Archive for the ‘Progressives’ Category

Q&A: Ro Khanna is the progressive who wants to transport Democrats to the future – The Hill

Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) was feeling good.

The progressive congressman saw President Bidens signing of the CHIPS and Science Act Tuesday as just one of several legislative victories in the Democrats arsenal heading into the midterm elections.

Some of those accomplishments, he believes, can help bring about a new vision for the party, where innovation and patriotism merge to remake a stronger, more economically inclusive America.

Khanna chatted with The Hill while catching a JetBlue flight to New Hampshire his second trip to the critical early primary state this summer to discuss recent achievements on climate, his friend Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) and electoral strategy beyond November 2022.

This interview has been condensed for length.

The Hill: Big day for you.

Khanna:Yeah, it was! Ive been working on this legislation [the CHIPS and Science Act]for almost three-and-a-half years. Its been a long journey, but its great to see the president sign it.

My whole mantra has been a new economic patriotism. That we have to focus on bringing the new factories, the new industry to places that have been totally deindustrialized. That deindustrialization and job loss in factory towns like New Castle, Ind., and Janesville, Wis., is part of the cause of the polarization in our nation.

The Hill: What would you say is the most critical message that voters can glean from this?

Khanna:We need to make things in America again. For 40 years, we had wrong policies that shipped our production offshore, factory towns suffered with divorce, with suicides, with the destruction of community because of corporate greed that basically let factories go offshore. Our politicians did nothing about it. And now its time to make things in America.

The Hill: Talk about the bipartisan nature of that.

Khanna: The initial versions of this we introduced were [with]Todd Young, a Republican senator from Indiana, and [Rep.] Mike Gallagher [R], whos a Marine from Wisconsin. It was all about building things and making things in this country.

The Hill: How much credit do progressives get for this particular achievement?

Khanna:On the CHIPS bill, the progressive caucus really helped to make sure the money isnt going to stock buybacks and theres strong guardrails on this. The reality is that making things in America and having the government work with the private sector in business is an FDR policy. Thats how we had a victory of production. I think progressives often dont appreciate how much FDRs victory of production and mobilization of production was working with business leaders.

Progressives should embrace the broader vision of working with business to reindustrialize America. To have new factories, to build new things. It should be not just a check on corporate greed, but what is the affirmative vision?

The CHIPS and the [separate] climate bill is just a down payment on having a vision for a new economic patriotism. Imagine if we could open up a new plant, a new factory in every congressional district in this country? Or at least two per state. And have President Biden out there, opening these new factories, standing with business leaders and union leaders in these towns. It would change the psychology of America. Communities that feel down and out will feel that they and their kids can participate in the next generation of economic vitality again. Its not just about the job and the economy, its about patriotism and aspiration.

The Hill: [On working with Manchin on climate issues]: Would you say thats an area where you can see room for additional progress? Progressives having more of a give and take?

Khanna:Progressives can be very proud of the climate provisions because its groups like Sunrise and [Sen.] Bernies [Sanders (I-Vt.)] campaign and NRDC [Natural Resources Defense Council]and Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace that made climate the priority, that had it be such a big part of Build Back Better. That had me say to Sen. Manchin, this is the one thing you cant compromise on. If it wasnt for their activism and it was ordinary times, we might be 10-fold lower.

The Hill: How much of a boost do you see Biden gaining from this? Can that be sustained through November?

Khanna:He should get a boost. Lets see how it plays out. I think the important thing is we need to be in the communities across the country talking about the benefits people will get.

One of the challenges of a policy of tax credit versus the policy of CHIPS, [is] the policy of CHIPS is a little more visible. You have the government stand with the CEO of Intel in Columbus, Ohio, and open up this new factory and talk about 7,000 jobs. And so the government gets credit and is part of that message. Thats why the New Deal was so successful FDR took credit for everything that happened.

The challenge with the tax credit is its over 10 years, and how do we make that visible? How do we say that a company thats succeeding, that it was because of the governments support? Its a bigger challenge for us as legislators to be in those communities and explain what the government is doing and how its going to help their lives.

The Hill: [On the FBI raid of former President Trumps Mar-a-Lago estate]. Could [it] end up hurting Democrats in November?

Khanna:I think it depends on what comes out of it. What is the follow-up action that emerges?

The Hill: The very fact that there was a raid, you dont think is necessarily enough to handicap Democrats?

Khanna:It depends on what they find and what actions the Justice Department takes. Theres no way to gauge this.

The Hill: Are you saying on the record that you want Biden to run in 2024?

Khanna:I will support him.

The Hill: In terms of your preference for him running?

Khanna:Thats his decision. Hes the incumbent president. If he runs, hell have my support. Hes got the wisdom to make the decision. I dont think hed run if he didnt think he could win.

The Hill: Are you still going to New Hampshire tonight?

Khanna:I am. The Young Democrats invited me. Im just boarding JetBlue as we speak.

The Hill: Obviously, your trip will get some attention among the local press and national for its first-in-the-nation stuff. Im curious what you would say to the oncoming speculation youre probably about to get in the next 24 hours.

Khanna:[New Hampshire Democratic Party Chairman] Ray Buckley invited me and I said sure. I went up there on a book talk and this came out of it. I would just say that Im going up because the Young Democrats invited me.

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Q&A: Ro Khanna is the progressive who wants to transport Democrats to the future - The Hill

Biaggi wants to defeat the DCCC boss in New York. Her ex-staff has a story to tell. – POLITICO

Biaggis reply was typical of an operating style in which every communication was expected to take immediate priority, according to Evans, who left the office in February 2021 after two years when, she said, her doctor told her the stress was damaging her physical health. She and a half dozen other former staffers who spoke to POLITICO described Biaggi as a boss with few boundaries and all-hours demands that resulted in rapid turnover through her office and campaign team.

That management style is drawing sharper scrutiny as Biaggi one of the highest profile progressives in New York politics runs in a competitive Hudson Valley House primary Aug. 23 against a leading establishment Democrat: Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney, the head of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.

The race, one of the most closely watched primaries in the nation, has fueled attacks by Biaggi and leading progressives that Maloney funded conservative Republicans nationwide in primaries as a DCCC political strategy and criticism by Maloney that Biaggi is out of touch with the swing district that he represented a portion of for five terms.

Maloney, too, is fielding complaints about his treatment of staff. Last month, a former congressional aide who Maloneys campaign paid to move from Miami to New York in 2014 when he was hired as an executive assistant told the New York Post that his role became that of a body man for Maloney during the more than four years he worked for the congressman.

The race will test whether progressives like Biaggi, who has been endorsed by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, can knock off an establishment Democratic incumbent in 2022 and perhaps join The Squad, the AOC-backed progressive delegation in Congress. Biaggi, the granddaughter of late Bronx Rep. Mario Biaggi, has done it before: In 2018, she beat state Senate Democratic powerhouse Jeff Klein with a fraction of his campaign cash in one the most expensive Democratic primary fights in New York history.

But she has a record now, and in Albany, questions over Biaggis workplace environment are striking in juxtaposition to her defining rhetoric: As chairperson of the Senate Ethics committee, Biaggi and her young, progressive colleagues are challenging and changing the old, toxic ways of operating at the state Capitol, which has been marred by decades of scandal and sexual harassment cases.

Democrat Alessandra Biaggi offers her email to a resident at an affordable housing complex in Peekskill where she canvassed July 16 for her congressional run against incumbent Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney.|Anna Gronewold/POLITICO

On the campaign trail, Biaggi is warm and effusive.

Its her favorite part, she said several times during a July morning door-knocking session at a public housing complex in Peekskill in Westchester County. Meeting voters, telling them how shes fought for their rights and how shes ready to do it again in Congress.

Its kind of an issue; I could talk to this plant, she jokes, gesturing to the landscaping. Im just so curious about people. And I actually would, like, harm my own self to fight against people who are cruel to others.

Part of that comes from spending her entire life around prolific New York politicians, including her grandfather, who was a Democratic kingpin in the Bronx and served in Congress for 20 years. She served as counsel in the administration of former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, but later left and became one of his chief critics.

At the Peekskill complex, Biaggi has a long list of registered Democrats to pitch, but she is waylaid at the first door she comes to. She is invited into the home of a woman who is plagued by fears of eviction, rent increases and a retaliatory building manager. Biaggi perches on the couch, shaking her head, pursing her lips, gasping in rage and offering her personal email and Fordham Law legal expertise to find solutions.

Its the kind of in-person empathy also projected by Ocasio-Cortez and the Working Families Party, which also has endorsed Biaggis congressional run.

In 2018, Biaggis victory over Klein helped Democrats regain control of the Senate for the first time in decades. Klein led a small group of Democrats, called the Independent Democratic Conference, who often voted with Republicans and effectively blocking a laundry list of Democratic legislation from becoming law.

Biaggi became a prominent force for change in Albany. The Democratic-led Legislature has since blown through a backlog of progressive bills, including new protections for tenants. She also helped lead the charge to fight sexual harassment in Albany, successfully pushing to hold the first hearings on the issue in 27 years and to pass an omnibus package with new protections for victims.

Soon, 30 minutes passed in the same womans living room, and as she makes an exit, Biaggi finds herself sitting on a patio with a man whos lived at the complex for decades. A group of curious neighbors begins to gather. Biaggi is suddenly up on her feet, talking with her whole body.

First her arms are fully outstretched, then shes slapping one hand with the back of another, in a retelling of the injustices she witnessed during a tour of Rikers Island last year. She parallels it to the way the residents tell her they have been treated by the housing directors their flowers and recreational spaces have been bulldozed, a planned power cut is scheduled to take place during the heatwave. She uses the words cruel and unacceptable a lot.

Oh, I like her, one of the residents whispers to Tina Volz-Bongar, a Democratic Party district leader who is backing Biaggi. She then turns to Biaggi. Youve got my vote, but what are you, like 10 years old? she asks.

Biaggi laughs. She is 36. Her Italian grandmother told her to smear Vaseline on her face at night, she said. It preserves her youth. The crowd laughs and heads nod. Biaggis campaign staffers finish canvassing the rest of the multi-building complex without her.

New York Sen. Alessandra Biaggi, D-Bronx, celebrates after her legislation to change state legal standards on sexual harassment to help victims prove harassment cases as members discuss the Bill in the Senate Chamber at the state Capitol Wednesday, June 19, 2019, in Albany, N.Y. (AP Photo/Hans Pennink)|AP Photo

Biaggi, who lives in North Castle in Westchester, a suburban county north of New York City, didnt mean to make ousting white, male, establishment incumbents her brand, she said later, but it somehow stuck. In the Senate, she quickly became a thorn in the side of Cuomo and his staff, and she was rumored to be considering challenging him in a primary long before his fall from grace. She was never actually going to do that, she says now.

I did not want to run for governor, Ill be very clear, she said. But I was happy that he thought I did because it kept him on his toes. And it allowed me to have a platform to speak to people about what he was up to and people listened and that was so important.

Her latest fight was also unplanned after New Yorks bungled redistricting process produced a new set of maps at the last minute, Biaggi dropped the Long Island-based congressional seat she initially planned to chase.

Instead, she announced she would challenge Maloney, partly as punishment for his strong-arming freshman colleague Rep. Mondaire Jones out of his Hudson Valley district, forcing him to run in the hotly contested 10th District in Brooklyn.

I think we all want to see people actually take risks on behalf of people, instead of themselves. That, to me, is how we actually get a different world, she said.

The dream of that world is why many of Biaggis former staffers initially signed up.

Evans, now 31, says when she joined the team shortly after Biaggi took office in 2019, the energy was palpable. Evans worked on legislation creating workforce protections and anti-harassment measures. The shine of those historic moments quickly wore off.

She was doing the same shit she criticized, behind her own closed doors, Evans said. And I honestly think thats the most disappointing thing and really very dangerous. Shes so good at outwardly projecting, but where were these protections for her own staff?

Evans and the other staffers said in interviews that they were expected to field calls and texts from Biaggi at all hours of the night, regardless of the level of urgency. There was a disconnect between the events and photo opportunities Biaggi sought out and her understanding of the work it took to accomplish things she was talking about, said three staffers who worked in her Bronx district. Two described becoming physically ill with anxiety about the constant alertness she demanded on nights, weekends and holidays.

Part of the stress was the confusion of a double standard: when Biaggi wanted space during a vacation in April 2019, she sent a Slack message to her team, which had been requesting her sign-off for legislative business.

@here GM - unless something is literally on fire and you need extra water, do not email/text/call me. It is v frustrating that my phone is going off every 5-10 minutes it is not okay for everyone to expect that I am readily available at the drop of a hat on my time off, when that is not reciprocated during regular business days, the message shown to POLITICO said.

Evans counted at least 16 departures from Biaggis government office which would typically employ about 10 individuals at a time during her time there between 2019 and 2021. That did not include any from the campaign team.

She and the other former staffers acknowledged turnover is not uncommon for a new office during a tumultuous time in the state and nation. But they each had worked in other offices throughout New York politics for demanding bosses, both male and female, and said Biaggi was different.

They each independently expressed that the hypocrisy was the hardest part her public comments about championing positive workplaces, boundaries, equal protections and mental health didnt apply to her own staff. Evans, for example, said that during the first few months of 2021 she was told to reschedule her own mid-morning, bi-weekly therapy sessions which she was allowed during the rest of the year so she could have a clear calendar for the all-consuming budget season.

Yeah, working there sucked all around, said one former senior staff member who, like others, spoke on condition of anonymity to candidly discuss their former employer.

Whatever youve heard, I promise its true, and you probably havent heard the worst of it, said another.

We were all terrified of her. I hate to give her that power, but you can work hard to get what you want, and still not talk down to people like that, Evans said.

By the time Biaggi was making the national media rounds in 2021, bashing Cuomo for the cruel and demeaning workplace hed cultivated, they couldnt help but notice some similarities when it came to downtrodden staff in their own office, they said.

Its ironic the way she talked about Cuomos toxic work environment, she could have been talking about her own office, they said. It was all about serving her, making her look good, not about serving the public.

When asked about the specific criticisms from the former staffers, Biaggi vowed to take feedback from her team about how she can be a better manager, and said she could never do my job without my team who work incredibly hard to live up to the needs of our constituents, she said in a statement.

The relentless demand of the work we do day in and day out has only been exacerbated by the pandemic but I wouldnt want to do any other work. I love the team we have built and will always value and take seriously all feedback from each member. It makes us stronger and better at what we do everyday, including myself.

Her reputation in the state Capitol is also mixed: Shes known to largely reject meetings with lobbyists and sometimes spurn opportunities for compromise required in a legislative body.

Her friends like Brooklyn Democrat Sen. Julia Salazar use words like passionate and fierce. Salazar said she wasnt aware of any widespread complaints about Biaggi as a boss or colleague.

I really admire her as someone whos able to, on the one hand, be forceful and try to shape the agenda of the conference, while also having respect for her colleagues, Salazar said. I think it can be a delicate balance, but shes done it really well.

Others even some of her allies said her interpersonal style is divisive but also had a positive impact on the state Senates Democratic Conference.

Alessandra came into the Senate as an outsider and has relished that reputation since her election, said one Democratic senator who did not want be named to avoid taking sides in the high-profile primary. A small handful of colleagues may characterize that sort of approach as not being able to play well in the sandbox most colleagues and I appreciate her conviction and tenacity.

Regardless, Biaggi will not be headed back to the state Senate next year. Shes endorsed Assemblymember Nathalia Fernandez to replace her. That was over another candidate, Christian Amato, a strategist and community organizer who was fired from Biaggis staff in 2019. Amato, when reached for comment, did not discuss the details of his departure, but said he was not surprised Biaggi backed Fernandez.

Our communities that make up the new 34th district are communities that have historically been overlooked overlooked by their representatives, you know, in a grander sense, by New York City, by the county, when we talk about resiliency or transportation issues, he said. So I think that two candidates who are so focused on keeping higher office and not focused on actually improving the material needs of their constituents in their community its really telling that they would come together.

Sean Patrick Maloney isnt too popular with some of his colleagues right now because of concerns about his DCCC leadership, and he also has recently fielded a complaint about his treatment of staff.|AP

Its unclear how Biaggis public or private personas might play with voters who may not even know theres a primary in late August as summer winds down.

She and her brand of progressive politics face a different landscape than the one that brought her into power in 2018 and also helped Ocasio-Cortez unseat Rep. Joe Crowley that same year. The progressives who made promises four years ago with the fuel of an anti-Trump fervor are now challenged to prove that they were more than social media lip service. But theyre also being watched to see if theyve been absorbed by the systems they vowed to upend.

In New York, voters have embraced more moderate Democrats in recent elections driven by fears for public safety and an uncertain economy. And far-left candidates were largely beaten back at the polls in New Yorks June primaries for governor and the state Assembly.

I think that people would agree Senators Biaggi, Salazar, (Jessica) Ramos and everyone who knocked out the IDC (the Independent Democratic Conference) were correct in step with where New Yorkers were, Jon Reinish, a Democratic strategist at Mercury Public Affairs, said.

But its not 2018, the state environment has changed, and people are feeling theres a backlash to who we are as New Yorkers and theres a doubt that sending another squad member to Congress would be helpful.

Biaggi has never represented any part of the newly drawn Hudson Valley district. Its geography leans a moderate blue, but could elect a Republican in the unpredictability of this years midterm. It also includes a large and politically active Jewish voting bloc.

Both candidates have announced publicly they support Israel, but the districts Jewish community which could drive significant turnout is cautious because they have viewed many of Biaggis allies, like AOC, as hostile.

The primary winner will face the victor of the Republican primary, where Assemblymember Mike Lawler is on track to prevail by way of strong fundraising and local endorsements. Some polling suggests slim margins in a hypothetical race between Maloney and Lawler.

Maloney isnt too popular with some of his colleagues right now because of concerns about his DCCC leadership, and he also has recently fielded a complaint about his treatment of staff.

Harold Leath regularly spent time with Maloney and his family outside of work, accompanied him everywhere he went in the district, and told the New York Post my main responsibility was to make sure the congressman and his family never needed anything.

A former chairwoman of the Dutchess County Democratic Party who is backing Biaggi has filed a complaint with the Office of Congressional Ethics and asked for an investigation. The Maloney campaign and office have denied any ethical or financial wrongdoing and said any investigation will prove that.

Still, internal polling from both his and Biaggis campaigns shows him with double digits leads. He has significantly more cash on hand and support from more than 75 current and former Democratic officials, labor unions, local committees and other interest groups. On Wednesday, former President Bill Clinton endorsed him. (The district includes the Clintons Westchester County home of Chappaqua.)

On Saturday, he received the endorsement of the New York Times.

A low-turnout primary could cut both ways: Maloney could be carried by name recognition and mobilization from top Democratic leaders; Biaggis could be buoyed by her grassroots efforts. Thats Biaggis goal: Getting communities out to vote by pointing to the things her opponent hasnt done in Washington amid the turbulent times.

Ive got to remind voters: Im frustrated too, she said. Im a young person watching all of these things happen. And Im like, what are you guys doing? Like, can you have some urgency with what were fighting for? The fact that they dont feel the urgency to me is a disqualification.

Maloneys campaign says that characterization is desperate attacks from a flailing campaign and pointed to Maloneys House leadership team role in passing the first major gun safety reform package in decades, as well as the massive climate, tax and healthcare package making its way through Congress this month.

Biaggi is losing by double digits in her own internal polls because she is running a campaign based on smearing Rep. Maloney instead of making any positive case for herself, spokesperson Mia Ehrenberg said,. Thats why she has yet to receive a single endorsement from a local elected official, union or Democratic committee.

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Biaggi wants to defeat the DCCC boss in New York. Her ex-staff has a story to tell. - POLITICO

To keep winning, progressives must do more than grassroots organizing …

This month, progressives eked out a narrow yet significant victory. In Pennsylvania's 12th congressional district, in the Pittsburgh area, state Rep. Summer Lee overcame almost $4 million in spending from conservative and moderate super PACs to defeat her opponent, Steve Irwin, by just a few hundred votes.

Lee and her allies were quick to credit grassroots organizing for her victory.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez tweeted: "People over money. You absolutely love to see it."

My former boss, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, chimed in: "When you fight from the heart and build a grassroots movement, you can win."

RELATED:Possible Sinema challenger surges, as she promises big donors she'll protect their tax breaks

It's an inspiring narrative, especially for progressive candidates across the country who are facinghistorically unprecedented levels of super PAC spending on behalf of their moderate or centrist opponents. But it's easy to overlook an important fact: Lee received almost $2 million of independent expenditure support herself.

To be clear, Lee was still outspent significantly by pro-Israel super PACs and Irwin's campaign. But between her own campaign operation and outside support from Justice Democrats, the Working Families Party and others, voters likely saw almost $3 million worth of ads and mailers supporting Lee's candidacy.

Lee's progressive platform is broadly popular, and she ran a robust field program. But in the end she won by an exceedingly narrow margin, so it seems clear that every penny of that nearly $3 million was necessary to deliver a victory.

The progressive movement needs more people like Summer Lee in Congress. And it's clearer than ever that if we want to achieve this goal, we must organize money as much as we prioritize organizing people.

Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course.

I worked for Mondaire Jones in New York, who was outspent two to one by a Big Pharma billionaire and still won and I just managed the campaign of Nida Allam in North Carolina, who was outspent close to four to one by Super PACs, and lost. I believe in the power of organizing, and that's the most important long-term work we must do to grow our movement. But even the best organizing can overcome only so much spending.

I took a look at key House winners endorsed by Sen. Bernie Sanders and Justice Democrats over the past six years. With very few exceptions, notably Ocasio-Cortez's ground-shaking upset victory in 2018, progressives can overcome about a two-to-one ratio of opposition spending, but not much more. In many cases, progressives have actually outspent their opponents to win.

In 2018, Rashida Tlaib significantly outspent her opponent, Ilhan Omar raised about the same amount as her opponent and Ayanna Pressley, running against an entrenched Democratic incumbent, was outspent by just over two to one. In three victories by progressive challengers over Democratic incumbents in 2020, Marie Newman outspent Dan Lipinski in Illinois, Cori Bush outspent Lacy Clay in Missouri, and Jamaal Bowman was outspent less than two to one by a powerful New York incumbent after receiving almost $2 million of supportive outside spending. Mondaire Jones' campaign for an open House seat north of New York City, for which I led the organizing program, was outspent by slightly more than two to one, but still spent over $2 million overall, including outside support. This year in Texas, victorious progressive Greg Casar vastly outspent his opponent.

Then there is the other side of the ledger: When progressives lose. On Nida Allam's campaign in North Carolina this year, we vastly out-organized our opponents, knocking on more doors and making more calls than any other campaign, by far. We were also supported by a $200,000 canvassing independent expenditure, and were endorsed by Sanders, Warren, the Working Families Party and the Sunrise Movement. But we got outspent almost 10 to one on mail, TV and digital advertising by super PACs. It was a similar story for progressive Erica Smith in North Carolina's 1st district, who was outspent almost six to one and lost, as well as for many other defeated progressives this year and previously.

As the pro-Israel lobbying group AIPAC and other billionaire-backed super PACs gear up to spend millions in individual Democratic primaries, progressive organizations like Justice Democrats, which recently said it was being"outgunned" by big-money interests, and leaders like Sanders,who recently declared "war" on AIPAC, must confront an uncomfortable truth: We must organize money, not just people, in order to win.

Progressives can replicate Summer Lee's victory, in many more places across the country. In fact, we can expand our margins of victory. But we must approach campaign finance with the same determined and innovative approach we have toward grassroots field organizing.

Read more on the progressive movement and the Democrats:

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To keep winning, progressives must do more than grassroots organizing ...

Progressives Praise Big Tech Antitrust Bills for Their Potential to …

Two antitrust bills that have attracted support from conservatives in Washington DC on the grounds of bipartisan efforts to curb the power of Big Tech are now being defended by progressives on the grounds that they will make the censorship of tech platforms easier.

Free speech activists on the Right are divided over the American Choice and Innovation Online Act and the Open App Marketplace Act.The ACIOA limits when Big Tech platforms can discriminate in favor of their own products against other business users, and the Open App Markets Act limits app hosting platforms (in practice, Google, Apple, and to a lesser extent Microsoft), from favoring their own apps or forcing other apps to use their app stores.

Sundar Pichai CEO of Google ( Carsten Koall /Getty)

(Photo by Hannibal Hanschke-Pool/Getty Images)

An analysis by the far left Center for American Progress, Evaluating 2 Tech Antitrust Bills To Restore Competition Online, endorsed both laws on the grounds that they will increase censorship. This heightens concerns that the two bills loopholes for safety and security will be used to enable censorship.

As Breitbart previously reported, the bills appear to make it harder for Google and Apple to discriminate against free speech apps such as Parler, Gab, Rumble, Truth Social, or potentially a Elon Musk-owned Twitter. When the Musk deal appeared to be on course, far-left Black Lives Matter activist Shaun King tweeted that Apple and Google would remove a free speech-friendly Twitter from their app stores.

I am told this morning that Apple and Google will remove Twitter from the App Store if it does not moderate and remove hate speech under @ElonMusk, said King. This isnt a new policy, but a commitment already made. Amazon Web Services has the same commitment. So theres that.

It can be difficult to know whos telling the truth since corporate lobbyists with a vested interest against Big Tech have a habit of playing both sides in D.C., telling Republicans that their preferred tech regulation bills will fix censorship, while simultaneously telling Democrats that the bills will curb misinformation.

Some conservatives have endorsed the laws, claiming that this will punish the companies for censorship because these monopolies dont just distort the market, they distort the free exchange of ideas. On the flip side, as Breitbart Newsreported,other populist conservatives expressed concerns that the exemptions for privacy and security would make the law impotent.

Attorney Noah Peters, who represented both Meghan Murphy against Twitter and whistleblower Kevin Cernekee against Google, noted: we can readily foresee how Big Tech companies will interpret this language. Virtually every Big Tech platform has a trust and safety or safety section in their Terms of Service, including rules against so-called hate speech, extremism, and misinformation.

The Center for American Progress report appears to elevate these concerns. It was authored by the Centers technology director Erin Simpson and Facebooks former top lobbyist Adam Conner, who both repeatedly criticize big tech for not censoring enough, even calling for the government to step in andcreate best practices for censorship.

The pair wholeheartedly endorse the bills on the grounds that it will encourage much-needed improvements in content moderation practices and technologies. It quotes the General Counsel for Yelp Aaron Schurr, who claimsACIOA will not prevent censorship because the bill was written so it would not hinder Big Techs censorship to prevent hate speech or stop vaccine disinformation as discriminatory behavior under the bill.

Conner and Simpson cite the safety and security exception to explain how it would give a big tech platform immunity to censor Alex Jones because of his alleged long history attacking victims of a school shooting and spreading false cures for COVID-19, among other outrages, these actions should fall squarely in the category of YouTubes ability to take action to protect the safety or security of its users.

They also argue that the exemption may cover brand safety, because big tech platforms are primarily funded by advertising and have heavily touted their efforts around brand safety to their advertisers, marketing it as a core feature of their advertising products.

Brand Safety is a code-word which left-wing radicals such as Sleeping Giants have used to justify boycotts of Breitbart News, Tucker Carlson, and other conservatives.

Considerable momentum has been built up on the right to tame Big Tech, in large part due to the reporting of Breitbart News, which has covered Big Tech censorship since its earliest beginnings in 2015. That has led to red states passing laws that would genuinely curb the power of platforms like Twitter and Facebook to censor, such as the one passed in Texas.

In Washington DC, however, there is a danger that the momentum against Big Tech on the right could be co-opted by corporate lobbyists like Yelps, who have little interest in addressing the censorship question, and will back bills with loopholes that specifically allow it, so long as it pleases Democrats who hold the majority.

Allum Bokhari is the senior technology correspondent at Breitbart News.He is the author of#DELETED: Big Techs Battle to Erase the Trump Movement and Steal The Election.Follow him onTwitter @LibertarianBlue.

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Progressives Praise Big Tech Antitrust Bills for Their Potential to ...

‘Progressive’ PAC in Montgomery County Is Really a Bunch of Developers – Josh Kurtz

Businessman David Blair at a news conference on Montgomery County ballot initiatives in 2020. Photo by Glynis Kazanjian.

Coming soon to the mailboxes of Democratic voters in Montgomery County if they havent landed already: slick mailers from a group calling itself Progressives for Progress, urging votes for a slate of candidates for county executive and county council.

But dont be fooled by that name: This is no band of wild-eyed radicals. Progressives for Progress is a new political action committee created and funded completely by real estate developers and other real estate interests that are agitating for significant change in the direction of the county.

We are losing ground in the region and we need to make progress, said Charles Nulsen III, president of Washington Realty Company, a Bethesda-based commercial and residential real estate firm. Nulsen is the chairman of the PAC.

Every election cycle, business leaders, developers and other real estate companies try to influence the outcome of Montgomery County elections usually with mixed success. This year, the PAC has raised over half a million dollars, which it is using for mailers and billboards, and it may branch out into other media before the July 19 primaries roll around.

We are continuing to do mailers and we will be looking for other ways to communicate with voters, Nulsen said.

The list of candidates the PAC has endorsed will not surprise anyone who follows Montgomery County politics closely. It aligns fairly neatly, though not precisely, with the candidates who are being supported by business groups and who were endorsed last weekend by The Washington Post. One mailer refers to its endorsed candidates as real Democrats.

Progressives for Progress has endorsed wealthy businessman David Blair for county executive, and incumbent Councilmembers Gabe Albornoz, Evan Glass and Tom Hucker for at-large seats, along with newcomer Scott Goldberg, who runs a real estate management business. For district races, the PAC has endorsed Councilmembers Andrew Friedson and Sidney Katz for reelection, along with Gaithersburg-Germantown Chamber of Commerce President Marilyn Balcombe, nonprofit leader Amy Ginsburg, Brian Anleu, chief of staff to the Montgomery County Planning Board, former Planning Board Vice Chair Natali Fani-Gonzalez, and Assistant State Attorney General Dawn Luedtke.

Blair four years ago wound up losing the Democratic primary for county executive to the current incumbent, Marc Elrich, by just 77 votes. Big business groups once again have a lot riding on the Blair campaign.

Nulsen said a core group of PAC members vetted and interviewed several candidates for each of the offices.

One of the incumbent council members who was not endorsed by the PAC, first termer Will Jawando (D), called the groups name disingenuous.

Its doing exactly what it was intended to do, which is to confuse voters, said Jawando, who won a grudging endorsement from the Post. Its an example of a moneyed interest wanting a particular outcome. At a bare minimum, people should know what money and interest is influencing this.

Nulsen, who has contributed to national Republicans as often as he has given to national and local Democrats, according to opensecrets.org, a website that tracks money in politics, defended the PACs name.

It is a statement that we feel the liberal, progressive wing of the [Democratic] party is not for anything, he said. Were the progressive part of the party thats interested in making progress.

Since it started this spring, Progressives for Progress has raised $527,500, according to campaign finance reports. The contributions came from 40 development companies and other real estate entities, or individuals associated with these firms, in donations that ranged from $500 to $50,000.

As of earlier this month, the PAC had spent $175,225 on mailers, $65,099 for billboards and yard signs, and $37,800 on polling. It still had $249,875 on hand earlier this month.

One thing thats notable about the list of the PACs favored contenders is that it does not feature a single Black candidate, in a county where about 20% of the population is Black. The current nine-seat council has two African American members; the council is adding two more seats in the upcoming election.

Nulsen said the leadership of the group is color blind and was simply looking for the candidates who can improve the countys business climate.

Any resemblance between this political action committee and a 501c4 education entity known as Empower Montgomery, which was set up by business leaders to influence the 2018 elections, is hardly coincidental. The leadership team is roughly the same. Steve Silverman, a former county councilmember who is now a lobbyist, is advising Progressives for Progress, just as he worked with Empower Montgomery.

Four years ago, a Democratic and union activist in Montgomery County, Brian Kildee, filed a complaint against Empower Montgomery with the Maryland State Board of Elections, accusing the entity of illegal coordination with the Blair campaign. Kildee noted that Blair had signed his name to a letter to voters identifying himself as a cofounder of Empower Montgomery, and suggested that Empower Montgomery had misstated its mission in its organization papers. The state board never ruled on the complaint, and Blair has insisted that he was not a founder of the group, though he acknowledged donating money in 2017.

Elrich has long been an anathema to the real estate development community, and the PACs endorsement of Blair, along with the Posts endorsement of the former health care executive, is hardly a surprise. But the Posts assessment of Elrich in its Blair endorsement was unusually harsh, which cheered Nulsen and his PAC supporters.

The Post said Elrich has has mismanaged [the countys] $6 billion budget and workforce, subverted its prospects of attracting jobs and prosperity, pandered to his narrow political base, and set the county up for failure.

Elrich supporters were stunned that the editorial did not at least mention the executives stewardship during the worst of the COVID-19 pandemic, when public health restrictions were more stringent than just about anyplace else in Maryland.

Whether that editorial backfires and motivates Elrichs supporters is an open question. But FAIR, a progressive national media watchdog, recently published a piece about the Posts editorializing against Elrich with such vehemence, describing him as the countrys third-most powerful democratic socialist, behind only Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

Despite the Posts efforts, Elrich narrowly won the county executive seat in 2018, FAIR wrote. And now hes standing for reelection, with a good shot at winning.

Thats an outcome the Post is determined to prevent, lest Elrich set a dangerous example: that a lefty can not only win, but govern so effectively that voters return him to office.

For the Post a paper owned by the third-richest human alive, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos scaremongering about lefties is job one. On a national level, thats led to the Posts hysterical coverage of Bernie Sanders. On a local level, its led to the papers attacks on Elrich.

But the Posts attacks on Elrich and his allies in Montgomery County politics pre-date Bezos ownership of the paper. So now he has a progressive national website defending him while a faux progressive local group seeks to defeat him.

Disclosure: The Blair Family Foundation was a financial supporter of Maryland Matters in 2020.

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'Progressive' PAC in Montgomery County Is Really a Bunch of Developers - Josh Kurtz