Archive for the ‘Progressives’ Category

How the Abortion Debate Rocked Progressivism – TIME

People take part in the Million Woman March one day after the inauguration of Donald Trump in Washington, D.C.Stephen J. BoitanoLightRocket/Getty Images

Put aside for a moment the Inauguration of President Donald Trump . Together, the Women's March on Jan. 21 and the March for Life on Jan. 27 highlight a reality that isn't going away: forty-four years after Roe v. Wade , the politics of abortion in America is more polarized and divisive than ever. Why?

Consider the about-face by the Women's March . No event in our time has been heralded as more diverse and inclusive of women everywhere until an antiabortion group called New Wave Feminists took the marchers at their word and tried to join ranks. They got the boot. "The Women's March's platform is pro-choice, and that has been our stance from day one," the excluders explained.

Which means that now, in 2017, support for abortion has become so central and nonnegotiable to today's feminism and progressivism that some women's groups aren't allowed to officially join a women's march that's supposed to be for all women. And that's just one instance of the extremes now dictated by new absolutism.

Consider the legacy of President Barack Obama. For two terms, his Administration gave teeth to the Democratic Party's support of abortion rights. It made a priority of using existing regulations to penalize demonstrators outside abortion clinics. The contraception mandate arguably covering abortifacient drugs gave rise to hundreds of lawsuits, including by indigent nuns: witness the Little Sisters of the Poor , who became part of the Supreme Court case Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores. Capping off his record, on one of his last days in office, Obama finalized a rule that banned states from withholding Title X federal money from health clinics that provide abortion.

Like-minded absolutism has led groups like the ACLU to sue Catholic hospitals and otherwise work against charitable Christian organizations. Emergency pregnancy centers run by antiabortion groups where women can get free medical advice and other help, as well as more prosaic aid like diapers and baby furniture have also become targets of progressives. The ACLU has sued the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops over its work on the southern border. The Catholic Church is instrumental in alleviating humanitarian need there, but these days defending abortion trumps helping refugees.

This is a sea change for progressivism. Until the 1990s or so, nationally respected Democrats like Sargent Shriver and Robert Casey of Pennsylvania enjoyed good standing in the party without having to recant their pro-life stances. Other progressive leaders, both before and after Roe , could also oppose abortion, and did among them Jesse Jackson (who later switched). Civil libertarian Nat Hentoff, who died in January, argued for a connection between civil liberties and the unborn. Reaching further back, many suffragists and early feminists also believed that abortion does women and children wrong with Dorothy Day and Charlotte Lozier among them. If these champions for women were alive today, they would have been barred as formal partners in the Women's March too.

Similarly, even yesterday's champions of abortion rights weren't nearly as uncompromisingly dogmatic as they've become. During the 2008 campaign, the recent Democratic standard bearer, Hillary Clinton , could call for making abortion "safe, legal and rare ." Such careful rhetoric was in keeping with reality. Yet by 2016, with its declaration of newly "unequivocal" support, the Democratic Party platform was agreed by all sides to be the most "progressive" in history more supportive of abortion rights than ever before.

Until just a few years ago, progressives had a choice between their opinions on abortion and their opinions about everything else. Now they don't. Will this choiceless stance prove acceptable to all people of the left, beyond coastal elites? Will today's abortion-rights absolutism help the Democratic Party that progressivism calls home or cleave it? Tomorrow's elections may hinge in part on answers to just those questions.

Eberstadt is an essayist and the author of several books, including It's Dangerous to Believe: Religious Freedom and Its Enemies and How the West Really Lost God: A New Theory of Secularization ; earlier books include Adam and Eve After the Pill, Home-Alone America and the satire The Loser Letters .

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How the Abortion Debate Rocked Progressivism - TIME

Swing Left and the Post-Election Surge of Progressive Activism – The New Yorker

The surge of sign-ups for Swing Left, a progressive organization aiming to identify competitive congressional districts, reflects an energy on the left in search of an outlet.CreditPHOTOGRAPH BY CHIP SOMODEVILLA / GETTY

On January 18th, the Twitter account for a new political organization posted its first tweet: a link toswingleft.orga neatly designed Web site where you can plug in your Zip Code to find the nearest U.S. House district whose seat was, in the most recent election, decided by a small marginalong with the message Lets get to work. The Swing Left campaign, which aims to win the House for Democrats in 2018, quickly went viral. The comedian Sarah Silverman tweeted Start thinking mid term elections now this makes it CRAZY easy, with a link to the site. As the roughly three million people who came out for the Womens March onSaturday made colorfully evident, an enormous, amorphous bundle of progressive energy in the country is searching for an outlet or three. By January 22nd, a hundred thousand people had signed up to receive Swing Left updates. That number has since more than doubled. In addition, ten thousand people have filled out a form on the site to offer their skills in a volunteer capacity. The Web site has been shared on Facebook nearlythree hundred thousand times.

Swing Left is the brainchild of Ethan Todras-Whitehill, a writer, GMAT teacher, dad, and political nerd who lives in Amherst, Massachusetts. Like a lot of people, after the election, I was flabbergasted and devastated, he told me this week, over the phone. But I work through stages of grief pretty quickly. The morning after Donald Trumps victory, as he sat in a local coffee shop, he reached acceptance: the Trump Presidency was real. The way forward is to do something in 2018, he said. And its a very bad map for Democrats in the Senate in 2018, but House elections tend to swing against the incumbent, particularly when one party controls all three branches. All of this meant that 2018 would be a prime opportunity for Democrats to take back the House.

Todras-Whitehill lives in a solidly blue area, with no immediate opportunities to flip or meaningfully defend a congressional district. No Republican ran for office around herethey didnt even botherand a lot of progressives live in districts like that, he said. So he went home and perused CNNs Web site to find the closest district where the margin of victory was close. It was New Yorks 19th Congressional District, where the Republican John Faso defeated Zephyr Teachout, a Democrat,by fewer than thirty thousand votes in November. I was getting ready to post on Facebook, to say that I would commit my time and energy to flipping N.Y. 19 in 2018, he said. But then I wondered, Why did I just have to do that? Why doesnt a tool for finding your nearest swing district already exist?

He called his best friend, Josh Krafchin, a developer, dad, and entrepreneur who now lives in the Bay Area and whom Todras-Whitehill has known since high school. I was like, Josh, you have to build me this tool, or we have to find someone to build it. Krafchin took to the idea immediately, and brought his wife, Miriam Stone, a brand strategist, on board. The three of them reached out to developers, designers, and friends of friends, working toward having something ready by Inauguration Day. It made them feel like they were doing something other than watching from the sidelines. We felt empowered, and we want to deliver this feeling of empowerment to progressivesto Bernie supporters, Hillary supporters, anyone whos scared about the direction this country is headed, Todras-Whitehill said.

Swing Left identifies swing districts through a simple calculation: the congressional districts whose seats were decided within a margin of fifteen percentage points. I entered my Brooklyn Zip Code and Swing Left gave me New Yorks Third Congressional District, centered in northern Nassau County, where the Democrat Tom Suozzi, a first-time congressman, won his seat in 2016 by a little more than seventeen thousand votes. In other areas of the country, the districts to which Swing Left would direct you are implausibly far from home: someone in Seattle, say, would get a district in rural Nevada. The interface is, for now, simple: Swing Left shows the district boundaries and the name of the current representative and then prompts the user to sign up for a mailing list to receive more information in the future.

Looking at the organizations map, I noticed that the district in Houston where I grew upTexas Seventhwas marked as a swing district. John Culberson, the Republican congressman to whom I would write letters about NASA when I was in elementary school and he was in the State House, defended his seat in 2016 by more than thirty-one thousand votes. Culberson chairs the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies, and for the past two years he has been laying the groundwork for the removal of federal funding from sanctuary cities. Hes best known nationally, perhaps, for exclaiming, Like 9/11, lets roll! in reference to the Republican commitment to delay Obamacare funding, in 2013. Houston has gotten increasingly blue in recent years: Harris County, which contains the Seventh District, voted for Hillary Clinton by a margin of more than twelve points. But incumbents in Congress have serious advantages: in 2012, when congressional approval rates hovered around fifteen per cent,ninety per centof House representatives were relected. Culberson, an eight-term incumbent in a district that was recently redrawn to his favor, in a seat that has been held by a Republican since George H. W. Bush flipped it, in 1966, is deeply entrenched.

We do know that fifteen per cent is a blunt-force instrument, Todras-Whitehill said. Im enough of a political nerd to understand that there are better ways of gauging a swing district. I understand that our metric will catch districts that are potentially unwinnable. But I wanted the initial criteria to be accessible, I didnt want to put my finger on the scale, and I wanted to cast a broad net. The possibility of flipping the House needed to seem tangible. He knows that the meaning of a margin depends on a districts context, and said that he hoped to encourage a public dialogue about candidates in the districts that Swing Left had identified, so that people with specific knowledge of these battleground seats could shape the sites instructions. We will remove some districts and add some districts. Well transfer people who signed up, in a way thats appropriate, and well just be totally transparent about all of it.

The importance of transparency was publicly impressed upon Swing Lefts founders within a few days of the Web sites launch: they didnt initially identify themselves anywhere on the site, and thatalong with the staggering, immediate responseprompted skepticism in some corners of the Internet. A community blogger on Daily Kos wrote a post headlined Swing Left Is Not to Be Trusted as a Progressive Resource. The blogger noted, gratuitously, that Krafchins former business partner had a Russian name, and conjectured that Swing Left might be trying to run unverified candidates against Democrats, to split the progressive vote. I asked Todras-Whitehill if he was an agent of the Russian state. Not to my knowledge, he said, laughing. But thats life on the Internet these days. And its good that our community had questions. We heard them, and were committed to transparency. This week, the founders put their names on the sites About page, and Krafchin posted anopen questionon Quora, asking what Swing Left should add to its map.

For now, Swing Left is an all-volunteer organization. The founders are working on the project close to full time. (There have been unexpected interruptions: on Tuesday, Stone went into labor with her and Krafchins second child.) Stone, Krafchin, and Todras-Whitehill are part of a core management team of eight; roughly twenty-five additional people are assisting the project in a variety of capacities. Obviously, were a huge work in progress, Todras-Whitehill said. They hope to organize their network by selecting leadership teams of four to six people for each of the fifty-two swing districts theyve identified. Under the district leaders, there will be various tiers of involvementpeople who just want to be on the e-mail list so that Swing Left can give them the narrative, and get them to feel invested in the community, as well as people who want to participate in the effort without taking on a leadership role, Todras-Whitehill said.

The energy around Swing Left has highlighted the apparent lack of proactive and reactive organization within the Democratic Party. Similarly, at the Womens March on Washington, I was surprised to experience no interaction at all with the Democratic National Committee. It may be movements like Swing Left and the Womens Marchorganized, at least initially, by fervent progressives with no professional political experiencethat pick up where the Democratic Party has failed. These new, grassroots groups seem capable of a responsiveness, and a sincere attention to criticism, that an older, larger organization may struggle to match. Even for me, without having a new child, like Josh and Miriam, this has been the craziest week of my life, in the best possible way, Todras-Whitehill said. Were going to be asking for forbearance and patience, but we will deliver on the promise that weve made.

So far, no one from the Democratic Party has reached out to him or his partners about the project. I imagine theyre cautious, he said. They want to see how it goes, see who we are. But we do want to support Democrats. We plan on being in touch with them, cordinating. Still, he added, We just felt like we had to do something. We couldnt just ask someone else to do something.

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Swing Left and the Post-Election Surge of Progressive Activism - The New Yorker

‘Disturbing ideas’ of the Progressive Movement – Acton Institute (blog)

In a new article at the Public Discourse, Actons director of research Samuel Gregg, reviews Thomas C. Leonards new book,Illiberal Reformers: Race, Eugenics, & American Economics in the Progressive Era. Leonards latest details the progressive movements reliance on eugenics and race science as well as its effort to exclude the disabled, blacks, immigrants, the poor, and women from full participation in American society.

Gregg starts his article by noting both the positive and negative events that took place in the nineteenth century:

There is much to admire about the nineteenth century. This was an era in which the Industrial Revolution and capitalism began lifting at a furious rate millions of people out of the material poverty which their forebears had endured for centuries. Throughout the West, absolute monarchies yielded to liberal constitutional regimes in which political, civil, and economic liberties gained increasing recognition. Remarkable advances also occurred in the sciences. These furthered humanitys understanding of the natural world and radically reduced the impact of disease.

Darker forces, however, were also at work during this period. Scientific racism, for instance, exercised significant influence on the educated classes. In hisDescent of Man(1871), Charles Darwin even prophesied that the civilized races of man will almost certainly exterminate, and replace, the savage races throughout the world. Nor did all nineteenth-century elites hold benign views of the workings of human freedom. Keep in mind, many of these individuals were not reactionaries concerned with preserving outmoded premodern hierarchies. Some of them belonged to the worlds largest democracy.

Leonards book details the rise of American social reformers who, under the direct and indirect influence of ideas that thrived in late nineteenth-century German universities, came to regard extensive state intervention as the means to solve social and economic problems. This was accompanied by deep skepticism about the seemingly chaotic workings of free markets and the bottom-up American associational approach to social ills. As Leonard demonstrates, ministers of religion such as Washington Gladden, lawyers such as Felix Frankfurter, efficiency experts such as Frederick Winslow Taylor, economists such as Richard T. Ely, and politicians such as Woodrow Wilson believed they simply knew better. They also yearned for a chance to prove it.

Gregg highlights how the ideas of Darwinism took root within the historical social progressive eraand worked their way into the minds of economic progressives:

This mixture of utopianism, faith in the state, and sheer confidence in their own righteousness was one aspect of the progressives mindset. Another influence, Leonard illustrates, stemmed from particular ideas flowing from or associated with Darwinism.

These ideas made their way into economic progressives arguments for systematic state intervention. Many economic progressives held, Leonard demonstrates, that regulation was the most efficient route to better hereditary. Science, they believed, had opened the way to identify the fittest. It followed, so the progressives believed, that state experts would select the fittest by regulating immigration, labor, marriage, and reproduction.

Toward the end of Greggs article, he shows how eugenics and race science influenced the progressive era:

The proliferation of such concepts made it easier for two other elements to acquire traction among economic progressives. The first was eugenics, in the sense of replacing random natural selection with purposeful social selection. The second was race science. Grounded on the then-widespread conviction that different races were inherently dissimilar in abilities and habits, race science drew heavily on polygenism: the now-generally rejected theory that humans evolved from several independent pairs of ancestors.

In some cases, the influence of eugenics and race science combined to produce very specific policy advocacy by progressives. Many, for instance, tried to ensure that the health care provided to black Americans was accompanied by eugenic measures designed to reduce the quantity and improve the quality of black births.

Economic progressives also concluded that the unemployable (such as the mentally and physically disabled) or those who threatened to drag down the wages of inherently more productive Anglo-Saxons (such as Eastern European Jews or migrants from Asia and Southern Europe) had to be squeezed out of labor markets in the name of greater economic productivity. Economic progressives subsequently designed regulatory measures to achieve this end

You can read Greggs full article at the Public Discourse.

Lord Acton's two most famous essays, with an introduction by Acton scholar and Acton Institute Advisory Board member Professor James C. Holland.

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'Disturbing ideas' of the Progressive Movement - Acton Institute (blog)

New Reality: 4 Progressives Report on Congress – Chicago Tonight | WTTW


Chicago Tonight | WTTW
New Reality: 4 Progressives Report on Congress
Chicago Tonight | WTTW
Clockwise from top left: U.S. Rep. Luis Gutierrez, U.S. Rep. Danny Davis, U.S. Rep. Mike Quigley and U.S. Rep. Jan Schakowsky. President Donald Trump has been on the job less than one week and he's already upended Washington surprising some and ...

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New Reality: 4 Progressives Report on Congress - Chicago Tonight | WTTW

Progressives Have A Secret Tech Weapon In The Fight Against Trump – Huffington Post

Its the lefts secret weapon in the continuing resistance.

While Facebook is getting a lot of the credit for making last weekends Womens March happen, a somewhat obscure tech platform called the Action Network was critical to organizers efforts. And in the wake of that worldwide protest, the platform is already helping to push the movement forward.

A nonprofit created by progressives who hoped to build a political movement with staying power, the Action Network offers toolsfor sending emails, organizing marches and events, fundraising, creating petitions, conducting surveys and connecting with other organizers. Activists who use the tools can keep all the email lists and other data they gather a feature that Facebook and most other platforms dont offer.

More than 650 womens marches in more than 50 countries were organized using the sites tools last Saturday, according to the networks own data.

This was the largest mobilization weve ever seen, Brian Young, the Action Networks co-founder, told The Huffington Post. Millions of people around the world turned out to march, according to multiple estimates.

Many of the Womens March organizers used the Action Networks tools to create embeddable sign-up widgets and maps, like the ones below, that helped spread the word about the events.

action network

Now theyre using the sites tools to get marchers to sign on for the next things:

The Action Network

As organizers plan new events over the next 100 days, tools like these may help keep the momentum going in a way that Facebook cannot.

Facebook was crucial in mobilizing women after Trumps election, to be sure. But it can only take activists so far. Theoretically, its possible for the pages of one-off events to turn into organizing tools going forward. But its much harder for one-off events to connect with each other, as happened in the Saturday marches and to stay connected. Plus, Facebooks algorithms might keep news about future events or marches off your feed.

The Action Network, by relying on email, gives activists a more consistent way to reach local organizers. If you can reach organizers, you can reach the marchers, and you can bring them back to the streets or the ballot box.

The marches that happened all over the world and in the U.S. are a great example of where grassroots organizing and technology combined can mobilize many, Ceci Young, who worked to organize sister marches this past weekend, told HuffPost in an email.

As each march formed, we had the tools and support for them to take ownership of their march on the website, Young said. This was way more effective and powerful [than] would have been possible even 5 years ago.

Organizers like Young also made useof Eventbrite, the chat tool Slackand an app called Rally, which helped people organize transportation.

Brian Young, whod worked on digital campaigns for John Kerry and Howard Dean, co-founded the Action Network in 2012. At the time, progressives were frustrated with how Occupy Wall Street had waned as a movement after the protesters packed up. The idea was to create something that would give activists an infrastructure that could help build lasting movements.

For those tracking progressive politics closely, it may not be surprising that the Action Network became the platform of choice. (It can also be used by journalists: One of the authors of this article uses the Action Network to send his newsletter to subscribers,which is how we noticed the platforms ubiquity during the Womens Marches.) It was used to organize rallies against the Keystone XL pipeline and the Dakota Access Pipeline, and to arrange the 2012 Black Friday protests against Walmarts around the country, which stunned observers with their breadth.

But all of those were just road testing the tools for the moment were in now, Young said.

While the pipeline and wage battles advanced under President Barack Obama, the Trump administration is now vowing to reverse that progress. Whether the infrastructure built during the initial protests is able to withstand this renewed pressure will to some extent determine how far Trump is able to push.

Following the outpouring of support, Womens March organizers are brimming with confidence, though it remains to be seen where the movement goes from here.

Sociologist Zeynep Tufekci, a leading expert on the relationship between social media and political movements, has found the former to be both a blessing and a curse for the latter.

While Facebook and Twitter enabled protest movements to scale up rapidly in places like Tahrir Square in Egypt, the Maidan in Ukraine and Gezi Park in Tufekcis native Turkey, she has found that such easily organized networks tend to prove fragile that they can be broken by a combination of government pressure and bitter internecine fights among allies within Facebook threads.

In the days before social media, nascent movements took much longer to grow to serious scale. But once they did, their bonds were stronger than much of what exists today.

Moving from Facebook to an email network going back in time, in some ways could actually end up moving things forward.

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Progressives Have A Secret Tech Weapon In The Fight Against Trump - Huffington Post