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The citizen initiative process that gave Floridians the power to raise the minimum wage and restore voting rights is under grave threat after the states House Judiciary Committee on Tuesday advanced a Republican proposal to dramatically limit the scope of future ballot measures.

Led by state Rep. Mike Beltran (R-57), House Joint Resolution 1127 would alter Floridas constitution to limit citizen initiatives to matters relating to procedural subjects or to structure of the government a restriction that likely would have blocked $15 minimum wage, voting rights, medical marijuana, and conservation amendments.

Having passed out of the GOP-controlled judiciary panel, the proposal is soon expected to receive a vote in the full state House of Representatives. If the Florida Legislature passes Beltrans resolution, voters will have to approve the amendment for it to be added to the state constitution.

Final approval of the resolution would effectively spell the death of the states citizen initiative process, the ACLU of Florida warned in a statement Tuesday evening.

These proposed changes to the citizen initiative process are not about fixing problems they are about interfering with the will of Floridians, said Kara Gross, the groups legislative director and senior policy counsel. Through ballot initiatives, citizens have been able to improve the lives and well-being of Floridians.

Gross characterized the Florida GOPs attack on the citizen initiative process as part of a broader trend of politicians trying to rewrite the rules because they do not like it when voters use their power.

Florida lawmakers should respect the will of the people and Floridians right to participate in our democracy through the citizen initiative process, Gross added. They should vote no on these proposals and end the crusade of sabotaging the right of the people to be heard.

House Joint Resolution 1127 is hardly the Florida GOPs first attempt to gut the citizen initiative process, which empowered voters to enact broadly popular policies that wouldve gone nowhere in the GOP-dominated state Legislature.

In 2020, Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis signed into law a bill containing a number of new ballot initiative restrictions, including an increase of the signature requirement. Last year, DeSantis signed a measure limiting donations to citizen initiative campaigns a limit that was later blocked by a federal judge.

Aliki Moncrief, executive director of Florida Conservation voters, told a local CBS affiliate on Tuesday that the state GOPs efforts are basically about limiting the power of people to raise important public policies and important public issues that they dont feel the Legislature is considering.

So, its horrible in a word, Moncrief added. If the people really wanted this done, they would have done it.

Read more:
Progressives Alarmed by Florida GOP Plan to Gut Ballot Initiative Process - Truthout

Michael T. Hayes is Professor of Political Science at Colgate University.

Over the past few weeks, Joe Biden has sustained two devastating defeats: the Build Back Better bill and a subsequent attempt to pass voting rights legislation by eliminating the Senate filibuster for that issue. Both these defeats were entirely predictable given the Democrats narrow margin in the Senate and the clearly stated opposition of Sens. Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema to both efforts.

Biden has more Senate experience than any other U.S. president. How is it possible that he misjudged these two situations so badly, setting himself up for embarrassing defeats? I cannot believe Biden misjudged these two situations; rather, he was boxed in by the unrealistic expectations of the progressive wing of his party.

A distinction between realists and idealists, first drawn by international relations scholar Hans J. Morgenthau, helps us better understand Bidens situation. Realists believe that our clearly imperfect world is a product of forces rooted in human nature, and it is necessary to work with these forces rather than against them. Despite our best efforts, moral principles can never be fully realized because nation-states have conflicting interests and inevitably seek power in order to advance those interests.

By contrast, idealists take for granted the essential goodness and malleability of human nature and sincerely believe that a rational and moral political order can and should be achieved. Where realists believe states have national interests and a legitimate right to pursue them, idealists believe the pursuit of power is immoral and national interests should be subordinated to altruistic values such as human rights or international law.

Applying this realist-idealist distinction to domestic politics, Biden is a realist. He recognizes that all political actors have interests of their own and a legitimate right to pursue them. Because conflict among contending interests is inevitable, negotiation is a normal part of politics and compromise is not a violation of principles understood as sacrosanct.

By contrast, progressives tend to be idealists. They believe solutions to pressing public problems are both urgent and self-evident, and those who oppose their idealistic visions must be immoralor at least willfully blind. For the idealist, transformative policies are not only attainable but the only policies worth pursuing.

In order to get elected in the first place, and to keep his coalition together once in office, Biden has had to pay lip service to progressive proposals that had no realistic chances of passage. To pass bills in the real world, one must taper down bills from the optimal to the acceptable, modifying bills as necessary to obtain the votes needed for passage.

Biden understands this. I am sure the president never expected a social infrastructure bill costing $3.5 trillion to pass, but the only way to convince progressives of this fact was to let them make the attempt and discover for themselves that the price tag was too high. But the negotiations, and the ultimate failure, were conducted in full view of the media, making Biden look weak.

Similarly, Biden surely knew all along that there was no realistic prospect for passing either one of the two voting rights bills favored by the progressives, which is probably why he put off dealing with them for so long. The quixotic nature of this quest was made absolutely clear when Biden went to Georgia to make an angry speech equating opposition to the voting rights bills with racism.

This was out of character for Biden, who (as a realist) normally respects the right of others to disagree with him and pursue whatever they see as their legitimate interests. But this entirely symbolic gesture proved futile in the end, as everyone surely knew it would, when Sinema reiterated her longstanding support for the filibuster.

Politics is the art of the possible. Some policies, however desirable, are simply unattainable with a weak electoral mandate and an evenly divided Senate. Progressives need to absorb this lesson.

Progressives also need to acknowledge that all actors who disagree with them are not depraved. While I believe the filibuster should be abolished for all issues, I recognize that my view may be wrong, and I respect those who disagree with me. Vilifying Sinema and Manchin, whether through censure resolutions or threats of primary challengers, is characteristic of idealists, who believe opposition to their enlightened views must be immoral.

A key moral insight of realism, which idealists seem to miss, is that a nation pursuing its national interest is not necessarily evil just because it gets in your way. This same insight applies in domestic affairs, as well.

Also in Opinion: Editorial cartoons for Jan. 30, 2022: Breyer retires, Ukraine tensions, done with Covid

Read this article:
Progressives unrealistic demands are hurting Biden, the realist (Guest Opinion by Michael T. Hayes) - syracuse.com

Progressive groups are trying to slow the advancement of several bills that could severely limit discussions of race, sex, gender, and history in businesses and public-school classrooms. The measures reflect mostly-conservative backlash to social justice movements and LGBTQ rights and visibility. Theyre part of Governor Ron DeSantis efforts to push back against the so-called woke agenda.

The biggest piece of legislation carrying the most impact is HB7/Senate Bill 148. Both are outgrowths of Gov. Ron DeSantis efforts to curb what he views as the so-called woke agenda. The bill bans certain methods of teaching like Critical Race Theory which supporters say could lead some people to feel bad about themselves. The bills dictate that businesses cant require employees to take certain types of training, and says schools cant teach history and other subjects in a way that might lead students and others to feel bad. Yet, history is fraught with issues that indeed do cause guiltlike slavery, and gender discrimination.

"I have sat, and sat for the last five years and wonderedI could have died for a country that doesnt love me. That doesnt want me to know about my history," said Ranka Milligan Ashcroft with the social justice group Dream Defenders.

Ashcroft stands at the intersection of several issues. She's a veteran. She's Black and she's a woman and a Lesbian.

Ashcroft has listened, as conservatives have lined up at legislative committee hearings to support bills like HB7. Some comments, like those during a recent hearing on a Senate bill that would give parents greater say over what school library books and classroom materials can be used, have been downright hurtful to people who identify as LGBTQ.

We have porn, we have the critical race we have gender confusion in our schools said one woman with a parental rights group as she held up a book aimed at children to teach them about gender identity.

I have a 6-7-year-old who came out to the car, got into her mothers SUVand said, I dont want to have to marry a man when I get big, and the mother was horrified," said another woman who said she is an attorney in South Florida.

When comments like that are spoken people like Ashcroft hear something that says, "you don't matter."

And she's critical of efforts that she believes are aimed at erasing Black history and gender issues from the classroom. An effect of silencing and erasing people like herself.

Nearly all of the people whove spoken for the proposals during public comment have been white. Something not lost on Democratic Rep. Kelli Skidmore of Boca Raton.

Many of these folks are the ones who are like not everyone gets a trophy at soccer. You have to earn it.' [Now] here they go saying we cant hurt any white persons feelings..' Thats not what this country is about.

Skidmore, Democrats, and other progressives see HB7 and other like-bills, as Republican efforts to cater to a small but vocal base of voters who are growing increasingly intolerant of progress being made by minority and other marginalized groups. Arguments in favor of the proposals often have a religious bent, which Skidmore says flies in the face who she believes God is.

If you want to invoke the name of JesusJesus ran into the leper colony. Jesus helped the prostitutes. Jesus made sure people were not stoned," Skidmore said.

The proposals said Skidmoreare the antithesis of what Jesus would do. And yet the bills continue to fly through committees, backed by Republicans whoeven if they may privately express discomfort with the measures continue to support them publicly. Democratic Lawmakers like Skidmore have repeatedly called out their Republican colleagues for backing bills they say foster hate, not hope.

See original here:
Progressives are raising alarms amid Republican-backed bills to roll back teaching on race, history and LGBTQ issues - WFSU

Progressive candidates who lost recent high-profile congressional campaigns launch national comeback bids to reenergize the left after bruising disappointments in 2021.

From the Midwest to the Deep South and Pacific Northwest, these insurgent progressives insist they have the right formula to take on the establishment wing of politicians they argue has politically crippled the country during the Biden era.

Were going to be flooding the streets, said a senior campaign adviser for former Ohio state Sen. Nina Turner (D), who recently announced a second primary challenge to Rep. Shontel Brown (D) in the states 11th Congressional District. This will be a very bottom-heavy campaign.

Turner is not alone in her grassroots-style approach to a rematch.

In Texas, attorney and activist Jessica Cisneros is gunning for another shot against recently embattled Rep. Henry Cuellar (D) in the states 28th Congressional District after losing to him by less than 4 points in 2020. With Cuellar embroiled in a federal investigation, Cisneros has even more of an opening.

And in Oregon, Jamie McLeod-Skinner is running just two years after losing in the general election for the 2nd Congressional District in 2018. This time, shes aiming for the states 5th Congressional District, currently held by Rep. Kurt SchraderWalter (Kurt) Kurt SchraderOvernight Energy & Environment Biden tries to reverse Trump on power plants 23 House Democrats call for Biden to keep full climate funds in Build Back Better House passes bill to strengthen shipping supply chain MORE (D).

To some in the party, the progressive do-overs feel like an unnecessary rehash of recent events. They argue their organizing muscle would be better spent supporting Democrats who are already comfortably in office which is even more critical, they say, with control of Congress hanging on just a few seats.

The climate in Washington is already so polarized that they fear a scattering of challengers to fellow Democrats could further alienate voters who believe the party is falling off the rails and heading for collision in November.

For every progressive that may be challenging a moderate, what does that say about the resources in the end? said Democratic strategist Antjuan Seawright. What does that say about trying to bring this party together and unifying this party?

The real opponent is on the other side, he said.

Progressives believe thats oversimplifying things. To some failed candidates, their bids come as badges of honor: the closeness of their defeats, the energized momentumfrom gains progressives have made in the Houseand, in some cases, the lessons learned from the past are all reasons enough to restart.

We always have known that this isnt a one-time-cycle fight, said Natalia Salgado, the director of federal affairs for the Working Families Party. Bernie SandersBernie SandersBriahna Joy Gray: Biden's Supreme Court promise 'bare minimum' gesture to Black voters Manchin sees best fundraising haul for in nonelection year Biden's 'New Political Order' MORE getting to the top of the ticket and being seen as a viable candidate versus a longtime party leader that is and was President BidenJoe BidenBriahna Joy Gray: Biden's Supreme Court promise 'bare minimum' gesture to Black voters House GOP leader says State of the Union attendance could be capped: report Record enrollment numbers send a clear message about health care affordability, access MORE is a big indication of how far we have come.

With all the stagnation on Capitol Hill, where Bidens legislative agenda has been held hostage, some say, by a few moderates in the Senate and House, more progressives in office could shake things up.

The energy right now is for surviving this existential moment for our planet and democracy. That means progressives flipping red seats and winning open seats more than primarying incumbents, said Adam Green, the co-founder of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee.

The giant exception is for people like Henry Cuellar and Kyrsten SinemaKyrsten SinemaDurbin says 'several' Republicans could be open to Biden court pick Manchin hired security detail amid threats and protests Manchin 'anxious' to confirm Breyer's Supreme Court successor MORE, who occupy blue seats and actively block the Democratic agenda, which is why theres so much energy around Jessica Cisneross House campaign and even a 2024 Primary Sinema campaign.

In Texass 28th District, which has been one of Democrats biggest targets for the past several seasons, the contest between Cuellar and Cisneros has garnered national attention due to an FBI raid on Cuellars home, which is part of a broader investigation between U.S. businessmen and Azerbaijan. The investigation has subsequently drawn more eyes to his district, which many speculate benefits Cisneros.

Yet Cuellar still appears to have a fundraising advantage. He raised $700,000 during the last quarter of 2021, according to filings with the Federal Election Commission. Cisneros raised $362,000 during the same period.

But Cisneros has been making what she believes is a more compelling case to voters, keeping in line with other progressives firmness in bucking corporate donations in favor of small dollar contributions. And shes gotten some top media figures to take notice, including going door-to-door with MSNBC as she literally introduced herself to her would-be constituents.

Cuellar and Schrader were among the moderate House Democrats who faced blowback during negotiations surrounding Bidens infrastructure package and a sweeping social spending bill known as Build Back Better. While the two moderate congressmen ultimately voted to pass Build Back Better in the House, progressives have slammed them along with seven other moderate Democrats for voting to pass infrastructure separately from the social spending package.

The fight around Build Back Better really clarified who within the Democratic caucus is really a progressive and who is not, said Joseph Geevarghese, national director of the Sanders-aligned group Our Revolution. In the case of Kurt Schrader and Henry Cuellar, the contrast is clear and I think theres more energy that will be generated as a result.

Turner and Brown are in a different spot. The two candidates, both Black women, last faced off in an August special election to fill Housing and Urban Development Secretary Marcia FudgeMarcia FudgeEquilibrium/Sustainability Robots to explore Greenland's glaciers HUD opens access to B in climate, disaster resilience grants Nina Turner launches new campaign for Congress, setting up likely rematch with Shontel Brown MOREs seat. The primary turned into a bitter fight between the partys establishment and progressive factions.

Top party figures like House Majority Whip James Clyburn (D-S.C.) and progressive icons like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-CortezAlexandria Ocasio-CortezOmar seeking third term in Congress Manchin hired security detail amid threats and protests Democratic rep tests positive for COVID-19 upon return from Ukraine trip MORE (D-N.Y.) traveled to the district to campaign with their respective candidates. Brown ultimately defeated Turner by roughly 5 points.

Now, Turner is throwing it all back into the rematch, proclaiming in a very on-brand launch video last week that our leaders cant settle for just enough.

The senior adviser helping shape Turners messaging strategy pointed to several factors that the campaign believes will work in the progressive firebrands favor, including a soon-to-be-announced new congressional map.

What we know for certain is that up to a third of the district will be brand new and that it will be greater Cleveland that will be the anchor of the district, the adviser said.

This is going to be a Cleveland district ... which is good for Nina.

More than 2,000 miles away from Cleveland, in the greater Portland area, McLeod-Skinner is challenging Schrader, with many of her supporters citing Schraders initial skepticism over Bidens social safety net plan.

The Working Families Party cited Schraders role in those negotiations in their endorsement of McLeod-Skinner last week.

But Democratic strategists maintain that the stalling of Bidens agenda is not the fault of Democrats in the House, but rather the partys moderates in the Senate.

The reality is the House is doing its work and theyre delivering results for the American people, Seawright, the Democratic strategist, said. Theres a clog in the wheel in the United States Senate.

Progressives brushed off this notion, citing what they said were the ties between moderates in both chambers.

They very actively worked against Build Back Better and I think those of us on the left have the receipts to show it, the Working Families Partys Salgado said.

See the original post here:
Progressive candidates seek comebacks after disappointing year | TheHill - The Hill

If you want to understand the massive political dysfunction in the Democratic Party, look no further than Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortezs recent comments about Sen. Kyrsten Sinema.

This week, Ocasio-Cortez appeared on MSNBC and declared that supporting a potential primary challenge to Sinema would be the easiest decision I would ever have to make. She also personally scolded Sinema, saying, She is not an ally on civil rights, and accusing her of contributing to the threat that we have in stabilizing our democracy. The New York congresswoman further called the Arizona senator a profound ally of corporate interests.

Democratic infighting and disunity (an obvious problem since Bidens Build Back Better bill crumbled) aside, Im most interested in the timing of her remarks. Its not just what she said, its when she said it.

AOC made her comments Wednesday night, just hours after news broke that Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer was planning to retire. Let me put this in context. With a 50-50 Senate in which Democrats will need every vote to replace Breyer with an African American woman (as President Joe Biden has promised), AOC attacked one of the 50 Democrats who could scuttle the nomination.

Keep in mind that Democratic control over the Senate could not be any more precarious. In fact, Harvard legal scholar Laurence Tribe has previously argued that a vice president cant break a tie on a Supreme Court nomination. While it seems highly unlikely his constitutional argument will win the day, the only obstacles between Biden getting his first SCOTUS pick are a) the life and health of 50 Democratic senatorsmany of whom are in their golden yearsand b) the possible defection of Sens. Sinema or Joe Manchin.

When you realize that President Donald Trump won Manchins home state of West Virginia by almost 40 percentage points, you start to realize that Manchin might be better off switching parties. Likewise, Sinema has a higher approval rating among Arizona Republicans than Democrats (a party that just voted to censure her). Now, I dont actually think either will switch parties, although crazier things have happened. But that doesnt mean Sinema and Manchin couldnt vote against Bidens nomineeespecially if that nominee hits some bumps en route to confirmation.

But even then, unless progressives like AOC find a way to completely alienate them from the Democratic Party, it seems highly likely that Sinema and Manchin will both support the nomineeas will some Republicans.

As CNNs Manu Ragu notes, Manchin has long deferred to presidents nominees; Sinema tends to vote for Biden nominees. Amber Phillips of the Washington Post agrees, writing, Manchin and Sinema have both supported his lower court picks, including one that is high on Bidens short list for the high court: Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson. And Ben Jacobs at New York magazine says both senators look ready to help the president fulfill his promise from the 2020 presidential primary of putting the first Black woman on the Court.

It was ill-advised for AOC to attack Sinema (and Manchin) at the exact moment when they are poised to deliver a huge win for their party. Even if its unlikely theyll be angered enough by the attacks from the partys left-flank that theyd derail the nomination, Supreme Court confirmations are precious. Why chance blowing it?

Rather than seizing this opportunity to cast stones inside their own house, this moment should serve as a reminder to Democrats that they should be thankful for centrists like Sinema and Manchin whoeven if they sometimes fall short of the progressive purity teststill represent the party in states that are far from safe for Democratic incumbents.

Its entirely plausible that Sinema could be defeated by a Republican, a scenario made more likely by Democratic infighting. It also seems almost certain that a Republican would replace Manchin if he retires or loses reelection. Given those realities, Democrats should take what they can get (such as a lifetime justice on the high court!) and avoid making perfect the enemy of good.

Now, AOC may not have much appreciation for the political realities of living in a red (or purple) state, coming from a safe New York congressional district. But the rest of the country doesnt share the political sensibilities of her New York City district. Despite her relatively brief tenure in the lower house, AOC has a huge megaphone, commands media attention, and has a huge social media following. All this is to say, her ability to pressure (and alienate) moderate Democrats in the upper chamber exceeds her congressional seniority. This is a problem for the party.

If Democrats want to achieve grand progressive results (a la FDR and LBJ), they need grand majoritiessomething thats highly unlikely for the foreseeable future. Its unrealistic to think you can always count on having unanimous support from your caucus, so you need a little cushion. This is the cost of doing the business of politics.

They can build a cushion by winning more electionsnot by harshly disciplining their narrow majority, which will unintentionally lose seats. As James Carville told Vox, If we want to pass more liberal policies, we need to elect more Democrats. Period. End of story.

I couldnt have said it better myself. And to accomplish this task, Democrats need to get their most famous and important progressive star, AOC, on board.

Continued here:
Progressives Should Be Thankful for Sinema and Manchin - The Daily Beast