Mediaboss Marketing

Wall Street Journal (subscription)

The Blue State Progressives Should Be Pleased to Share Wall Street Journal (subscription) Was it just an accident that the June 8 letters all came from blue states that pay more in federal taxes than they get back? The writers complain this is unfair. Don't they see the hypocrisy of their complaint? The states that get the perks are the ...

Continued here:
The Blue State Progressives Should Be Pleased to Share - Wall Street Journal (subscription)

This desperate Conservative government will reach out to the hardline DUP. The DUPs deputy leader Nigel Dodds, leader Arlene Foster and former leader Peter Robinson. Photograph: Charles McQuillan/Getty Images

Well, that was a shock. A Conservative majority has been toppled, a resurgent Labour party led by a emboldened leader has risen with gusto and the electoral map of Britain has been redrawn.

Progressives waking up this morning should be cheered. The number of MPs in parliament who oppose this hardline Tory government has increased, and our combined voices will be heard far louder in the next parliament.

But we face serious challenges too. This desperate Conservative government will reach out to the hardline DUP a party that denies climate change, opposes abortion and is openly homophobic. Theresa May was right to warn about a coalition of chaos her party is about to try to create one. And its a stark reminder of the inequity of our electoral system that the DUP will take 10 MPs to parliament with fewer than 300,000 votes, while my own party returns just one MP with over half a million.

Nobody knows exactly what is going to happen next, but here are the facts. Over 52% of people voted for Labour, Lib Dems, Greens, the SNP or Plaid Cymru. In numerical terms thats a progressive majority, yet were facing the Tories strong-arming their way into Downing Street. Though the Tories look likely to ask the Queen for permission to form a government, they do so in an incredibly weak position with a leader whose arrogant, negative campaign failed on its own terms.

Progressives need to be ready to offer something different by agreeing to work together wherever possible and enable a Labour minority government if such an opportunity presents itself. The Lib Dems in particular cannot sit this one out if they fail to countenance working with other progressives they will bolster the Tories.

I am proud to have been re-elected with an increased majority, and winning over half a million votes in the midst of an extreme two-party squeeze is not an insignificant achievement. Though Im deeply sad not to be joined by other Green MPs, I am truly proud that we started this campaign by looking to work with others to best beat the Tories. Its at times like these when stepping aside can be as brave a move as stepping forward. We brought issues forward in this campaign that others ignored: from the climate crisis to the positive case for free movement and a four-day working week. We looked to the future and offered a direct contrast with the Tories Little Britain.

So, what next? My first aim is to work with others to try our best to stop a lurch to the right from a Tory-DUP alliance. Ill resist a Tory government, and vote against any Queens speech it proposes. If Labour puts forward its own Queens speech, then Ill certainly be looking to influence it. I take my seat in parliament representing half a million people who voted to defend free movement, protect the environment and defend our public services I will strain every sinew to make sure those their voices are heard.

Though the rising tide of rightwing politics was defeated last night, we cannot and should not claim this as an outright victory. Instead we must consider this as a turning point, and the beginning of something, not the end. The politics of this country has been utterly transformed in the past two years. What happens next is down to all of us.

Read more:
A Labour-led government may yet emerge. We progressives must work together - The Guardian

Chalk up another loss for conventional wisdom. As Thursday dawned in Great Britain, it was expected that Prime Minister Theresa Mays Conservative Party would expand itsmajority in Parliament over the Labour Party and its far-left leader Jeremy Corbyn. Friday dawned upon a different reality: The Conservatives have 318 seats a loss of 13 seats from the previous election and eight short of the 326 needed an official majority. They will forma coalition government with the far-rightDemocratic Unionist Party, but with fewer votes to spare for any vote on Brexit (or any vote at all) the new government will be far weaker and less stable. Mays resignation and/or another election soon are both distinct possibilities.

Corbyn and Labour, with 262 seats, on the other hand have beaten every expectation: the most seatsfor Labour since 2005, the biggest share of the popular vote since 2001 and the largest popular vote swing toward Labour (almost 10 percent) since 1945. Corbyns success provides a model for U.S. progressives in 2018, 2020 and beyond: Ifyou need turnout to win as liberals in the United States do you need a bold, uncompromising platform with real solutions

Look at what Corbyn succeeded in spite of.He was attacked mercilessly by other Labour members of Parliament and party leaders, including former prime minister Tony Blair. (Many of the Labour MPs who held their seats on Thursday had voted no confidence in himjust last year.) He faced an unprecedentedly hostile media environment not just the standard mudslinging from right-wing tabloids, but skepticism and condescension from objective and even ostensibly pro-Labour outlets. Even many loyal supportersworried when the electionbegan that he would set back leftism.

Then look at what drove Corbyn to victory. No, it was not President Trump, though some Democrats are trying to make it sound that way. Labours surge came weeks before May struggled to deal with Trumps terrible tweets about terrorist attacks. Labour succeeded because turnout rose to its highest since 1997. The youth vote came out: One exit poll estimated turnout among voters under 35 at 56 percent, up 13 percent from 2015.Other estimates put youth turnoutas high as 72 percent.

Why was turnout so high? Because Corbyn was able to generate excitement among Labour voters, especially the young. Thats in no small part because of this years Labour manifesto (the British equivalentof aparty platform). Unlike other recent versions, mostly incrementalist documents that tweaked what came before, the 2017 edition is the boldest in decades: more money for the National Health Services and other major initiatives, a jobs first Brexit and free university tuition,financedby taxingcorporations and the wealthiest. The manifesto and the campaign were summed up by their elegantly simple slogan: For the many, not the few. To be clear, May ran a terrible campaign, including an insultingly vague manifesto, but Corbyn and Labour were able to capitalize so well because they offered a real alternative.

If liberalsare to succeed in the United States and elsewhere, they need high turnout, and especially high youth turnout. To do so, theyneed enthusiasm. Corbyn, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and others who have succeeded at this dont possess some mysterious charisma unavailable to everyone else. Unlikely voterswill not be convinced to turn out for the country is already great! or other vague platitudes. They will come out for real solutions to their problems, whether those solutions arecentrist, liberal, conservative or (perish the thought!) socialist.

But American voters arent like British voters, comes the reply. Thats partly true but only partly. The ever-more-connected world meanswhat was local is national and what was national is global.And there are few issues felt globally like inequality. In both countries, as elsewhere, people feel disenfranchised and unheard as many communities fall behind or remain left behind. Between 2009 and 2013 the most recent years available 85 percent of economic growth in the U.S. went to the top 1 percent.Young people in particular have come of age first watching an economic collapse driven by reckless speculation on Wall Street and deregulation in Washington and then seeing the financial firmswrongdoing go unpunished. Most votersbelieve something is very wrong with our current system.Offeringmore of the sameis a path to political obsolescence. Offering new ideas is a path to success.

Politics has changed, declared Corbyn Thursday night, and politics isnt going back in the box where it was before. He is right about British politics. If progressivesapply the lessons of his success judiciously,U.S. politics will also change for the better, for the many and not the few.

More:
Jeremy Corbyn's success is a model for American progressives - Washington Post (blog)

In the aftermath of the DNC unapologetically rigging its primaries against progressive Bernie Sanders supporters in 2016, a growing number of progressives and young voters are choosing to leave the Democratic Party, citing what they describe as irreparable corruption. Many others, however, believe the best way to fight back is to effect a hostile takeover of the party from within. The fact that we have these competing views is not a problem. What is a problem, however, is the prevailing assumption among both factions that these two strategies are mutually exclusive. I dont believe that they are.

Proponents of an internal revolution within the Democratic Party, led by Sen. Bernie Sanders, will tell you that the current two-party duopoly makes any effort to run for higher office outside one of the two major parties virtually impossible. Instead, theyre focusing on taking over the party at the local levels and launching primary challenges against the establishment-supported incumbents. These are sound ideas, though detractors are quick to point out that they do have flaws.

Progressives who have decided to kick the Democrats to the curb argue that fighting for equal representation within a party that has already demonstrated that theyre willing to violate even their own rules in order to prevent that from happening is a futile endeavor. After all, if too many people are voting for the candidate the leadership doesnt like, they can always just prevent people from voting again by altering their party affiliations in closed primary states without their consent like they did in 2016. Thats in addition to the corporate media already declaring the establishment candidate the winner before a single vote is cast. These folks, often identified by the #DemExit hashtag, mostly believe that starting a new party or joining an existing third party is the only answer.

Therein lies the problem, according to many Berniecrats. While theres a consensus among #DemExit supporters that its time for progressives and young people to leave the Democratic Party, nobody can seem to agree on exactly where we should all go from there. In our severely outdated first-past-the-post voting system, scattering votes across many different candidates and parties essentially guarantees that your movement will have little to no representation.

Both of these factions make valid arguments, which has led to a lot of debate and disagreement. Unfortunately, this has also resulted in a growing amount of animosity and division among progressives. In some cases, Ive even seen outright in-fighting, where each group accuses the other of not being progressive and/or trying to sabotage the movement. This needs to stop, as it accomplishes nothing and plays right into the hands of those in the political establishment who would like to see us remain marginalized and ignored.

So which strategy do I think is best? Thats simple: Both. Theres no reason why we cant fight to take over the Democratic Party from within while also putting pressure on them in the form of outside challenges, especially if the two factions coordinate their efforts.

For example, Berniecrats who manage to gain enough control at the state-level can push the states to adopt ranked choice instant-runoff voting, which would mean that independent and third-party candidates would no longer be at a disadvantage because lesser-evilism would no longer apply. Everyone could vote for who they want without having to worry about helping the Boogey Man du jour win. This will enable the #DemExit faction to start really making gains, diminishing the power and resources of the two major parties as they lose seats all across the country. That, in turn, should weaken the neoliberal party establishment enough for the Berniecrats to finally succeed in claiming the Democratic Party as their own.

The blueprint to our success lies in mutual cooperation, not converting everyone to the same way of thinking. People who want to leave the party should do so, while those who choose to remain should not be discouraged. Instead of focusing on trying to convince the other side that your way is better, try to think of how you could use the benefits of your way to help them with what theyre trying to accomplish. Diversity of perspectives is not a weakness. It is perhaps our greatest strength. So lets use it and work together toward our common goals.

Go here to see the original:
Berniecrats and #DemExit progressives need to work together - Newton Daily News

California Assemblyman Jimmy Gomez triumphed Tuesday in a runoff for the states Los Angeles-centered 34th Congressional District, a victory for Latino and progressive groups that overcamelow turnout and election fatigue. The seat long held by Xavier Becerra, now Californias attorney general, will be held by an aspiring member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus and supporter of single-payer health care.

Gomez, 42, defeated former L.A. planning commissioner Robert Lee Ahn, 41, who invested his own money in the race and aggressively turned out Korean-American voters. That strategy powered him through the April 4 primary for the safe blue seat, and worried Gomez supporters from the top of the California Democratic Party to groups like the Latino Victory Fund. In the primary, 64.4 percent of the vote had gone to Latino Democrats; a week before the June 6 election, ballot returns from Korean-Americans were outpacing ballot returns from Latinos.

At the same time, Ahn was attempting to shift the focus of the race from progressive credential he was formerly a Republican, while Gomez was endorsed by a Bernie Sanders-founded group to outsider status. In Ahns mailers and debate answers, Gomez, a former congressional staffer before he joined the Assembly, was a professional politician whose pile of endorsements made him suspect.

Latino Victory Fund president Cristobal J. Alex said his group put together a direct mail and voter contact campaign that moved ballots, targeting Latino voters with a series of pro-Gomez arguments.

We pushed the message that Jimmy would not only be a champion for voters, hed be a tip of the spear in the fight against Donald Trump, said Alex. Its a good example of what we need to do around the country.

Gomez won the early and mail-in vote, nearly 19,000 ballots, by just 156 votes. When election day ballots came in, he ran far ahead of Ahn, who conceded before 11 p.m. local time. But therace and results offered warnings for Democrats whove grown increasingly ambitious about taking control of the House in 2018.

Ahn was able to use his lack of party support as an asset at a sensitive time, with new California Democratic Party chairman Eric Bauman fending off attacks from a Sanders supporter who claimed that he stole his election. (Most of the dispute rests with proxy delegates, who Bauman did a better job of wrangling.) Gomez, who had backed Hillary Clinton for president, was supported somewhat reluctantly by the Sanders-founded Our Revolution after Sanders campaign veterans flamed out in the primary.

And the puny turnout less than the total vote for Democrat Jon Ossoff in the first round of his April primary for Georgias 6th District pointed to the difficulty Democrats often face in getting Latino voters to the polls for nonpresidential elections. In 2018, the party hopes to win six California seats that broke for Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, amid worries that the voters activated last year may sit out the midterm elections.

Nonetheless, Gomezs victory will add to the lefts numbers in the House, with the new congressman expected to join the House Progressive Caucus. There was more mixed news for progressives in New Jersey, where Goldman Sachs banker-turned-philanthropist Phil Murphy easily won the Democratic nomination for governor. Murphy, seeking his first elected office at age 59, put away two rivals who attempted to frame the primary as a contest between a wealthy political establishment figure and the rising progressive tide.

They lost but the reality was more complicated than the storyline. Murphy, whod backed Howard Deans 2004 presidential bid and went on to work for Barack Obama, established himself early as a progressive whod make corporations and millionaires pay their fair share and cut hedge funds out of the state pension system.

Like Gomez, he won the endorsements of progressive groups and labor unions and party machines. As Murphy built a lead in the polls, his chief rivalsJohn Wisniewski and Jim Johnson attempted tograb the mantle of Sanders; Wisniewski had chaired the Vermont senators campaign in the state. (Sanders lost the primary.) Wisniewski went so far as to criticize Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.), a Murphy backer still extremely popular with rank-and-file New Jersey Democrats, for voting against a Sanders-backed pharmaceutical bill.

But Sanders never intervened in the race. His son Levi made an eyebrow-raising campaign swing for Murphy; the senator focused on congressional races in Kansas and Montana, where Democrats gained steam but lost.

There was better news for Sanders, and Democrats, in less-watched elections for local Mississippi and Connecticut offices. In Mississippi, where Sanders led a rally of labor unions this spring, left-wing candidate Chokwe Lumumba won the mayoralty of Jackson, and a Sanders supporter won a city council seat in suburban Meridian. And in Connecticut, Democrats won control of the Board of Selectmen in wealthy Fairfield, the sort of place where the party sees a chance to capitalize on Trumps unpopularity to win new majorities.

Follow this link:
Latino Democrat wins open House seat in California, as progressives make gains - Washington Post