a former CIA leader and an assortment of military generals.

Regardless of committee members explicit or covert preference for presidential candidates, the corporate affiliations of these appointees and their outspoken refusal to cede any ground to progressive policy positions are wildly at odds with the preference for integrity valued by the majority of Democratic voters. Additionally, Perezs appointment strategy introduces a slew of risks ahead of the inevitable general election showdown. For a political party that has presented the electoral defeat of President Trump and the greed and corruption he embodies as its highest priority in 2020, champions of democratic transparency and corporate accountability are few and far between on the DNCs latest roster.

Moreover, health care reformthe issue consistently ranked as most important among Democratic votersgets short shrift in this roster of appointments, outside of the former health care industry lobbyists who have steadily moved up within the DNCs ranks. Climate change, also consistently ranked as a top issue for voters, has few advocates among these committee appointments. The movers and shakers of a nascent labor resurgence, fighting for fair compensation and workplace protections, are also found in short supply. With the Sanders campaign painting itself as the vanguard against the forces of corporate concentration and machinelike party rule, Perezs appointments seem as though they were engineered to fan those flames, instead of neatly defanging the Vermont senators argument.

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Tom Perez Stacks the DNC Deck Against Progressives - The New Republic

On the eve of the Iowa caucuses, what should progressives whether inside or outside the Democratic Party be doing? I am not one to advocate voting for the lesser evil. But, to my mind, Bernie Sanders is not a lesser evil. He is the real thing. No, he is not perfect. People like Kevin Zeese will insist that he made errors in connection with Venezuela and other issues, and perhaps Kevin is right. But if you look at Bernies history and his platform, anyone can see that he follows the same road at all times. He will do the best that he can to have a progressive America. And he is far more trustworthy than Elizabeth Warren or Amy Klobuchar. The fact that the New York Times endorsed them is proof enough that they are really centrists.

So what road should progressives be taking? They can cut their own throats and vote Green again or vote for some other party that stands no chance of winning. Or they should vote for Bernie. At the moment where we are, he is leading in the polls. On the other hand, if he gets only 30% of the Democratic vote, then at the nominating convention the DNC will haul out the super delegates and use them to choose Klobuchar, Buttigieg, Warren, or even Biden. Anyone but Bernie. Once again, they will cheat him out of victory.

Should that happen, then that is the time to decide the next step. What? Support Warren if she can be nominated? Or abandon the Democratic Party for good and all and try to found a New Party which is totally progressive? In my view, progressives should wait and see because Bernie may win.

And how might he win? By accepting the support of Greens and other progressives. By making every attempt to form a coalition of progressives, using votes from within the Democratic Party in order to outmaneuver the DNCs super delegates strategy.

If this strategy fails, then it may be time for Bernie to run with another party, or to form a New Party with all progressives in it. That party can bring The Squad and other Democratic progressives into it and seek the support for progressive candidates for Congress.

But now is not the time to make a final decision. It is the time to support a candidate who can win, who will support the Greens and other progressives, and who can truly make America progressive. Lets not demand the impossible. Instead, lets all band together and throw out Trump, the neoliberals, and those who want ever more wealth for the already wealthy.

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What road should progressives take? - NationofChange

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Both of these companies have a reputation for entertaining advertisements with the Geico Gecko and Progressives Flo as mascot and spokeswoman for the companies. But what do industry experts think? Heres a quick look at Progressive vs Geico ratings from the Better Business Bureau (BBB), AM Best, and J.D. Power.

When it comes to customer satisfaction, Geico definitely shines. Geicos strong BBB rating shows that the company is able to handle complaints in a timely and efficient manner, while Progressive seems to struggle with the BBB. J.D. Powers Auto Claims Satisfaction Study placed Geico near the top of the list (in fourth place), while Progressive was near the bottom of the 24 providers in the study. The Insurance Shopping Study, which ranked 20 providers, saw Geico near the middle of the pack and Progressive in second-to-last place.

However, both companies showed strong financial strength, proving that they are able to fulfill claims for customers.

When you compare online reviews for Geico vs Progressive, you can find positive and negative reviews for both providers. Lets take a look at a negative review for each to see what unhappy customers have reported:

I ended up sliding on ice and hitting a wall. I contacted Geico, and the adjuster checked out my car and determined the damage was fresh. Geico decides to put an investigator on my case, who then asked me for the tow companys information, the person that picked me up, the location of the accident, my coworkers numbers, neighbors numbers, my [bosss] numbers, and all of this I provided Then he tells me he will email me forms to sign. I [received] the email, and its a consent for my cell phone tower records and my car infotainment information, which I thought was ridiculous after almost two months dealing with this and no rental provided... I was furious and decided I wont deal with a company that treats a customer in a way as if hes a criminal.

-Justin J. via BBB

They are not there for you when you need them the most. I switched to Progressive from [another] company that was great for a lower premium. I paid my premiums in full, and then an accident happened. Their claims adjuster tries to find a reason not to cover me instead of giving me that warm feeling of being covered. Now things will need to go to arbitration just to try to get them to cover me.

-Nathan S. via BBB

Both Geico and Progressive provide standard coverage in all 50 states. These coverages include:

Most auto insurance companies offer standard coverage. What you really want to look at when comparing Progressive vs Geico is the additional car insurance coverage and other insurance options for your home, rental property, and more.

In our research, we found that Geico generally offers lower rates than Progressive. However, this may not always be the case depending on your details and driving history. The only way to know for sure how much a policy from one of these providers will cost is to obtain quotes from each. Thats because premiums are affected by the following factors.

The next step in shopping is to look at available car insurance discounts. You could have a higher base premium with one company but then get a lower cost in the end because of your discount eligibility. Lets compare Progressive vs Geico by looking at discounts for students, military, and more.

Roadside assistance is an important consideration for many drivers. After all, who wants to be stranded on the side of the road after an accident or breakdown? Both Geico and Progressive provide this coverage as an add-on. While the plans cost about the same amount of money, the exact services can vary. Heres a closer comparison of Progressive vs Geico.

Winching service

From this chart, we can see that Progressive offers more comprehensive roadside assistance plan than Geico.

Both Progressive and Geico have mobile-friendly websites and mobile apps. Through these avenues, you can manage your auto insurance policy online, pay your premiums, get access to ID cards, upload damage photos for claims, and call for roadside assistance. In addition, each company provides some extra digital tools to make insurance policy management easier.

After looking closely at the breakdowns between Progressive vs Geico, we have to declare the latter the winner, but not by much.

Overall, Geico scores higher in customer satisfaction and tends to have lower rates. With that said, you dont want to overlook Progressive. The company provides great gap coverage and some additional perks with its roadside assistance program.

To figure out which policy would be best for you, we highly recommend getting quotes from both companies. Like we mentioned, each persons premium will be different, so we wouldnt be surprised if you found better coverage with one provider than your neighbor did.

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After comparing Geico vs Progressive, we highly recommend both auto insurance companies. However, there are a couple of other providers out there that you might consider while you shop. It doesnt take long to get a few quotes from competing insurance providers. Spending this time could save you money on your premiums. Just make sure the provider you choose also supplies great customer service and claims processing, or you could end up frustrated in your time of need.

We recently reviewed the best car insurance companies in the nation, and USAA was the only provider that we awarded five stars. That being said, USAA car insurance is only available to military service members and their families. But if you qualify, the company tends to have low rates, plenty of discounts, and the option to add on roadside assistance. Additionally, USAA excels in customer satisfaction studies, including both J.D. Power studies discussed above.

Like Progressive and Geico, we gave State Farm a 4.5-star rating. The provider has great ratings from industry leaders and offers an extensive list of discounts. If you have younger drivers on your policy, you might find more competitive rates with State Farm auto insurance.

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Geico Vs Progressive: Which Provider Is Best In 2020? - Motor1

The reason John Judis exploredwhy the radical left of the 1960s failed is because he wanted to issue a warning to the progressive movement that is forming today. Here is how he defines that movement.

For nearly a decade now, arguably dating to the Occupy movement of 2011, a new generation of left-wing activism has been stirring. A host of organizations (Indivisible, the Sunrise Movement, 350.org, Peoples Action, the Working Families Party, Black Lives Matter, the Justice Democrats, a revived Democratic Socialists of America) and new publications (Jacobin, the Intercept, Current Affairs) are doing what groups like SDS did in the 60s: elevating left-wing causes and promising dramatic societal change.

Judis goes on to specifically align those efforts with the presidential candidacies of Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren. He notes that Sanders is advocating for a political revolution and Warren is running on a platform of big, structural change.

While he points out that todays radical left is positioned to fare better than their predecessors, Judis warns that they are making some of the same mistakes that he identified as the reason the movement failed in the 1960s. But before he articulates those, Judis catalogues the conditions that led young people to be more amenable to radical ideas. In doing so, he points to things such as instability in the workforce, the cost of housing, and the decline of unions. Those were coupled with the disasters of the Iraq War and the Great Depression, followed by the threat of climate change and Donald Trumps presidency.

What stands out is that, even though Judis listed Black Lives Matter (but not organizations like United We Dream) as part of the new progressive movement, his list doesnt include anything about the racism of police shootings or nativist immigration policies. That becomes even more critical when his warning to todays progressives echos what he identified as the failure of their predecessors: identity politics.

[T]odays left has become fond of a political strategy that discounts the importance altogether of winning over the white working class. Such a strategy assumes Democrats can gain majorities simply by winning over people of color (a term that groups people of wildly varying backgrounds, incomes and worldviews), single women and the youngthe left is again dividing into identity groups, each of which feels justified in elevating its concerns above others

While activists focused on identity politics have, like their predecessors from the 60s, made perfectly reasonable demandsfor instance, an end to police brutality, or equal wages for men and womenthey have also made extreme demands that display an indifference to building a political majority. Some have backed reparations for slaveryan idea rejected by broad majorities of the electorate, most of whom are descended from immigrants who came to America after the Civil War. Other groups have demanded open borders, defying a majority of Americans who think the country should be able to decide who to admit as citizens and who will be able to enjoy the rights and benefits of being an American.

In the context of talking about the presidential candidacy of Bernie Sanders, the idea that todays left has discounted the importance of winning over the white working class is simply not factual. Sanders has made that the cornerstone of his entire political career, including his current run for president. Back in 2014, Simon Van Zuylen-Wood interviewed Sanders for an article in the National Journal. Here is how Sanders described his efforts to spark a political revolution.

Let me ask you, he says, his gangly frame struggling to contain itself to our couch, what is the largest voting bloc in America? Is it gay people? No. Is it African-Americans? No. Hispanics? No. What? Answer: White working-class people. Bring them back into the liberal fold, he figures, and youve got your revolution

How do you have a party that created Social Security lose the senior vote? Sanders asks me. The answer, he believes, is that seniors have been distracted from the pocketbook issues that should matter most in politics. The Left, in turn, can win them back, along with other white working-class voters, by downplaying the culture warswhat Ralph Nader once called gonadal issuesand instead focusing on economic populism.

Here is Sanders expressing that same view at a campaign stop in Georgia last year.

As you can see from that tweet, the criticism of Sanders is often that he attempts to appeal to white working-class voters at the expense of acknowledging racism as a factor.

Judis goes on to suggest that the current left is failing because they have made extreme demands when it comes to dealing with racism. But he ignores the possibility that white working-class voters might find that a Democratic socialist advocating for political revolution is equally extreme. In a subtle way, Judis seems to be acknowledging the fact that racism is a factor when it comes to appealing to white working-class voters by calling for moderation on racial issues while embracing extremism on those related to economics.

There is a case to be made that most Americansincluding white working-class votersare not prepared to support extremism on either front. The real test when it comes to building a progressive majority is the challenge of bringing together a coalition of voters. As Stacey Abrams suggested, that doesnt mean eschewing identity politics, it means letting voters know that we see all of you.

If that message is articulated clearly and some white working-class voters continue to object, it is very likely that racism is involved and they are never going to join a progressive coalition.

If you enjoyed this article, consider making a donation to help us produce more like it. The Washington Monthly was founded in 1969 to tell the stories of how government really worksand how to make it work better. Fifty years later, the need for incisive analysis and new, progressive policy ideas is clearer than ever. As a nonprofit, we rely on support from readers like you.

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Are Identity Politics Hampering the Current Progressive Movement? - Washington Monthly

BBC Question Time made a brief foray onto the national news agenda recently after panellist Laurence Fox accused an audience member of racism when she described him as a white, privileged male during a discussion about the medias treatment of Meghan, Duchess of Sussex. The exchange set in motion a predictable chain of events: Fox began a tour of Britains TV and podcast studios, making a series of increasingly reactionary and attention-seeking statements. Across left-leaning social media, meanwhile, Fox was mocked with a mix of amusement, disdain and pity.

But focusing on the shallowness of Foxs opinions elides the most important element of the Question Time spectacle: the fact that a significant chunk of the audience groaned as soon as the phrase white privilege was uttered. Fox was not the only person in that studio who was weary of contemporary antiracist discourse, and he wasnt the only person willing to show it.

Indeed his Question Time performance is part of a trend for anti-woke celebrities, such as Piers Morgan (examples of his attention-grabbing antipathy to wokeness are too numerous to list here), the comedian Geoff Norcott, who complains about lifestyle prefects, and the Twitter parodist Andrew Doyle, who argues that woke bullies must be resisted.

It was therefore intriguing to see how many progressives regarded Foxs outburst as a surprising event as if the actor was a foreign object that suddenly crashed into our harmonious world of social liberalism. Not least because recent political developments suggest that there are millions of Laurence Foxes up and down the country, and that their views are mainstream. Note, for example, how David Walliams joke about Fox went down at the National Television Awards. Walliams implied that Fox would find himself friendless following his appearance on Question Time, presumably expecting laughter and not the chorus of oohs that came instead. Among liberals, Fox may be the object of mocking scorn but his sudden notoriety is just one symptom of a growing anti-woke backlash that deserves closer examination.

The progressive tendency to regard anti-woke crusaders as aberrations is a hangover from the liberal consensus established in the late 90s. New Labours landslide victory in 1997 didnt signal just a change in government, but an ostensible change in our nations culture. Exhausted and demoralised by the polarising Thatcher years, British people were apparently ready for a more liberal and tolerant era.

The new received wisdom dictated that women and LGBT+ people were equal (sort of), and racism was to be condemned (unless you were a Muslim). The reason liberals still believe this consensus holds is that the politics New Labour ushered in was so dominant and all-encompassing that almost every opinion that existed outside of it was dismissed as the view of cranks.

The most salient example of this is the Conservative party, which under the leadership of David Cameron recognised it would have to lean in to socially liberal values in order to gain a hearing. The culmination of this was that the Tories historically the party of homophobic legislation would eventually outflank New Labour by overseeing the introduction of equal marriage. In 2006, the Conservative and Blair critic Matthew Parris conceded in the Times: Britain is a nicer place than when [Blair] entered Downing Street. Something tolerant, something amiable...has left its mark upon the country.

In other words, social liberalism was not merely a popular point of view: it was the new normal. It was also fundamentally modernising. The idea of these newly founded values being contested would have seemed like time going backwards.

Now that same political consensus is collapsing across the world wherever it had been established. In its place is a new, young left that is more radical on issues of social liberalism, understanding that gender, sexuality and race are bound up with questions about power and privilege, and that these intersecting identities can produce significantly different life experiences. But as the tide of 90s social liberalism has ebbed, it has also revealed another group of people (primarily older, white homeowners and pensioners) who had never bought into the consensus in the first place, and are aggressively hostile to its newer, more radical iteration.

We all know a member of this demographic: alienated by the modern world and displeased by change, they are fond of complaining that You cant say anything any more! even as their opinions are widely reproduced in the nations print media. Perhaps they spent the 2000s retreating into the Daily Mail columns of Richard Littlejohn and his contemporaries, or simply feeling lost altogether. They are the people that have enabled Brexit and Donald Trump to succeed, and have since transformed themselves into the base of a potent political movement.

Having spent so long feeling silenced by the liberal consensus, people in this group have been given a new lease of life by the rights new insurgents. Not only were they correct all along; they were actually victims, zealously persecuted by an oversensitive and censorious society. It is this righteous indignation that lends their antipathy to wokeness a defiant and almost celebratory quality. As a friend of mine puts it, we are living in bigot Christmas.

On the right, it is common to argue that the backlash to wokeness has arisen because identity politics has gone too far and rendered itself impenetrable to the majority. (This is an argument sometimes echoed in parts of the left and centre.) This argument is usually accompanied by outlandish examples of identity politics, such as a paper that suggested Greek yoghurt has been culturally appropriated, or a blogpost decrying white veganism.

Theres no doubt that these examples would indeed be incomprehensible to the majority of people. But the idea that ordinary people are being driven into the arms of authoritarianism because of an excitable article they read on the internet is facile and any progressives adopting it should ask themselves why they are parroting arguments that are largely advanced by the far right. Indeed, if the political claims of people of colour and women really had gone too far, the distribution of power and wealth in the world would look very different.

Ultimately, Laurence Fox and others like him dont want to hear about white privilege because it makes visible what has always been hidden their power and forces them to justify it. Power is nice, and liberating, and those who have it tend not to give it up without a fight.

Progressives need to wise up to the fact that they are losing this argument and decide what they are going to do in response. If they dont, they may soon find that the future they always assumed was theirs is being made without them. Or as Florian Philippot, senior strategist to Marine Le Pen, tweeted after Donald Trump beat Hillary Clinton: Their world is collapsing. Ours is being built.

Ellie Mae OHagan is a journalist and author

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The anti-woke backlash is no joke and progressives are going to lose if they dont wise up - The Guardian