Mediaboss Marketing

Whenever someones candidate does not win an election, theres a period of disappointment that follows, which turns into acceptance before everyone, for the most part, moves on.

Stories of people waking up the day after the November election with feelings of distress and despair were not uncommon for chunks of communities across the United States. But as that despair turned, progressives found a way, a means to channel their energy and theyre taking the example of an unlikely group that did a similar effort years ago, the Tea Party.

At first, those now involved in these efforts deal with thoughts and emotions stemming from the results of the election.

After the election, we were all in the doldrums and bummed out, said Mike Balay of Newtown Square. He turned off the news, focused on family during the holidays and then, on Jan. 4, he saw a segment on Rachel Maddow that resonated with him.

Advertisement

It was the first time he heard of the Indivisible Guide, a website and document written by former congressional staffers that analyzed the tactics that were effectively used by the Tea Party and could be used in deflecting policies in this administration.

Balay said he recalled thinking, I can deal with this. This makes sense to me.

That weekend, he was gathering with friends at Lisa Goldsteins home in Radnor as part of a reunion for those who worked to get out the vote for Hillary Clinton in the Marple/Newtown area.

Despite the snow, 40 people attended.

At that meeting, 15 or 20 people signed up to actively volunteer, Goldstein said.

That initial gathering has become what is now the Indivisible Main Line South group, covering Newtown, Marple, Edgmont and parts of Radnor. Dozens of others have sprouted up throughout the Delaware Valley region.

The thing that really appealed to me about this approach to things is this notion of a community of people with common values and common interests, Balay said. Its not political, per se. Its not about party politics. Its about a local community working together very inclusive, very diverse and basically focusing on issues. The concept of Indivisible is to bring us all together.

Goldstein agreed.

Indivisible captured in its very name that we needed to not be divided, we needed to be united in our resistance, she said.

That is being energized by the actions of the president.

The back-handed benefit of what Donald Trump has done is hes created kind of a lightning rod to drum energy into this community of people who say Ive got to do something, Balay said.

When she was participating in the Womens March on Washington, Goldstein saw the words of Martin Luther King Jr. on signs and they reverberated with her. One was, Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.

And, she also thought of Elie Wiesel when he said, We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented.

Balay and Goldstein explained how it works.

He said his group has a leadership team of himself, Abu Rahman, Ed Goss and Sarah Dunn with about 120 people, broken into areas of interest. Their main focus at this time is engaging their federal legislators, U.S. Sens. Robert Casey, D-Pa., and Patrick Toomey, R-Pa., and U.S. Rep. Patrick Meehan, R-7, of Chadds Ford.

Its our job to hold them accountable and to be representative of all their constituents, whatever their political leanings are, they still have a responsibility to represent all of their constituents, Balay said. Were basically holding their feet to the fire literally every day somebodys calling, somebodys logging onto the website, somebody is showing up at their office or were demonstrating.

Goldstein said, We believe in talking the talk and walking the walk. Its making a phone call to your rep. Show up at their office. Show up at an event.

Balay added, It really is to resist the parts of the Trump and Republican agenda that are racist, they are non-democratic and impinge upon equal rights for all communities. Things that impact, in my own view, and undermine the pillars of our democracy.

Both said interest continues to grow, and Balay said he receives two or three requests every day from those wanting to get involved.

Goldstein said, I talk about it in the supermarket, I talk about it everywhere I go.

Balay said it doesnt take much.

It doesnt have to be a full-time job, he said. It shouldnt be a full-time job. If you think you can commit a few hours a week or a few hours every couple weeks, you could constructively be part of this group.

Much of this approach was taken from the example of the Tea Party, although the Indivisibles say there are differences.

I dont agree with what the Tea Party stood for or many of their tactics, but they were effective, Goldstein said. They were effective. Look where we are eight years later. It worked.

However, Balay said, The one thing were not like the Tea Party is were respectful to our representatives, were respectful to the supporters of our representatives, even the Trumpers. Were respectful and when we bring issues to our representatives and to the public, its based on facts.

Goldstein agreed, saying, I dont want to get out there and scream and yell. I want to do something that works.

And, she continued she wants to build community and have a mechanism by which Americans can learn to have varying perspectives in a respectful way.

Somewhere along the way, the principles our democracy have been founded on have been lost on being able to disagree and get along with each other, she said.

And, they hope it expands in its inclusiveness and encourages civic engagement in civil ways.

The Tea Party was very effective with a small number of people, Balay said. But if we can keep focused then the group is going to grow a lot bigger and its going to last a long time. As long as we can stay focused, I think were going to be far more powerful than the Tea Party.

To get involved with the Indivisible Main Line South group, email mb@indivisiblemls7thpa.org. For more information on any of the groups, visit indivisibleguide.com.

See original here:
Alt-Left? Progressives in Delco & across U.S. mobilize, taking page ... - The Delaware County Daily Times

News Release Vermont Progressive Party January 27th, 2017

Contact: Josh Wronsk Executive Director, Vermont Progressive Party 802-229-0800

Montpelier, VT The Vermont Progressive Party issued a response on Friday to Republican claims of partisan overreach by Democrats and Progressives. The claims were made in response to a decision by the House Committee on Government Operations to move forward with conducting a second recount of the Orange-1 House race. Susan Hatch Davis narrowly lost her election on November 8th, but problems with the way absentee ballots were handled and the subsequent recount led her to petition the Vermont State House of Representatives to investigate.

Hatch Davis stated that I want to make sure that all ballots that were properly submitted and are legal and valid are counted. At this point, there are still questions around how absentee ballots were treated and the way the recount was conducted. This is not about changing the results of the election, but about ensuring that the voters of my district have an accurate vote count and the integrity of our election system is upheld

The Progressive Party created a fact sheet to break down and respond to Republican claims. For example:

Claim: Susan Hatch Davis requested a judge order a second recount, this time by hand versus a machine count. The judge rejected this request.

FACTS: There were many issues raised during the hearing regarding the conduct of the election and recount. The judge determined that she did not have the authority to rule on the serious claim that absentee ballots were treated differently from town to town resulting in properly submitted ballots being rejected. The Judge ruled that only the Vermont State House of Representatives may rule on the conduct of the election. Following this decision, Susan Hatch Davis filed a motion with the Secretary of State to investigate the conduct of the election to ensure that all votes that were properly submitted are counted.

Find the fact sheet at: progressiveparty.org/factcheck/

See the original post:
Progressives Respond to Republican Recount Claims - vtdigger.org

People take part in the Million Woman March one day after the inauguration of Donald Trump in Washington, D.C.Stephen J. BoitanoLightRocket/Getty Images

Put aside for a moment the Inauguration of President Donald Trump . Together, the Women's March on Jan. 21 and the March for Life on Jan. 27 highlight a reality that isn't going away: forty-four years after Roe v. Wade , the politics of abortion in America is more polarized and divisive than ever. Why?

Consider the about-face by the Women's March . No event in our time has been heralded as more diverse and inclusive of women everywhere until an antiabortion group called New Wave Feminists took the marchers at their word and tried to join ranks. They got the boot. "The Women's March's platform is pro-choice, and that has been our stance from day one," the excluders explained.

Which means that now, in 2017, support for abortion has become so central and nonnegotiable to today's feminism and progressivism that some women's groups aren't allowed to officially join a women's march that's supposed to be for all women. And that's just one instance of the extremes now dictated by new absolutism.

Consider the legacy of President Barack Obama. For two terms, his Administration gave teeth to the Democratic Party's support of abortion rights. It made a priority of using existing regulations to penalize demonstrators outside abortion clinics. The contraception mandate arguably covering abortifacient drugs gave rise to hundreds of lawsuits, including by indigent nuns: witness the Little Sisters of the Poor , who became part of the Supreme Court case Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores. Capping off his record, on one of his last days in office, Obama finalized a rule that banned states from withholding Title X federal money from health clinics that provide abortion.

Like-minded absolutism has led groups like the ACLU to sue Catholic hospitals and otherwise work against charitable Christian organizations. Emergency pregnancy centers run by antiabortion groups where women can get free medical advice and other help, as well as more prosaic aid like diapers and baby furniture have also become targets of progressives. The ACLU has sued the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops over its work on the southern border. The Catholic Church is instrumental in alleviating humanitarian need there, but these days defending abortion trumps helping refugees.

This is a sea change for progressivism. Until the 1990s or so, nationally respected Democrats like Sargent Shriver and Robert Casey of Pennsylvania enjoyed good standing in the party without having to recant their pro-life stances. Other progressive leaders, both before and after Roe , could also oppose abortion, and did among them Jesse Jackson (who later switched). Civil libertarian Nat Hentoff, who died in January, argued for a connection between civil liberties and the unborn. Reaching further back, many suffragists and early feminists also believed that abortion does women and children wrong with Dorothy Day and Charlotte Lozier among them. If these champions for women were alive today, they would have been barred as formal partners in the Women's March too.

Similarly, even yesterday's champions of abortion rights weren't nearly as uncompromisingly dogmatic as they've become. During the 2008 campaign, the recent Democratic standard bearer, Hillary Clinton , could call for making abortion "safe, legal and rare ." Such careful rhetoric was in keeping with reality. Yet by 2016, with its declaration of newly "unequivocal" support, the Democratic Party platform was agreed by all sides to be the most "progressive" in history more supportive of abortion rights than ever before.

Until just a few years ago, progressives had a choice between their opinions on abortion and their opinions about everything else. Now they don't. Will this choiceless stance prove acceptable to all people of the left, beyond coastal elites? Will today's abortion-rights absolutism help the Democratic Party that progressivism calls home or cleave it? Tomorrow's elections may hinge in part on answers to just those questions.

Eberstadt is an essayist and the author of several books, including It's Dangerous to Believe: Religious Freedom and Its Enemies and How the West Really Lost God: A New Theory of Secularization ; earlier books include Adam and Eve After the Pill, Home-Alone America and the satire The Loser Letters .

Read more:
How the Abortion Debate Rocked Progressivism - TIME

The surge of sign-ups for Swing Left, a progressive organization aiming to identify competitive congressional districts, reflects an energy on the left in search of an outlet.CreditPHOTOGRAPH BY CHIP SOMODEVILLA / GETTY

On January 18th, the Twitter account for a new political organization posted its first tweet: a link toswingleft.orga neatly designed Web site where you can plug in your Zip Code to find the nearest U.S. House district whose seat was, in the most recent election, decided by a small marginalong with the message Lets get to work. The Swing Left campaign, which aims to win the House for Democrats in 2018, quickly went viral. The comedian Sarah Silverman tweeted Start thinking mid term elections now this makes it CRAZY easy, with a link to the site. As the roughly three million people who came out for the Womens March onSaturday made colorfully evident, an enormous, amorphous bundle of progressive energy in the country is searching for an outlet or three. By January 22nd, a hundred thousand people had signed up to receive Swing Left updates. That number has since more than doubled. In addition, ten thousand people have filled out a form on the site to offer their skills in a volunteer capacity. The Web site has been shared on Facebook nearlythree hundred thousand times.

Swing Left is the brainchild of Ethan Todras-Whitehill, a writer, GMAT teacher, dad, and political nerd who lives in Amherst, Massachusetts. Like a lot of people, after the election, I was flabbergasted and devastated, he told me this week, over the phone. But I work through stages of grief pretty quickly. The morning after Donald Trumps victory, as he sat in a local coffee shop, he reached acceptance: the Trump Presidency was real. The way forward is to do something in 2018, he said. And its a very bad map for Democrats in the Senate in 2018, but House elections tend to swing against the incumbent, particularly when one party controls all three branches. All of this meant that 2018 would be a prime opportunity for Democrats to take back the House.

Todras-Whitehill lives in a solidly blue area, with no immediate opportunities to flip or meaningfully defend a congressional district. No Republican ran for office around herethey didnt even botherand a lot of progressives live in districts like that, he said. So he went home and perused CNNs Web site to find the closest district where the margin of victory was close. It was New Yorks 19th Congressional District, where the Republican John Faso defeated Zephyr Teachout, a Democrat,by fewer than thirty thousand votes in November. I was getting ready to post on Facebook, to say that I would commit my time and energy to flipping N.Y. 19 in 2018, he said. But then I wondered, Why did I just have to do that? Why doesnt a tool for finding your nearest swing district already exist?

He called his best friend, Josh Krafchin, a developer, dad, and entrepreneur who now lives in the Bay Area and whom Todras-Whitehill has known since high school. I was like, Josh, you have to build me this tool, or we have to find someone to build it. Krafchin took to the idea immediately, and brought his wife, Miriam Stone, a brand strategist, on board. The three of them reached out to developers, designers, and friends of friends, working toward having something ready by Inauguration Day. It made them feel like they were doing something other than watching from the sidelines. We felt empowered, and we want to deliver this feeling of empowerment to progressivesto Bernie supporters, Hillary supporters, anyone whos scared about the direction this country is headed, Todras-Whitehill said.

Swing Left identifies swing districts through a simple calculation: the congressional districts whose seats were decided within a margin of fifteen percentage points. I entered my Brooklyn Zip Code and Swing Left gave me New Yorks Third Congressional District, centered in northern Nassau County, where the Democrat Tom Suozzi, a first-time congressman, won his seat in 2016 by a little more than seventeen thousand votes. In other areas of the country, the districts to which Swing Left would direct you are implausibly far from home: someone in Seattle, say, would get a district in rural Nevada. The interface is, for now, simple: Swing Left shows the district boundaries and the name of the current representative and then prompts the user to sign up for a mailing list to receive more information in the future.

Looking at the organizations map, I noticed that the district in Houston where I grew upTexas Seventhwas marked as a swing district. John Culberson, the Republican congressman to whom I would write letters about NASA when I was in elementary school and he was in the State House, defended his seat in 2016 by more than thirty-one thousand votes. Culberson chairs the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies, and for the past two years he has been laying the groundwork for the removal of federal funding from sanctuary cities. Hes best known nationally, perhaps, for exclaiming, Like 9/11, lets roll! in reference to the Republican commitment to delay Obamacare funding, in 2013. Houston has gotten increasingly blue in recent years: Harris County, which contains the Seventh District, voted for Hillary Clinton by a margin of more than twelve points. But incumbents in Congress have serious advantages: in 2012, when congressional approval rates hovered around fifteen per cent,ninety per centof House representatives were relected. Culberson, an eight-term incumbent in a district that was recently redrawn to his favor, in a seat that has been held by a Republican since George H. W. Bush flipped it, in 1966, is deeply entrenched.

We do know that fifteen per cent is a blunt-force instrument, Todras-Whitehill said. Im enough of a political nerd to understand that there are better ways of gauging a swing district. I understand that our metric will catch districts that are potentially unwinnable. But I wanted the initial criteria to be accessible, I didnt want to put my finger on the scale, and I wanted to cast a broad net. The possibility of flipping the House needed to seem tangible. He knows that the meaning of a margin depends on a districts context, and said that he hoped to encourage a public dialogue about candidates in the districts that Swing Left had identified, so that people with specific knowledge of these battleground seats could shape the sites instructions. We will remove some districts and add some districts. Well transfer people who signed up, in a way thats appropriate, and well just be totally transparent about all of it.

The importance of transparency was publicly impressed upon Swing Lefts founders within a few days of the Web sites launch: they didnt initially identify themselves anywhere on the site, and thatalong with the staggering, immediate responseprompted skepticism in some corners of the Internet. A community blogger on Daily Kos wrote a post headlined Swing Left Is Not to Be Trusted as a Progressive Resource. The blogger noted, gratuitously, that Krafchins former business partner had a Russian name, and conjectured that Swing Left might be trying to run unverified candidates against Democrats, to split the progressive vote. I asked Todras-Whitehill if he was an agent of the Russian state. Not to my knowledge, he said, laughing. But thats life on the Internet these days. And its good that our community had questions. We heard them, and were committed to transparency. This week, the founders put their names on the sites About page, and Krafchin posted anopen questionon Quora, asking what Swing Left should add to its map.

For now, Swing Left is an all-volunteer organization. The founders are working on the project close to full time. (There have been unexpected interruptions: on Tuesday, Stone went into labor with her and Krafchins second child.) Stone, Krafchin, and Todras-Whitehill are part of a core management team of eight; roughly twenty-five additional people are assisting the project in a variety of capacities. Obviously, were a huge work in progress, Todras-Whitehill said. They hope to organize their network by selecting leadership teams of four to six people for each of the fifty-two swing districts theyve identified. Under the district leaders, there will be various tiers of involvementpeople who just want to be on the e-mail list so that Swing Left can give them the narrative, and get them to feel invested in the community, as well as people who want to participate in the effort without taking on a leadership role, Todras-Whitehill said.

The energy around Swing Left has highlighted the apparent lack of proactive and reactive organization within the Democratic Party. Similarly, at the Womens March on Washington, I was surprised to experience no interaction at all with the Democratic National Committee. It may be movements like Swing Left and the Womens Marchorganized, at least initially, by fervent progressives with no professional political experiencethat pick up where the Democratic Party has failed. These new, grassroots groups seem capable of a responsiveness, and a sincere attention to criticism, that an older, larger organization may struggle to match. Even for me, without having a new child, like Josh and Miriam, this has been the craziest week of my life, in the best possible way, Todras-Whitehill said. Were going to be asking for forbearance and patience, but we will deliver on the promise that weve made.

So far, no one from the Democratic Party has reached out to him or his partners about the project. I imagine theyre cautious, he said. They want to see how it goes, see who we are. But we do want to support Democrats. We plan on being in touch with them, cordinating. Still, he added, We just felt like we had to do something. We couldnt just ask someone else to do something.

The rest is here:
Swing Left and the Post-Election Surge of Progressive Activism - The New Yorker

In a new article at the Public Discourse, Actons director of research Samuel Gregg, reviews Thomas C. Leonards new book,Illiberal Reformers: Race, Eugenics, & American Economics in the Progressive Era. Leonards latest details the progressive movements reliance on eugenics and race science as well as its effort to exclude the disabled, blacks, immigrants, the poor, and women from full participation in American society.

Gregg starts his article by noting both the positive and negative events that took place in the nineteenth century:

There is much to admire about the nineteenth century. This was an era in which the Industrial Revolution and capitalism began lifting at a furious rate millions of people out of the material poverty which their forebears had endured for centuries. Throughout the West, absolute monarchies yielded to liberal constitutional regimes in which political, civil, and economic liberties gained increasing recognition. Remarkable advances also occurred in the sciences. These furthered humanitys understanding of the natural world and radically reduced the impact of disease.

Darker forces, however, were also at work during this period. Scientific racism, for instance, exercised significant influence on the educated classes. In hisDescent of Man(1871), Charles Darwin even prophesied that the civilized races of man will almost certainly exterminate, and replace, the savage races throughout the world. Nor did all nineteenth-century elites hold benign views of the workings of human freedom. Keep in mind, many of these individuals were not reactionaries concerned with preserving outmoded premodern hierarchies. Some of them belonged to the worlds largest democracy.

Leonards book details the rise of American social reformers who, under the direct and indirect influence of ideas that thrived in late nineteenth-century German universities, came to regard extensive state intervention as the means to solve social and economic problems. This was accompanied by deep skepticism about the seemingly chaotic workings of free markets and the bottom-up American associational approach to social ills. As Leonard demonstrates, ministers of religion such as Washington Gladden, lawyers such as Felix Frankfurter, efficiency experts such as Frederick Winslow Taylor, economists such as Richard T. Ely, and politicians such as Woodrow Wilson believed they simply knew better. They also yearned for a chance to prove it.

Gregg highlights how the ideas of Darwinism took root within the historical social progressive eraand worked their way into the minds of economic progressives:

This mixture of utopianism, faith in the state, and sheer confidence in their own righteousness was one aspect of the progressives mindset. Another influence, Leonard illustrates, stemmed from particular ideas flowing from or associated with Darwinism.

These ideas made their way into economic progressives arguments for systematic state intervention. Many economic progressives held, Leonard demonstrates, that regulation was the most efficient route to better hereditary. Science, they believed, had opened the way to identify the fittest. It followed, so the progressives believed, that state experts would select the fittest by regulating immigration, labor, marriage, and reproduction.

Toward the end of Greggs article, he shows how eugenics and race science influenced the progressive era:

The proliferation of such concepts made it easier for two other elements to acquire traction among economic progressives. The first was eugenics, in the sense of replacing random natural selection with purposeful social selection. The second was race science. Grounded on the then-widespread conviction that different races were inherently dissimilar in abilities and habits, race science drew heavily on polygenism: the now-generally rejected theory that humans evolved from several independent pairs of ancestors.

In some cases, the influence of eugenics and race science combined to produce very specific policy advocacy by progressives. Many, for instance, tried to ensure that the health care provided to black Americans was accompanied by eugenic measures designed to reduce the quantity and improve the quality of black births.

Economic progressives also concluded that the unemployable (such as the mentally and physically disabled) or those who threatened to drag down the wages of inherently more productive Anglo-Saxons (such as Eastern European Jews or migrants from Asia and Southern Europe) had to be squeezed out of labor markets in the name of greater economic productivity. Economic progressives subsequently designed regulatory measures to achieve this end

You can read Greggs full article at the Public Discourse.

Lord Acton's two most famous essays, with an introduction by Acton scholar and Acton Institute Advisory Board member Professor James C. Holland.

View original post here:
'Disturbing ideas' of the Progressive Movement - Acton Institute (blog)