Archive for the ‘Progressives’ Category

MNW: Progressives changing the rules to retain control – The Bulletin

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MNW: Progressives changing the rules to retain control - The Bulletin

Williams and Lander Start Presenting United Progressive Counterweight to Adams – Gotham Gazette

Jumaane Williams & Brad Lander as members of the City Council (photo: William Alatriste/City Council)

All three of New York Citys citywide elected officials Mayor Eric Adams, Public Advocate Jumaane Williams, and Comptroller Brad Lander are Democrats from Brooklyn. But their respective victories in last years elections signified different things to their supporters and political analysts. Those who backed Adams saw his win as a rejection of left progressive politics that they believed had gone too far in the city, while Williams and Lander supporters celebrated what they saw as triumphs of progressive politics at the citywide level.

Those complicated dynamics are now playing out in the balance of power in the city. While the three officials are aligned in spirit and cause, and have repeatedly emphasized their collaborative relationships, the public advocate and comptroller have begun to gently present a united progressive front to the more moderate mayor on several issues.

Williams and Lander have been pushing, questioning, or contradicting Adams on issues including lifting covid vaccination requirements, administration appointments, policing policies, and climate action. But both the public advocate and comptroller have taken pains to compliment Adams and lead with common ground, often the shared vision on outcomes, if not strategies to get there.

There are natural tensions between the mayor and his fellow citywide electeds. Both the public advocate and the comptroller are crucial parts of the citys system of checks and balances and have duties that bring them inevitably in conflict with the mayoral administration something Adams has acknowledged and even encouraged as he vows a more accountable and effective city government. Its within Williams purview to speak out on behalf of the public when the city is failing New Yorkers, and Landers job involves auditing city agencies then upbraiding their failures while recommending changes.

Overall, Adams is a moderate with a nuanced set of policy plans who has ingratiated himself with the citys business elite and powerful real estate industry while Williams and Lander are avowed progressives who have spent years criticizing corporate power and outright rejected real estate donors in recent runs for office. But even on housing and development, there may be more alignment than broad stroke characterizations allow.

On the hot button issues of policing and public safety, there has been both alignment and opposition. Adams has an all-of-the-above approach, with a blend of more expansive and assertive policing as well as police reforms for justice and accountability; he has rejected calls to defund the police but also outlined planned investments in what he calls upstream crime-prevention measures to improve socioeconomic conditions for those most at risk.

Williams and Lander want all of those socioeconomic investments and more, and have been outspoken about wanting to divest significant sums from the police department budget to fund programs to alleviate root causes of crime. While both acknowledge a role for police, they tend to focus more on housing, health care, and economic opportunity.

Adams, Williams, and Lander have shown unity on several recent occasions. In October, after each of the three had won their respective Democratic primaries, they held a joint get out the vote rally just ahead of the start of early voting in the general election. At that rally, Adams urged Williams and Lander to hold him accountable if he should become mayor. I'm asking Jumaane Williams as the public advocate to find every policy that we fail on and hold our feet to the fire if we are the mayor, Adams said.

I sat down with Brad Lander and had breakfast, and I said, Audit the hell out of my agencies. Audit them, look at them, find the problems, because I know we are dysfunctional, he added. I know we are blocking progress. I know we are failing and betraying New Yorkers. I know we can deliver services better.

In November, after Kyle Rittenhouse was acquitted of murder, the three spoke collectively in favor of stronger gun laws. And they planned to hold a joint January inauguration event in Brooklyn before it was canceled because of the Omicron surge.

Adams and Lander have also made several joint announcements where their roles converge. They worked together with the citys pension funds to divest from Russian assets in the wake of Russias invasion of Ukraine. The announced reforms to city contracting based on a joint task force they assembled even before taking office (first announced in a joint op-ed) and a $1 billion bond issue to fund city infrastructure.

Williams has been a presence at several of the mayors announcements and news conferences early on. He appeared at City Hall when Adams announced an expansion of the citys Summer Youth Employment Program. They both spoke at a community response event hosted by SAVE East Harlem in January. That month Williams also stood behind Adams after two officers were shot and killed in Harlem.

But on several occasions over the last few months, as Adams began laying out plans, making appointments, and taking positions on key issues, the gulf between him and Williams and Lander has begun to grow. The two have been opposed to, if not outright critical of, several of the mayors policies and appointments, and they have at times coordinated their responses to Adams choices.

The expected type of coordination the two longtime allies have shown was relatively rare during the de Blasio administration, when Comptroller Scott Stringer and Public Advocates Letitia James then Williams mostly operated individually.

Last week, Williams and Lander appeared with climate activists at a rally in Midtown Manhattan to call on the mayor to put his full weight behind the citys Green New Deal law that aims to curb emissions from the citys largest buildings. Activists have pointed out that Adams has repeatedly questioned the penalties imposed by the law, an echo of concerns from the powerful real estate industry.

Earlier last week, as Adams considered easing covid restrictions in the city, Lander and Williams sent him a joint public letter in which they advocated for continued precautions against the spread of the virus and plans for any potential future outbreaks.

As the case numbers, hospitalizations and deaths associated with Omicron drop, we agree it makes sense for the City to move forward with easing COVID-19 restrictions, they wrote. However, as you yourself have said, those efforts must be grounded in public health data, with systems in place to detect future variants and surges early, to respond to them rapidly, to increase vaccination rates, and to protect our most vulnerable communities.

In late February, Adams faced considerable criticism when he appointed three pastors with a history of anti-gay and anti-abortion views to his administration. The appointments quickly invited a joint rebuke from the public advocate and the comptroller. We are deeply concerned about the message that the mayor is sending by appointing leaders who have histories of disparaging the rights, and even the humanity, of LGBTQ New Yorkers and of working to criminalize abortion, they said in joint statement. (Williams has in the past faced criticism around his stances on some of these same topics, and has professed something of his own progressive evolution.)

Its not just Adams that Williams and Lander have trained their eyes on. In January, Williams and Lander appeared together outside the New York Public Library with housing and tenant advocates in a protest calling on Governor Kathy Hochul, a moderate and Adams ally, to support the good cause eviction bill gaining momentum in Albany.

Williams, with Landers support, is running against Hochul and other candidates in this years Democratic primary for Governor. Williams and Lander have long supported each others electoral bids, with each endorsing the other for office, as in 2021, when Williams backed Lander for comptroller and Lander endorsed Williams reelection as public advocate. Lander backed Williams 2018 bid for Lieutenant Governor against Hochul.

The two officials are darlings of the progressive left, illustrated by the fact that both were the number one choice of the Working Families Party in their respective primary races last year. In contrast, in the Democratic primary for mayor in which Adams emerged victorious, the WFP supported former counsel to the mayor Maya Wiley as its top pick (after ranking her third behind Stringer and Dianne Morales, dropping one then the other after their campaigns faced scandals). The WFP did not endorse Adams in the general election.

Williams joined the WFP and other progressives, including Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who got behind Wiley toward the end stretch of the mayoral primary last spring, expressing deep concerns about how Adams and other more centrist candidates were talking about policing. Lander stayed out of the mayoral primary altogether, pointing to the comptrollers important role as a check on whomever the mayor is. Williams indicated he had planned to do the same, but that he opted to back Wiley based on the rhetoric in the race.

Under the City Charter, the job of the Comptroller is to work together with the Mayor on a core critical set of tasks to help the city run effectively, and also to be an independent elected official who holds the mayor accountable, Lander said in a phone interview. And that's what I'm committed to do.

Obviously Jumaane and I are proudly progressive elected officials and have been for a long time and have stood together on a lot of issues that are about trying to confront the inequities in the city, stand up against inequality and systemic racism, push hard for climate justice, and policies that genuinely work for all New Yorkers, he added.

The mayor, the public advocate, and the comptroller have been friends and colleagues for years and have a strong working relationship, said Fabien Levy, an Adams spokesperson, in an email. Both Public Advocate Williams and Comptroller Lander have joined Mayor Adams for major policy announcements at City Hall and at other events across New York City, and we look forward to their continued partnership as we work to make New York City a better place to live every day.

Williams and Lander have been close political allies for nearly a decade, previously serving together in the City Council. As Council members, they most notably spearheaded the Community Safety Act of 2013, which banned discriminatory profiling by the NYPD to put an end to abuses of stop-and-frisk policing. The act, passed over a veto by then-Mayor Michael Bloomberg, also established the citys office of NYPD inspector general, and catapulted both Council members further into the progressive spotlight.

Now they find themselves facing a mayor who was a former NYPD captain and touts the importance of stop-and-frisk as a policing tool, but says his police department can and will use it without the rampant abuses that disproportionately harmed Black and Latino New Yorkers, mostly young men. Adams has also touted his record as a police reformer from within the department, joining efforts to end the abuses of the stop-and-frisk era, protesting police killings of unarmed civilians, and more a history that both Williams and Lander have given him credit for.

In an appearance on the Max Politics podcast in July last year, Williams stressed that he has had a good working relationship with Adams, particularly on tackling gun violence in Brooklyn, even as he expressed some concern for Adams tough-on-crime campaign rhetoric.

My hope is that the Eric Adams who shows up is the one that I've worked with on all these issues, and the one who was talking about the holistic approach, and not the one that I heard some things said that I'm hoping were said in the moment of a campaign and now as we get ready to govern, will go back to the things that Ive worked with him on for a number of years, Williams said.

Camille Rivera, a progressive political consultant as a partner at New Deal Strategies, said under former Mayor Bill de Blasio, Williams and Stringer were not as closely in lockstep. This however is the most I have seen there being real coordination, Rivera said in a text message. I think both of them understand that there are real distinct ideological differences between these two and Adams and because of that they have now become a real check for the Mayor.

The things theyre criticizing the mayor on are substantive, as much as Eric Adams has wanted the red carpet rolled out for him when some of the things he's doing are deeply unpopular and frankly just bad for people, said Jonathan Westin, executive director of New York Communities for Change (and Riveras husband), a progressive advocacy group that backed both Williams and Lander and opposed Adams in the 2021 election.

Westin said both Williams and Lander have solidly been on the side of progressive working people and will mount a pretty big challenge to this incoming administration, which might want to try and railroad folks, especially progressives. Theyve been outright hostile towards progressives.

Indeed, soon after winning the June primary last year, Adams again signaled his displeasure with the progressive left, reclaiming the term progressive for himself, as he had repeatedly attempted to do during the primary.

I have made it clear over and over again: I am the original progressive voice in this city, Adams said, at a joint news conference with then-Governor Andrew Cuomo, a fellow moderate Democrat who has battled with his partys left, and who was under investigation at the time for multiple scandals that led to his resignation weeks later.

Weve allowed the term being progressive to be hijacked by those who do not have a track record of putting in place real progressive changes, Adams added, sounding much like Cuomo. I am not going to surrender my progressive credentials.

Soon after, he broadened his criticism. Im no longer running against candidates. Im running against a movement, he reportedly said at a fundraiser hosted by Republican City Council Member Eric Ulrich, who Adams would go on to appoint as a special advisor in his administration. All across the country, the DSA socialists are mobilizing to stop Eric Adams, he said, referring to the Democratic Socialists of America, whose New York City branch did not endorse in the mayoral race but whose members were critical of Adams and appeared to be in favor of other candidates like Wiley or Morales in the primary and socialist Cathy Rojas in the general election.

Though he is often quick to rebuke critics, Adams has not yet hit back at Williams or Lander, perhaps indicative of how carefully they have gone about criticizing or disagreeing with the new mayor.

There is undoubtedly much on Adams agenda that Williams and Lander will support, the new mayor had many policy proposals that could easily be called progressive, from a significant expansion of child care to improving health food options in low-income neighborhoods to upzoning wealthier areas for more affordable housing. Both Williams and Lander have applauded Adams for announcing additional investments in summer youth employment and the Fair Fares program of discounted Metrocards for low-income New Yorkers.

But theyve also both expressed concerns on several matters, including Adams approach to his first budget plan, where he outlined cuts to several departments but not the NYPD.

I do want to see more evidence-based investment in supportive housing and mental health outreachgiven the public safety challenges, Lander said last month on the Max Politics podcast, among other questions about Adams spending priorities.

I think the key differences revolve around the corporate spheres influence in government where Eric Adams has pretty openly embraced the real estate industry, corporations, and really given them a seat at the table many times ahead of regular people, said Westin. Jumaane and Bradhave really opposed taking real estate money, taking corporate money, allowing these corporations to influence where they stand on policy.

Hank Sheinkopf, a veteran Democratic consultant, said the differences between Adams on one hand and Williams and Lander on the other have been minor so far. Its going to be more pronounced once Williams gets off the road from his ridiculous governor's race and Lander gets himself much more oriented, he said. At some point, ambition will take over and competition. Both of them have one goal, to be the next mayor and to make Adams life miserable when they can.

Whats less predictable is the breakthrough moment when the situation will become much more adversarial, Sheinkopf said. The cut line will probably be on law enforcement related issues for Williams and who knows what it'll be on for Lander, but he'll find his moment.

Politicians, he insisted, may be friendly but arent friends. This is like boa constrictors who try to eat mice. Theyre all friends until the thing goes down its throat, he said. Politicians have no friends. They are all in competition with each other for both credit claiming and for the ability to raise money.

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Williams and Lander Start Presenting United Progressive Counterweight to Adams - Gotham Gazette

How the left sees Russias war in Ukraine and Americas role – Vox.com

The Wests response to Russian President Vladimir Putins invasion of Ukraine has been swift, unified, and wide-ranging, and brings military, economic, and political tools to bear. But during a global outpouring of support of Ukraine, scholars and activists on the left have pointed out what they see as a glaring inconsistency the world doesnt rise up in a similar collective rage every time other countries are attacked, invaded, or occupied.

So, what are progressives for, in a moment when there are constant appeals for the West to do more to stop Putins war in Ukraine? People on the left are not just putting forward specific policies. They are calling on America to reckon with its conduct in recent wars. In short, to reevaluate its role in the world.

Progressive members of Congress share a consensus that Putin has pursued an illegal and malicious war. They are pressing the Biden administration to support refugees and humanitarian aid. They want Biden to pursue diplomacy even if it seems impossible and that Putin isnt interested in diplomacy. But that doesnt mean you stop diplomacy, because you never stop diplomacy, Matt Duss, a foreign policy adviser to Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT), told me.

Progressives are divided about the effects that sanctions could have on ordinary Russians, the long-term dangers of arming Ukrainians, and how the Ukraine war relates more broadly to the role of the US in the world.

But those ideas around policy have been obscured by accusations of American duplicity. There is no contradiction between standing with the people of Ukraine and against Russias heinous invasion and being honest about the hypocrisy, war crimes and militarism of the US and NATO, Jeremy Scahill, editor-at-large and co-founder of the Intercept, tweeted last week.

Though it seemed that for every person who affirmed his tweet, there was an accusation of whataboutism or an attack on Scahills credibility. You should go to Ukraine, retorted NPR reporter Frank Langfitt. This rejoinder taps into a bigger debate. Centrists and hawks have accused the left of moral relativism.

Yet the conversations Ive had with activists and policymakers on the left show that you can highlight Russian war crimes and find a nuanced way to explain that America is not a neutral party in the world. These dynamics are connected, many progressives say, and that thinking about conflicts comparatively can lead to a deeper understanding of how the US sees the world along with better policy solutions.

As this geopolitical conflict tests the conventions and assumptions of US foreign policy since the beginning of the war on terrorism, the left is advocating for a new, consistent, and rights-based approach to global affairs.

Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA) says that the application of human rights across countries and conflicts including in Ukraine is central to how progressives see foreign policy.

The misconception of the center is that progressives somehow have a frame of moral relativism or appeasement, and the moral relativism here is in Saudi Arabia, and the catastrophe of whats going on in Yemen, he told me. The moral relativism is the lack of recognition of human rights with Uyghurs or in other parts of the world.

US President Joe Biden has framed the fight against Russia at last weeks State of the Union address as freedom against tyranny, yet US partners like Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates would fall into the latter category. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has regularly invoked international law, something we rarely hear mentioned when Palestinians face Israeli occupation. The tactics the Biden administration has implemented to counter Russia boycotts, sanctions, and divestment (BDS), naming war crimes, cooperating with the International Criminal Court are not considered in other contexts.

The plight of Ukrainians is a struggle on the side of human rights and, as one writer put it, solidarity with the oppressed. Yet it is not an apologia for Putins viciousness to say that the US participates in shadow wars, and that those who die outside Europe rarely get primetime coverage. Nor is it any justification of Putins actions to examine his use of violence within recent history and international relations, or to say that US policies may have made this war more likely.

There is a well-earned skepticism among many on the left around Washington and war, Duss told me. What progressives are trying to push for is a less stupid and possibly even smart conversation about foreign policy, and the uses of American power, and the limits of American power.

Global and American leftists argue, in fact, that such questions are crucial to the development of a coherent, ethical, and effective response to Russias invasion. Its so infrequent that wars grab the attention of an American public, which largely avoids international news, and people on the left have found an opportunity to point out the fact that US policies have often been militaristic and dont have to be.

Progressives say critiques of US military engagement and concern for human rights have guided suggestions for how the US responds to Russia. We dont want to just be against things anymore. We want to be assertively creating the alternative solutions to the war machine itself, said Pam Campos-Palma of the Working Families Party.

Progressive lawmakers have come out against a no-fly zone, which the Biden administration and NATO have also unequivocally ruled out because it would escalate the conflict into a larger war with a nuclear-armed country.

For many progressives, a switch to green energy is urgent because fossil fuel-driven economies empower autocrats like Putin. Our dependence on natural gas and fossil fuels is a national security issue, Khanna said.

There are also parts of a progressive response woven into the Biden administrations response. The crackdown on dirty money is central to the Biden administrations targeted sanctions on Russia. Progressives in Congress have spearheaded such anti-corruption efforts in the Democratic primaries, and Biden adopted some of these policies even before Putin invaded Ukraine.

Progressives also note the shortcomings of Bidens approach. Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN) has emphasized that sanctions are a weapon of war that unfairly affect civilians in repressive countries like Iran, Venezuela, and now Russia. In a recent statement, she supported sanctions targeted at Putin, his oligarchs, and the Russian military and opposed broad-based sanctions that would amount to collective punishment of a Russian population that did not choose this.

Similarly, many activists and scholars stand against the American policy of sending weapons to Ukraine. There is something very hypocritical about all of these external powers who have fanned this conflict, and who are not going to fight in Ukraine, flooding the country with weapons to make sure it continues to be a war zone, and then calling that support, Tony Wood, the author of Russia Without Putin, said on The Dig podcast in February.

The difficult task for progressives is to propose constructive solutions that are centered around diplomacy and humanitarian concerns without falling into the worst tendencies of American military power.

Im very uneasy about the degree to which support for the Ukrainian resistance can turn into support for continuation and then escalation of this war, Wood said. The solidarity of Ukraine is one thing, and supporting the continuing escalation of the war is another thing we should try and stop that.

Contextualizing Putins aggression is not the same as buying into Russias fallacious pretexts for the invasion or being a tankie. To be sure, those people exist, and some ostensibly left-wing podcasters have been funded by Russian entities. Yet explanations of how policy and historical dynamics factor into Putins strategy have been downplayed by many authoritative voices. In discussions online about Ukraine, former Ambassador Michael McFaul, a regular contributor to the liberal MSNBC, has complained about BS whataboutism, or the technique of deflecting criticism by retorting with a similar accusation.

Russia and other autocratic governments have used whataboutism as a tactic to avoid answering for their crimes against their civilians, but this epithet has also been leveled against progressives nuanced questions and criticisms.

Something similar happened after the September 11, 2001, attacks, when stepping back from the war on terror to consider its broader implications was painted as anti-American. Rep. Barbara Lee (D-CA) urged restraint and voted against the Afghanistan war, because, she said, military action will not prevent further acts of international terrorism against the United States. Lee, the only member of Congress who stood against the war, was derided by some as unpatriotic and a communist.

At the time, progressive thinkers, like Noam Chomsky, called for strategic empathy in discussion of the terrorist group Al-Qaedas worldview and in thinking through the American response. We can express justified horror; we can seek to understand what may have led to the crimes, which means making an effort to enter the minds of the likely perpetrators, he wrote. But the George W. Bush White House instead launched a misguided invasion that turned into a two-decade US military presence in Afghanistan, to few strategic ends.

A nuanced understanding of NATOs role can hold multiple truths at once: that many former Soviet countries wanted to join NATO; that welcoming them into the alliance had geopolitical consequences, even if the West painted the move primarily as a decision of democracy versus dictatorship; and that Putin nevertheless chose war, violating another countrys sovereignty and fomenting a humanitarian crisis. Several journalists, including myself, have documented how the enlargement of NATO on Russias border has antagonized Putin and perhaps recklessly advanced militaristic policies.

It is also important to examine not just NATO expansion but NATO itself, a military alliance that has been involved in the invasion of countries. Putin and Russia have decided effectively to mimic the West. Its an awful act of mimicry, said Tariq Ali, the author and scholar who writes for the London Review of Books.

Ali dismisses the mainstream American perspective that NATO is purely a defensive or peace-keeping organization. This argument just doesnt wash if you look at all the wars NATOs fought, not just Afghanistan, but parts of Africa, Somalia, for instance. For Ali, who is active in the European antiwar movement, you cant isolate Russias aggression in Ukraine from its attacks in Syria and Libya, or the way the US has violated international law in Afghanistan and Iraq.

American administrations across parties and with the endorsement or complacency of Congress have pursued policies that deteriorated global norms. Presidents have advanced intensive drone strikes abroad and the indefinite detention of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay. And backed by Congress, civil liberty-defying surveillance, like that allowed by the PATRIOT Act, wore away at protections for human rights at home and abroad.

The US has also actively concealed, and in the process normalized, the deaths of civilians in many conflicts. So far, according to reports, the killing of civilians [in Ukraine] is nowhere near what it was in Iraq, or Syria, or the Yemen, or Libya, where human lives didnt seem to matter, said Ali.

A firm commitment to human rights is not whataboutism; its consistency. The left isnt raising issues with the war in Yemen to deflect criticism from Putin; its doing so to show that US military policies have unintended consequences for civilians. This, progressives say, is a lesson worth heeding as the US sends lethal aid to Ukraine and reportedly makes plans to support an insurgency.

As for pointing out past US violations of international law or its own support for tyrants?

If folks had been listening to progressives, then these cries of the US being hypocritical would be a lot less true, because the US would have not done many of these things in the first place, said Stephen Miles of the advocacy group Win Without War.

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How the left sees Russias war in Ukraine and Americas role - Vox.com

In Lieu Of Masks, Progressives To Just Wear Shirts Saying ‘I AM A GOOD PERSON’ – The Babylon Bee

U.S.With mask mandates going away around the country, many progressives arefeeling lost, confused, and frustrated. According to sources, the nation's progressives will move forward in a maskless world by electing to just wear t-shirts that say "I AM A GOOD PERSON" on the front.

"During COVID, my mask became an outward symbol of my superior empathy, goodness,and knowledge of Dr. Fauci's daily briefings," said Mortimer Snodgrass, a progressive. "I'm happy we have these shirts to let the world know that we are one of the good people." Snodgrass then turned to throw dog poop at a passing Trump supporter in a MAGA hat.

The shirts will be sold by NIKEandskillfully made by Uyghur slaves in China. They will sellfor $500, with 20% of the proceeds donated to Greta Thunberg's organization "School Strike 4 Climate," and another 20% donated to AOC's reelectionto help her defeat capitalism.

NIKE will also make a special edition t-shirtespecially for conservatives that say "I AM A BAD PERSON."

This woman is an angry feminist -- but she's quickly changing her tune as World War 3 starts and she faces the possibility of getting drafted.

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In Lieu Of Masks, Progressives To Just Wear Shirts Saying 'I AM A GOOD PERSON' - The Babylon Bee

Reality therapy for Democrats | TheHill – The Hill

Like the White Queen in Alice in Wonderland, Republican voters seem capable of believing as many as six impossible things before breakfast. In their looking-glass world, Donald TrumpDonald TrumpTop Hispanic lawmaker urges Biden to expedite reunification of Ukrainians in US Democrats plot strategy to defy expectations, limit midterm losses Overnight Health Care Texas abortion providers dealt critical blow MORE trounced Joe Biden in the 2020 presidential election, the worlds scientists are colluding in a climate change hoax and evil epidemiologists pushed mask mandates to deprive Americans of their liberty, not to protect them from a virus thats killed more than six million people.

Democrats are wondering how they could possibly be losing to a defiantly delusional GOP in party preference matchups. One answer is that midterm elections are always tough on the party in power. Another is that Democrats have been falling into rabbit holes too.

Their illusions are explored in The New Politics of Evasion, a new study by two veteran political analysts, Bill Galston and Elaine Kamarck published by the Progressive Policy Institute. Its a timely and incisive exercise in political reality therapy for President BidenJoe BidenTop Hispanic lawmaker urges Biden to expedite reunification of Ukrainians in US Democrats plot strategy to defy expectations, limit midterm losses On The Money US suspending normal trade with Russia MORE and his party, whose public approval has cratered over the past year.

By ignoring defecting swing voters, the authors warn, Democrats could not only take a beating in November but also reopen the door to Trumps return, putting our democracy at risk.

Galston and Kamarck, who served in previous Democratic administrations, dissect three persistent myths that blind their party to todays electoral realities. The first is that people of color are a political monolith welded together by the common experience of discrimination. For decades, party strategists have been predicting that, as their share of the electorate inexorably grows, minorities will combine with white progressive activists to propel Democrats into permanent majority status.

That hasnt happened, for two reasons. First, people of color dont think alike or see themselves as fellow victims of societal oppression. Second, working-class Blacks and Hispanics generally have more moderate views than college-educated and affluent white progressives.

Democrats were shocked in 2020 by Trumps gains among Hispanic voters, and their drift toward Republicans continues. Galston and Kamarck note that Hispanic and Black attitudes diverge across a range of issues, including police reform, critical race theory, foreign policy and governments role in assuring economic opportunity.

They suggest that the Hispanic trajectory in the United States may instead follow that of other immigrants who came here voluntarily. Democrats must consider the possibility that Hispanics will turn out to be the Italians of the 21st century, family-oriented, religious, patriotic, striving to succeed in their adopted country, and supportive of public policies that expand economic opportunity without dictating results.

The second myth is that economics trumps culture. Progressives believe that if only Democrats would champion a truly transformational plan for government action to trammel predatory capitalism and deliver public benefits to working families, voters would tune out the Republicans diversionary cultural war messages and come home to the party of FDR.

But social, cultural and religious values are intrinsically important to U.S. voters of all stripes, whatever their economic circumstances. So simply amping up economic populism isnt going to allay voters qualms about progressive rhetoric on crime, immigration, education, race and gender.

In fact, it works the other way: Democrats will need to embrace cultural moderation if they want to get a hearing on their economic agenda. Even so, working-class voters seem more interested in better jobs and prospects for upward mobility than hand-outs from Washington. Aspiration, not redistribution, seems to matter most to swing voters.

Third is the myth of a progressive ascendancy in the Democratic Party. In fact, the party is about evenly split between self-described liberals and moderates and conservatives. Among U.S. voters generally, Galston and Kamarck note that only 7 percent describe themselves as very liberal and only 9 percent associate themselves with the democratic socialist policies of Sen. Bernie SandersBernie Sanders Sanders calls for end to MLB antitrust exemption Reality therapy for Democrats Former Bernie Sanders press secretary: proposed defense budget includes excessive amount for private contractors MORE (I-Vt.) and the House Squad.

This basic electoral math explains why the lefts base mobilization theory of victory always comes up short. Turnout broke records in 2020, but instead of producing a more progressive electorate, the influx of voters helped Republicans more than Democrats.

In a fascinating discussion of the new structure of U.S. politics, Galston and Kamarck illuminate an extraordinary partisan deadlock. In the nine elections between 1988 and 2020, no candidate has come close to a 10-point victory margin, and five of the past six have been settled by margins of less than 5 percentage points. In five of these elections, the winner failed to secure a majority of the national popular vote"

Until this impasse is broken by a political realignment, swing voters will determine election outcomes. Thats true, the authors note, even though the number of swing states has shrunk dramatically.

Rather than currying favor with progressive activists, Democrats should sharpen their appeal to the persuadable voters in the battleground states of the past two election cycles. They need to replicate Bidens success with college-educated suburbanites, and his modest but significant inroads among white working-class voters. They also need to get a better handle on what working-class Hispanic voters really expect from political leaders, and work to prevent further slippage among blue-collar Black voters.

While leftwing purists may not appreciate it, Galston and Kamarck have done their party a great service by illuminating a pragmatic path toward building durable governing majorities.

This is not their first rodeo. Way back in 1989, they wrote the original Politics of Evasion, which punctured the consoling myths Democrats fell back on to rationalize a long string of presidential defeats. That analysis helped make the case for the New Democrat renovation of the partys agenda and Bill ClintonWilliam (Bill) Jefferson ClintonReality therapy for Democrats LIVE COVERAGE: Biden delivers State of the Union A promise kept: How Biden can come away with a win this SOTU MOREs subsequent success in snapping the Democrats losing streak.

If Democrats want to avoid disaster in November and keep Trump sidelined, theyd be wise to read the sequel.

Will Marshallis president and founder of the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI).

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