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DENVER, Colo.Some Republican candidates are scrambling to revamp their campaign websites, updating their positions on abortion to get in line with the general electorate.

Not Joe ODea. Thats not because his staff hasnt gotten around to it or because he refuses to bow to media pressure, but because the pro-choice Colorado Republican doesnt think he has anything to run from in a year in which abortion has become a central campaign issue.

ODea may be the most disciplined Republican running for Senate this year. At times, his straightforward messaging borders on boring. Yet in the current Republican Party environment, that may be a winning strategy, and Colorado is turning into a glimmer of hope for a party feeling less than ebullient about the prospects of recapturing the upper chamber.

"If any of the other candidates can learn something from me, its just stay disciplined," ODea told the Washington Free Beacon. "Stay on message and make sure we're delivering the message thats gonna get us across the finish line."

A survey from the Republican Attorneys General Association finds ODea in a statistical tie with Sen. Michael Bennet (D.) in a state President Joe Biden won by 13 points. Few, if any, other Republicans running for office in a competitive district or state are in such a good position at the beginning of September.

Democrats know ODeas campaign is resonating with voters. In what Politico described as a "panic," Democratic organizations spent millions of dollars in a desperate attempt to boost ODeas former primary opponentthe state representative Ron Hanks, who boasted on the campaign trail that he was "100 percent pro-life" and rallied at the Capitol on Jan. 6in the final weeks of the race.

The Democratic effort to nominate Hanks may backfire in the general election, as voters were inundated, in the races early days, with ads describing ODea as a moderate disloyal to former president Donald Trump. With ODea as a nominee, the race has shifted from "likely Democratic" to "lean Democratic," according to the Cook Political Report.

ODeas message of shutting down illegal immigration, banning radical sex-ed in schools, and cutting spending does not differ much from the rest of the Republican Party field nationwide except on a single issue: abortion. ODea is pro-choice. He supports restrictions on abortion after 20 weeks, a practice embraced by many European countries.

At a candidate forum in Littleton last month, arch-conservatives sporting Trump T-shirts and "Lets Go Brandon" signs appeared relatively unconcerned with those views. Their focus instead was on critical race theory, illegal immigration, and a stream of fentanyl flowing over the southern border.

One woman, who identified as Catholic, accused ODea during a question-and-answer session of being no different than Bennet on the issue of abortion. The audience was silent. A few rolled their eyes or shook their heads.

"Im Catholic, I have my own faith. I really think my critics [on abortion] need to do the research," O'Dea told the woman. "Michael Bennet has come out and said he supports late term abortion, up to and including in the birth canal. I think thats outrageous. I think that we need some balance. Ive stated very early during the primary my stance on this and Ive been for a mothers right."

Theres a longstanding conviction among political operatives in Colorado that moderating on abortion could be the key to success for the Republican Party. Bennet has never cracked 50 percent in a race since he was appointed to the seat in 2009, and political operatives believe Republicans blew an opportunity the following year, when the Republican Party racked up long-shot victories in states across the country such as Massachusetts but not in Colorado.

A Colorado political operative working to help elect Republicans in the midterms pointed to the 2010 Republican Senate nominee, Rep. Ken Buck,who took a staunchly pro-life stance, including in the case of rape and incesta view he broadcast on Meet the Press two weeks before the election and which Democrats drew attention to in the closing days of the race. Bennet then won with 48 percent of the vote, despite Buck leading by an average of 3 points in the polls just before the election.

The belief that Bucks interview sunk his chances isnt just held by Colorados moderate Republicans. "Social issues distracted" from the race, the then-president of FreedomWorks Matt Kibbe said just after the election.

It is also possible that Buck misread his own partys electorate. Just 56 percent of Colorado Republicans polled in February, before the Supreme Court overruled Roe v. Wade, disagreed with the statement that "all Colorado women should have access to abortion care." An overwhelming majority of voters in the state, including a critical Republican-voting constituencywhites without a college degreeagreed.

Voters in Pueblo, Colo., a small city that sits in a rural district represented by Rep. Lauren Boebert (R.), were not animated by the abortion issue. All of those who spoke with the Free Beacon were open to voting for a Republican in November and said they were far more concerned about economic issues and Democratic prosecutors and judges letting criminals back on the street with light sentences.

"Im not big on any of the politicians elected in the state right now. I mostly look at platforms and make a decision on who will do the best thing for the state," said Chris Diaz, a rancher in his 20s from a neighboring town who said he leans conservative. "I dont take a hard position on abortion when deciding to vote, because I understand there are circumstances where it may be necessary. On the same side, I personally dont agree with the practice."

Another woman, Angela Texo, said during a cattle auction at the Colorado State Fair that she was personally pro-life. But, Texo added, a candidates position on abortion wasnt something shes paying attention to during this election cycle.

"I dont think abortion should be banned here," she said. "Its just not something I really factor in when picking a candidate."

Views like these illustrate how describing the Colorado electorate is a challenge for many Republicans. Judging by presidential election results since 2008, the state is bluer than Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.

But anyone who lives in the state knows that is far from the case. The governor, Jared Polis (D.), has broken with his party on issues related to COVID-19 and taxes. Most of the state remains rural, and many voters who moved to the Denver and Colorado Springs metropolitan areas from California left their home states to flee what they considered incompetent liberal governance.

Bennet is acutely aware of this, and his campaigns central pitch is that hes a centrist, rugged Coloradoan enjoying frontier life. He wants voters to forget his tremendous wealth, which has skyrocketed during his time in office, and his voting recordover 98 percent of the time with Bidenin a state suffering from a Biden hangover.

It is here, on the question of authenticity, where ODea may have the biggest advantage over his opponent. The adopted son of a police officer, ODeas first job was as a union carpenter before he landed at Colorado State University on a scholarship. Then he dropped out to start his own construction company.

Bennet was born in New Delhi, India, to the life-long Democratic operative Douglas Bennet. He grew up in Washington, D.C., and attended the exclusive St. Albans School before graduating from Wesleyan University and Yale Law School.

After law school, Bennet worked for Ohio governor Richard Celeste, a former colleague of his father. He later served in the Clinton administration before cashing out as a managing director at Anschutz Investment Company. His net worth is estimated to be in the tens of millions.

That privileged background, ODea says, has ended up costing Colorado. Bennet hasnt cut the same figure as moderate Democrats such as Kyrsten Sinema (D., Ariz.) or Joe Manchin (D., W.Va.) or managed to extract concessions from the White House and party leadership on major legislation. "Bennet should have made his Senate vote count for Colorado," ODea told the Free Beacon. "He waits and asks Joe Biden which vote he should take and then rubber-stamps the agenda. And thats a problem and thats why Im going to get elected here."

Unlike candidates who have felled Republican hopes in years pasttheres unfortunately an entire Wikipedia page dedicated to "Rape and pregnancy statement controversies in the 2012 United States elections"ODea has avoided cringe-inducing soundbites.

He speaks in plain English. "We got fentanyl killing our kids," and, "We need to complete the wall" are the sorts of things youll hear ODea tell voters on the campaign trail. ODeas remarks dont cause voters to raise their eyebrows in confusion at references to buzzwords or ideological concepts found on Twitter or niche policy journals.

As the Mitch McConnell-aligned Senate Leadership Fund pulls spending plans from Arizona over concerns the Republican nominee is not electable, there are rising hopes among Colorado Republicans that national groups could begin spending big for ODea. For now, the ODea campaign is focused on retail politics.

"Weve built a huge coalition across the state. Weve got Trump Republicans, we've got GOP Republicans, weve got the unaffiliated, and weve got some really disenchanted Democrats that are mad at their party for all these policies," ODea said in Littleton. "I want to do whats right for Colorado."

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Republican Joe ODea Thinks He Has the Formula To Win in a Blue State - Washington Free Beacon

The other six competitive districts cover terrain that has largely been held by Democrats in recent years. One of those, Senate District 3 in Pueblo, has an incumbent state Sen. Nick Hinrichsen, who was appointed to represent the area earlier this year.

In all, Republicans would likely have to keep Woodwards seat while also capturing at least five of the six vulnerable Democratic districts.

Some people call them vulnerable, said Democratic state Sen. Julie Gonzales, co-chair of the partys Senate election operation, of the candidates in races targeted by Republicans. I call them frontliners, because theyre on the frontlines of flipping those seats blue and keeping them blue.

The results could also show whether Colorado Republicans can move past Trumps deep unpopularity in Colorado. Voters in 2020 swung heavily against the former president, breaking against him by 10-plus points in most of the competitive Senate districts.

Wadhams said he thinks Republicans will get a boost simply because Trump is out of office and off the ballot.

There's no doubt that Trump was a big liability to Republican candidates in 2020 and 2018, he said.

Sen. Paul Lundeen, who is leading the reelection effort for the GOP, said crime and the economy will be the winning issues for his party.

It's just the affordability of life, and everything that Biden and the Democrats in the state of Colorado have done to make life unaffordable, he said. That's what's driving the conversation right now When I'm on doorsteps, that's the only thing people wanna talk about."

But Gonzales said the last few months have improved the outlook for Democrats.

At the beginning of summer, there were all of these doomsday reports about the end of the Democratic trifecta, and The red wave is coming, she said.

Thats changed, she argued.

The Supreme Court decision overturning Roe vs. Wade has motivated some Coloradans to vote against Republicans, citing their opposition to legal abortion. And Gonzales said Democratic candidates will also drive home the partys gains for working families, such as the Polis administrations moves to offer free all-day kindergarten and expanded preschool, as well as health care reforms.

The state Senate battlegrounds are arrayed across the state. In the northwestern quadrant of Colorado, state Rep. Dylan Roberts is running to replace state Sen. Kerry Donovan, a fellow Democrat who is term-limited, in a district that has leaned toward Democrats recently.

About 48 percent of voters within the new borders of Senate District 8 favored Trump in 2016, but that support dropped to 44 percent in 2020. The vast district includes ski towns like Vail and Steamboat Springs, coal mining communities like Craig, and remote swaths along the Wyoming and Utah borders.

Roberts is close with the Polis administration and sponsored the Colorado option a new program aimed at reducing health care costs, especially in rural and mountain areas. It has not yet gone into effect.

I absolutely believe it's a competitive district the way that it was drawn, and just given the environment this year, Roberts said.

Hes running in part on Democrats recent legislation on health care and housing.

Not everything happens overnight, but we are making really good headway on the biggest challenges facing this district, he said. I think I offer somebody who's willing to compromise and get things done rather than stick to a hard-line political position.

Opposing Roberts is Republican Matt Solomon, whos resume includes stints as a paramedic, deputy coroner and a council member for the town of Eagle, as well as a gun shop owner, among other gigs. His website highlights traditional conservative priorities fighting tax increases, defending freedom, protecting gun rights.

Colorado has traditionally been a balanced state. It forces conversation, and when we force conversation, better policy comes about, said Solomon, who was urged to run by party officials and friends. He wants to slow the growth of the state budget while also increasing education funding, though he said he wasnt sure yet what cuts he would push for to achieve that.

Economic issues are the focus for business consultant and first-time Republican candidate Tom Kim, who is running in Senate District 27 in Centennial against Democratic state Rep. Tom Sullivan.

I really want to focus on the economy and affordability as the number one issue. Crime and public safety is a very close second for me, because without safe communities, it's hard to live the rest of your life, Kim said.

His opponent, Sullivan, has been a champion of stricter gun laws during his time at the state capitol. He decided to get into politics after his son Alex was killed in the Aurora theater shooting. And Sullivan is no stranger to competitive races; in 2018 when he first ran for the House he unseated an incumbent Republican to win his seat.

Candidates and political parties are pouring money into the elections already. In the top Senate battleground districts, Democratic candidates have raised about $875,000 in donations, compared to about $749,000 for Republicans.

Meanwhile, independent Republican groups have spent an estimated $844,000 on the battlegrounds, almost twice the $470,000 spent on the Democratic side.

But some of the biggest money is still to come. The Senate Democrats spending group had nearly $3 million in reserve as of Aug. 31, and Republicans could have more waiting in other accounts, too.

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As Colorado Republicans look for a way back to power, the state Senate may be the party's best chance. Here are the races to watch - Colorado Public...

In August 2020, as the presidential election drew closer, Donald Trump decided it was time to roll out a new line of attack against Americans he didnt like. At a campaign stop in Minnesota, with uniformed military personnel in view, the Republican declared, in reference to his opponents on the left, Fascists. They are fascists. The then-president liked the phrasing enough to repeat it before voters headed to the polls.

By any fair measure, the response from Democrats was muted, to the extent that Trumps opponents cared at all. It wasnt as if the Republicans use of fascists immediately sparked a public conversation, front-page headlines and an avalanche of op-eds. In general, few cared.

Indeed, regular readers might recall that MaddowBlog covered the 2020 race in granular detail, but when I checked my archive this morning, I discovered that I made no references to the incumbents use of the word fascists.

Theres no great mystery as to why: There was no serious pushback in response to Trumps rhetoric because it was plainly unserious. Democrats, among others, seemed wholly unconcerned that voters might actually believe that that they resembled fascists. Much of the political world simply shrugged its collective shoulders, realized that the then-president routinely used needlessly inflammatory rhetoric detached from reality, and moved on.

Two years to the month later, President Joe Biden described radicalized elements of the Republican Party as being like semi-fascism, which the Democrat soon followed by a speech in which he warned the public about Trumpism.

Too much of whats happening in our country today is not normal, Biden said. Donald Trump and the MAGA Republicans represent an extremism that threatens the very foundations of our republic. Now, I want to be very clear upfront: Not every Republican, not even the majority of Republicans, are MAGA Republicans. Not every Republican embraces their extreme ideology. I know because Ive been able to work with these mainstream Republicans.

But there is no question that the Republican Party today is dominated, driven and intimidated by Donald Trump and the MAGA Republicans, and that is a threat to this country.

I think its fair to say the response to this presidents remarks included more than just shrugged shoulders.

Nearly two weeks after Bidens address in Philadelphia, leading GOP voices continue to whine incessantly about the speech. Just yesterday, for example, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie said he felt attacked by the presidential comments suggesting, as a great many Republicans have in recent days, that Biden had targeted all Trump voters, despite the fact that Biden has repeatedly and explicitly said the opposite.

But there was one response that stood out for me as more notable than most. The Hill reported:

Former Vice President Mike Pence railed against President Bidens speech arguing MAGA Republicans pose a threat to democracy, telling a conservative womens group that the address amounted to a partisan campaign rally that demonized the right.

In remarks to a religious right group called the Concerned Women for America, Trumps former vice president told his audience: The president made it clear that he views pro-life Americans as enemies of democracy. In fact, he said that anyone who refuses to bend the knee to his extremist left-wing ideology represents an extremism that threatens the very foundations of our republic.

Pence added, Never before in the history of our nation has a president stood before the American people and accused millions of his own countrymen of being a threat to this country.

For now, lets put aside the fact that Biden isnt an extremist and he didnt ask anyone to bend a knee to any ideology. We also wont dwell on the Hoosiers indifference to the kind of sweeping condemnations his former boss made against millions of his own countrymen.

Instead, lets consider just how poor a messenger Pence is for this specific message.

The unmistakable point of Bidens Sept. 1 address was that theres a radicalized wing of the GOP that not only rejects the legitimacy of U.S. elections, but also embraces violence as politically justifiable. The incumbent president made a compelling case that such extremists represent a small-but-dangerous faction of the contemporary Republican Party.

If theres anyone in GOP politics who can relate in a deeply personal and direct way to how right Biden was, its Pence who was not only pressured by the then-president and his allies to advance an illegal coup scheme, but who was literally hunted in the halls of the Capitol by violent Trump followers who intended to do him harm.

Pence doesn't have to imagine whether Biden is right as some kind of philosophical exercise. The Republican can simply reflect on his personal experiences.

As recently as June, the former vice president himself said that what Trump asked him to do on Jan. 6 was un-American. That didnt mean, of course, that Pence was accusing all Republicans of being un-American, but his assessment served as a reminder that he, as much as anyone, knows how much Trumpism is at odds with the rule of law in the United States.

Its unrealistic to think that Pence would ever endorse Bidens vision, but with the events of Jan. 6 in mind, he knows full well how right Bidens warnings were about radicalized Republicans.

Steve Benen is a producer for "The Rachel Maddow Show," the editor of MaddowBlog and an MSNBC political contributor. He's also the bestselling author of "The Impostors: How Republicans Quit Governing and Seized American Politics."

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Pence is the wrong Republican to slam Bidens democracy speech - MSNBC

A one-time top campaign adviser to the Republican Party now finds himself part of a small "never-Trump" minority. Tim Miller has written a book on how the GOP literally shifted under their feet.Miller crafted messaging for lots of moderate Republicans like Mitt Romney. But in 2015, he says everything changed with the rise of Donald Trump who found an eager grass-roots audience for HIS messages. As well as other politicians and a willing media megaphone.

"And what happened was those peoples' grievances and anger were exacerbated by a conservative eco-system. That was the other part of the 'Triangle-of-doom' that was telling them they should be upset and giving them phony enemies within and without, whether it's the caravan, or Sharia Law in schools. We could go down the whole list."

Miller, now an MSNBC analyst and a writer for "The Bulwark," will be at Tallahassee's Midtown Reader this Thursday evening, Sept. 15 at 7:00 p.m. He'll talk about his new book, "Why We Did It," on the takeover of the Republican Party by supporters of the former president. Midtown Reader is a WFSU Public Media supporter.

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Former Republican messaging maven brings his analysis of the GOP's Trumpian trend to Tallahassee's Midtown Reader - WFSU

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Newly minted "The View" co-host Alyssa Farah Griffin is a Republican, and she's not shy about reminding viewers of that fact.

In her many stints as a guest co-host over the past year, an appearance on "Good Morning America" last week promoting the ABC gabfest's new season, and since taking the chair officially as the show's token conservative, Griffin has frequently noted her political affiliation, sometimes in a defensive posture or while taking shots at her party.

"I will say this as a Republican," she said during a discussion in May about the then-rumored pending overturning of Roe v. Wade. "My party needs to start If we are, in fact, going to undo 50 years of precedent by overturning Roe, we need to invest in maternal care, paid parental leave, funding for rural health care funding."

"I'm a Republican who believes the more voters the better," she said in May, suggesting that stance in the party made her an outlier. "Everybody should have fair access to the ballot."

Alyssa Farah Griffin was recently named a permanent co-host of "The View." (Screenshot/ABC/TheView)

ALYSSA FARAH GRIFFIN SAYS TRUMP RESONATED WITH WORKING CLASS AMERICANS, PUSHES BACK ON SUNNY HOSTIN

In her appearance on GMA last week, she called Chelsea Clinton "fabulous" while adding, "as a Republican," she was excited to question Hillary Clinton when the pair appeared on the program later in the week.

"As a Republican," she said in February, she had once held a top security clearance and was thus critical of both Clinton and Trump for mishandling classified material.

The former top Trump White House aide is now one of Donald Trump's staunchest critics and has repeatedly said he should not be president again, but she said last week she hopes to be a "voice" for his 74 million voters in 2020. She has often invoked her Republican identity while distancing herself from Trump's unfounded 2020 stolen election claims.

"Here's what's kind of scary about it. I'm a conservative, I'm a Republican," Griffin said once after bemoaning a conservative Republican who was defeated in a primary by a staunch Trump backer.

NEW THE VIEW CO-HOST ALYSSA FARAH GRIFFIN WANTS TO BE VOICE OF TRUMP VOTERS

"As a Republican who has spoken out I resigned before January 6, a month prior who has consistently said it was not stolen, we lost," she said on another episode.

"As a Republican, we don't have to do that whole Trump thing again," she said in May of politics becoming a binary choice between him and Joe Biden.

Hillary and Chelsea Clinton were guests on the new season of "The View" last week. ((Photo by Dia Dipasupil/Getty Images))

While questioning Chelsea and Hillary Clinton on the show last week, Griffin mentioned President Biden's controversial speech against MAGA Republicans, noting "as a Republican" herself she had been outspoken that threats to democracy constituted "one of the biggest issues facing our country."

The ABC show has never troubled to balance out its panel over the years, pitting a token conservative in the chair furthest to the right of the screen to face off with staunch progressives like Rosie O'Donnell, Whoopi Goldberg, Joy Behar, Sunny Hostin and others through the years.

How much the conservative is willing to "fight" has depended on the person. Meghan McCain, while a Trump critic, had fiery exchanges almost daily with her co-hosts on the issues of the day, while Griffin has been far more deferential and affectionate toward her colleagues. That hasn't always endeared her to right-wing media figures; the conservative watchdog NewsBusters has dismissed Griffin, who is also a CNN commentator, as a "faux conservative." There are also far-left voices who think she shouldn't be on the show by virtue of ever working for and praising Trump, such as MSNBC's Tiffany Cross.

'THE VIEW' TOUTS NEW CO-HOST ANA NAVARRO AS REPUBLICAN POWER PLAYER DESPITE LIBERAL VIEWS, BIDEN SUPPORT

For her part, Griffin has defended her conservative bona fides and says she deserves to have a voice despite working for a president she now despises.

In the same GMA interview last week, she said "as a Republican," the show clearly "skewed left" but added she wasn't going in trying to change anyone's minds, but simply present an alternative point of view.

While some conservatives may find her insufficiently feisty, Griffin looks downright right-wing compared to the other new co-host.

New "The View" co-hosts Alyssa Farah Griffin and Ana Navarro are strongly anti-Trump Republicans.

Sitting in the middle of the table on Monday was fellow "Republican" co-host Ana Navarro. Navarro is nominally a Republican but strongly supports Democrats, espouses liberal positions nearly across the board, worked for Joe Biden's 2020 campaign in Florida, and has referred to Vice President Kamala Harris affectionately as "Auntie Kamala."

Navarro was named a permanent co-host alongside Griffin last month. While Griffin worked for and praised Trump for years, Navarro has been anti-Trump from the start of his political rise in 2015.

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Navarro used some of her airtime on Monday to declare the Supreme Court was illegitimate in part because conservative Justices Clarence Thomas and Brett Kavanaugh have been hit with sexual harassment and assault accusations.

Nikolas Lanum is an associate editor for Fox News Digital.

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Token 'View' conservative Alyssa Farah Griffin loves reminding viewers of her party: 'As a Republican...' - Fox News