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WASHINGTON One hundred million Americans from Arizona to Boston are under heat emergency warnings, and the drought in the West is nearing Dust Bowl proportions. Britain declared a national emergency as temperatures soared above 100 degrees Fahrenheit and parts of blistering Europe are ablaze.

But on Capitol Hill this week, Republicans were warning against rash action in response to the burning planet.

I dont want to be lectured about what we need to do to destroy our economy in the name of climate change, said Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina.

One Democrat, Senator Joe Manchin III of West Virginia, last week blocked what could have been the countrys most far-reaching American response to climate change. But lost in the recriminations and finger-pointing is the other side of the aisle: All 50 Republicans in the Senate have been as opposed to decisive action to confront planetary warming.

Few Republicans in Congress now outwardly dismiss the scientific evidence that human activities the burning of oil, gas and coal have produced gases that are dangerously heating the Earth.

But for many, denial of the cause of global temperature rise has been replaced by an insistence that the solution replacing fossil fuels over time with wind, solar and other nonpolluting energy sources will hurt the economy.

In short, delay is the new denial.

Overwhelmingly, Republicans on Capitol Hill say that they believe that the United States should be drilling and burning more American oil, gas and coal, and that market forces would somehow develop solutions to the carbon dioxide that has been building in the atmosphere, trapping heat like a blanket around a sweltering Earth.

Im not in a position to tell you what the solution is, but for the president to shut down the production of oil and gas in the United States is not going to help, said Senator Mike Crapo, Republican of Idaho.

President Biden is not proposing to shut down fossil fuel production. He wants to use tax credits and other incentives to speed up the development of wind, solar, and other low-carbon energy, and to make electric vehicles more affordable.

The fact that scientists say nations must quickly cut greenhouse gas emissions or global rising temperatures will reach catastrophic levels does not appear to faze many conservatives.

In many ways, elected Republicans mirror the views of their voters. A May poll commissioned by Pew Research Center found 63 percent of Democrats named climate change as a very big problem, while just 16 percent of Republicans felt the same.

Build Back Better. Before being elected president in 2020, Joseph R. Biden Jr. articulated his ambitious vision for his administration under the slogan Build Back Better, promising to invest in clean energyand to ensure that procurement spending went toward American-made products.

A two-part agenda. March and April 2021:President Biden unveiled two plans that together formed the core of his domestic agenda: the American Jobs Plan, focused on infrastructure, and the American Families Plan, which included a variety of social policy initiatives.

The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act. Nov. 15, 2021: President Biden signed a $1 trillion infrastructure bill into law,the result of months of negotiations. The president hailed the package, a pared-back version of what had been outlined in the American Jobs Plan, as evidence that U.S. lawmakers could still work across party lines.

The Democratic Party has made climate change a religion and their solutions are draconian, said Mr. Graham, who accepts the science of global warming. He is among a handful of Republicans who support putting a price on carbon dioxide emissions to encourage industries to clean up their operations.

But Mr. Graham dismissed Mr. Bidens goal of cutting U.S. emissions by half by 2030, to try keep average global temperature rise to 1.5 degrees Celsius, compared with preindustrial levels. Thats the threshold beyond which scientists say the likelihood of catastrophic impacts increases significantly. The planet has already warmed by about 1.1 degrees Celsius.

Mr. Graham repeated a common refrain among Republicans that it would be foolish for the United States, historically the country that has emitted the most carbon dioxide, to reduce its pollution unless other big polluters like China and India do the same.

The point to me is to get the world to participate, not just us, he said.

So it has gone with the Republican Party, where warnings of a catastrophe are mocked as hyperbole, where technologies that do not exist on a viable scale, such as carbon capture and storage and clean coal, are hailed as saviors. At the same time, those that do, such as wind and solar power and electric vehicles, are dismissed as unreliable and overly expensive. American leadership on a global problem is seen as a fools errand, kneecapping the domestic economy while Indian and Chinese coal bury Americas good intentions in soot.

When China gets our good air, their bad airs got to move, Herschel Walker, a former football star and now a Republican candidate in Georgia for the Senate, explained last week. So it moves over to our good air space. Then now weve got to clean that back up.

The partys political attacks often center on the symptoms of the climate crisis as they point to Central American climate refugees massing at the southern border, poor forest management as wildfires burn, and environmentalists who deprive farmers of water in record droughts.

For decades, Republicans and the fossil fuel industry denied the science of climate change. That has slowly started to change as the evidence that the Earth is warming at an unprecedented rate has become undeniable, and started to resonate with moderate and independent voters.

Last month Kevin McCarthy, the House Republican leader, made public a conservative road map to address climate change. Lawmakers also have started a House Conservative Climate Caucus to discuss solutions that Republicans can support.

But Mr. McCarthys climate plan calls for increasing fossil fuel production. And last Thursday, when the Conservative Climate Caucus met with business executives to discuss climate change, the gathering was dominated by talk of more oil and gas drilling. Executives from fossil fuel companies also criticized new federal rules that require them to disclose their business risks from global warming, according to a Republican lawmaker who was at the meeting.

Denial used to be the way to delay, said Jon Krosnick, a social psychologist at Stanford University. Now, he said of Republican lawmakers theyve got to come up with some other way to delay.

Republicans involved in the issue say there has been clear movement from the day in 2015 when Senator James M. Inhofe, Republican of Oklahoma, brought a snowball to the Senate floor as evidence that global warming was a myth. Some Republicans privately acknowledge that bipartisan trips to see the glaciers melting in Greenland have settled any doubts they had about what is happening to the planet.

House Republicans have a series of incremental steps that they say they will pass if they win the majority in November: encouraging investments in American renewable energy and the restoration of forests and wetlands to absorb carbon dioxide. Senators Kevin Cramer, Republican of North Dakota, and Bill Cassidy, Republican of Louisiana, have proposed a carbon tariff on imports from countries that are doing less than the United States to stem climate change.

Yet many of those same lawmakers reject the idea that climate change is an urgent threat.

If Republicans win the House or Senate in Novembers midterm elections, I think you can expect a much more aggressive approach to domestic energy production, Mr. Cramer said this week. That doesnt mean we abandon climate as part of the agenda, but rather focus more on technologies that advance all forms of American energy.

One Republican senator, Thom Tillis of North Carolina, called on Tuesday for a reasonable transition to clean energy. Democrats, he said, are trying to move far more quickly than technology and the economy can absorb.

Republicans say Mr. Biden, pushed hard by uncompromising climate activists on the left, took such a maximalist approach to climate legislation that its collapse was inevitable.

The far left has screwed this up so badly that Republicans might actually enact the first real action on climate change, said Benjamin Backer, president of the American Conservation Coalition, a right-of-center environmental organization.

But even Republicans who are trying to address the effects of climate change in their home states appear to find it difficult to recognize the root cause of the problem. Last week, three Utah Republicans, Senator Mitt Romney and Representatives Chris Stewart and Burgess Owens, proposed legislation to save the shriveling Great Salt Lake before its dusty remains choke the capital city that shares its name.

But absent from the proposal which included Army Corps of Engineers monitoring programs, ecosystem management and potential technologies to redirect water, reinforce canals and address drought was any mention of climate change.

The same went for an appeal on Friday from Mr. McCarthy, to save the giant sequoias in his district from fire and drought. In an opinion piece he co-authored in Time, Mr. McCarthy blamed decades of fire suppression and misinformed policies for year-round forest fires in his state, obliquely referring to worsening drought conditions and extreme heat without once mentioning climate change.

One of his co-authors, Representative Scott Peters of California, a Democrat who helped draft the Save Our Sequoias bill, declined to say why climate change went unmentioned in the Time piece, but he did say, I wholeheartedly believe climate change is fueling catastrophic wildfires in the southwest. He added of the bill, As far as Im concerned, they can tell the world that birthday cakes are starting these fires as long as we get the damn thing to the presidents desk.

Republicans grappling with the undeniable reality of climate change still struggle with a philosophical aversion to intervening in energy markets or, they would most likely say, in any markets at all. Left unsaid are federal tax breaks totaling as much as $20 billion a year that the fossil fuel industry enjoys and that Republicans, and some Democrats, support.

Representative Nancy Mace, Republican of South Carolina and a founding member of the Conservative Climate Caucus, said she recognized the policy imperative to address climate change. But she called tax credits to steer consumers to electric vehicles or electric utilities toward renewable energy sources like wind or solar power picking winners and losers. She said Congress should simply cut taxes and let consumers and businesses decide how to use the extra money.

Id personally love to buy an electric vehicle, so lets cut taxes for everybody and allow people to afford things they otherwise could not afford, she said.

In a back-and-forth on Tuesday with Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, Representative Scott Perry, Republican of Pennsylvania, dismissed the administrations push for electric vehicles, saying the price was $55,000, beyond the reach of most Americans even with the presidents proposal for a $7,500 federal tax credit on some vehicles. Mr. Buttigieg replied that a Chevrolet Bolt costs $26,595, and electric pickup trucks like Chevy Silverado or Ford F150 Lightning start around $39,000. He added that he bought a used plug-in Ford C-Max hybrid with 15,000 miles on it for $14,000.

Bob Inglis, a former Republican House member who lost his 2010 primary in part because he backed climate action, insisted that his party had made huge progress since then.

Im convinced were going to act on climate change, Mr. Inglis said. Its just whether were going to act soon enough to avoid the worst consequences.

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Delay as the New Denial: The Latest Republican Tactic to Block Climate Action - The New York Times

Then-Republican Conference Chair Rep. Liz Cheney, flanked by House Minority Leader Rep. Kevin McCarthy, right, and Republican Whip Rep. Steve Scalise, criticizes Democrats' impeachment of then-President Donald Trump in December 2019. Now she is trying to convince the public that Trump is to blame for the Jan. 6 insurrection. Samuel Corum/Getty Images hide caption

Then-Republican Conference Chair Rep. Liz Cheney, flanked by House Minority Leader Rep. Kevin McCarthy, right, and Republican Whip Rep. Steve Scalise, criticizes Democrats' impeachment of then-President Donald Trump in December 2019. Now she is trying to convince the public that Trump is to blame for the Jan. 6 insurrection.

In the midst of former President Donald Trump's first impeachment, then-White House press secretary Stephanie Grisham says he called her into his office at the front of Air Force One. He had been watching one of the hearings and didn't like what he saw.

"He screamed at me, lots of expletives, told me how useless I was," she said. Her sin: "not enough people were on TV defending him."

Despite the former president's apparent dissatisfaction, in 2019 and early 2020 there was a wide-reaching, highly coordinated effort to defend him in the court of public opinion. That isn't the case now, as the House Select Committee on January 6th wraps up its series of summer hearings in prime time Thursday night.

Republican leaders boycotted the hearings, so unlike Trump's televised impeachment trials, viewers haven't seen a vigorous defense of his actions from the dais. And there's not much of a broader outside defense of Trump, either.

During the first impeachment, over Trump's withholding of military assistance to Ukraine and efforts to strong-arm the country's leader into launching an investigation of Joe Biden and his son Hunter Biden, the Republican National Committee, congressional Republicans, outside groups, the Trump campaign and a large team at the White House all had a coordinated strategy.

"The president had a dedicated White House staff of press relations people and communications people and lawyers to put together rapid responses," said Steven Groves, who as a deputy press secretary worked on Trump's impeachment defense.

Outside groups ran dozens of TV ads targeting members of Congress over impeachment and defending Trump, calling it "the radical left's impeachment obsession" and a "witch hunt" and a "travesty." There were nonstop cable hits from Trump-friendly surrogates and regular press conferences at the Capitol.

At a press conference in late September 2019, none other than Wyoming Congresswoman Liz Cheney came to Trump's defense.

"Ever since President Trump was elected, the House Democrats have been careening from impeachment theory to impeachment theory," she said in her capacity as a member of the House Republican leadership. "But what we see repeatedly is a complete lack of focus on concern about evidence and facts."

Today, excommunicated from leadership for her criticism of Trump and Jan. 6, Cheney is vice chair of the House select committee, arguing Trump is a threat to democracy. But other congressional Republicans, still in his corner, simply aren't defending Trump in the same way they did during the first impeachment.

A decision by Kevin McCarthy, the Republican leader in the House, not to name anyone to the committee means the Jan. 6 hearings are a one-sided presentation of evidence, more like a grand jury proceeding than a trial. They are nothing like a traditional congressional hearing with the whiplash of representatives from both parties scoring partisan points and asking leading questions. But the sorts of press conferences led by Trump allies in Congress that were standard during impeachment have all but disappeared along with the flood of cable appearances.

"There hasn't been as much of a sort of day-to-day focus from the congressional members who go on Fox as there was in the past," said Matt Gertz, a senior fellow at the progressive group Media Matters for America. Part of the reason for that, he said, is they aren't on the committee, so they don't have insight to add about the committee's inner workings and they don't have clips of explosive hearing exchanges to talk around.

"Fox News and others in the right wing media are spending less time engaging on a point-by-point basis than they did, say, during Donald Trump's first impeachment," said Gertz, whose job is to closely monitor the conservative media ecosystem.

And there isn't a defense during the commercial breaks, either. An analysis from the tracking firm AdImpact found more than 120 different anti-impeachment ads in 2019 and 2020. Some were from candidates, including Trump, but most were from outside groups. This time around there have been fewer than 20 ads mentioning the Jan. 6 investigation and those are mostly ads for primary candidates running against anti-Trump Republicans.

Groves says a big reason for the lower-octane public defense is simply that Trump is no longer president. The infrastructure that was around the president doesn't exist for the post-presidency.

"It's just not there anymore," said Groves. "He can't even go on Twitter and rapid-response on his own."

Trump was kicked off of Twitter on the day of the riot at the Capitol.

Other than a skeleton crew of staff working for Trump in his post-presidential office, who didn't respond to a request for comment, there's no one whose job it is to publicly defend him. Doug Heye, a former communications director for the Republican National Committee, says there's no reason the RNC should be going to bat for him, especially with the midterms coming.

"The RNC and Republicans on Capitol Hill know they are poised for a great election year and what's the biggest thing that could be a hurdle to that? Donald Trump, who is not their principal anymore," Heye said. "So it's not their job to defend him and sometimes you just don't want to defend the indefensible."

A big argument from Trump allies is that these hearings are one-sided and dull. Filling inboxes and airwaves with rapid response messaging could undermine that argument.

"We really prepared for this epic battle and we also prepared for it to be a dud," said Matt Schlapp, who runs the pro-Trump group CPAC. It created a "J6Facts" Twitter account, which has about 2,000 followers now, and hired extra consultants, Schlapp said.

"It was a little dramatic in the beginning but over time it's been more of a dud," he said.

Of course, he has a reason to say that. When he is invited to appear on Fox News and its competitors, Schlapp largely discusses inflation, immigration and crime, themes that are getting a lot more airtime than the hearings, and that Republicans see as a winning message for the midterms.

Schlapp says the stakes just feel lower with these hearings than they did with impeachment because "They can't do anything to the president. They can't prevent him from running."

If the hearings break through, with no coordinated defense of Trump's reputation, it could hurt his chances should he run for president again.

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With midterms in sight, few Republicans are defending Trump as they did in 2019 - NPR

The wrinkle, of course, is that those same conditions allowed Trump to first defeat a field of more than a dozen challengers and win the nomination. And Trump is no longer the cipher he was in 2015: He has a record as a president, two impeachments, and is still facing legal threats as well as a congressional investigation.

He was more of a blank slate back then. As in any candidate, you pick up good and bad as youre serving. And so hes going to have that dimension that he didnt have before, said Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.), who is seeking a spot in leadership next year. 2024 is a raw opportunity for the presidency to switch parties, so theres gonna be a lot of fighting for that.

As the Jan. 6 select committee divulges new details about Trumps actions during the Capitol attack, including staying quiet for hours as he watched the violence unfold with his vice president and GOP lawmakers in the building, Republicans are facing real risks. Many believe a Trump presidential announcement before November will weigh down their partys efforts to sweepingly reclaim the House majority and potentially get back the Senate.

For that reason, Trump allies have sought to impress on him not to announce before the midterms, fearing he will distract and deter voters by making the race about himself rather than a referendum on the Biden administration, according to two House Republicans who requested anonymity to discuss internal dynamics. And Republican leaders are making plain that Trump pulling focus to himself over the next three months is not going to play well in Congress.

Theres a verse in the Bible that says, sufficient unto the day as the evil thereof. So Im not going to worry about what could happen in the future, said Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), a member of Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnells leadership team and his potential successor as the GOP leader. I hope he waits until after the midterms to make a decision.

A spokesperson for Trump did not return a request for comment.

Out of 10 senior House Republicans interviewed for this story, including nine who are in leadership or aspiring for leadership roles, only three were ready to say they would definitely throw their support behind Trump in a presidential primary. That sentiment extends across the Capitol, where none of the expected top five elected Senate Republican leaders said they would move to quickly back Trump.

At the same time, none of those leaders said theyd oppose Trump either or work to back another candidate.

Rep. Richard Hudson (R-N.C.), the conference secretary, and Rep. Jim Banks (R-Ind.), the chair of the Republican Study Committee, both said they will back Trump as soon as he gets in. Banks even thinks an early Trump announcement could help draw more supporters to the polls this fall.

If President Trump runs, he has my support, said Banks, whose position is selected by RSC members rather than the full conference. And he helps us draw out Trump voters which helps us win in November in the midterm Hes more popular than hes ever been before.

Not everyone in the GOP agrees with Cornyn that a Trump decision would be better after November. Other prominent Republicans on the Hill, addressing their approach to the former president on condition of anonymity, described some Trump allies and advisers as trying to convince him to get ahead of potential 2024 competitors like Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis by launching his campaign before the midterms.

Still other Republicans privately say, out of an expected field of talented GOP candidates, that only Trump has enough baggage to possibly lose to President Joe Biden, whose approval poll numbers are lingering in the mid-to-upper 30s. And that conclusion is causing some worries among the rank-and-file.

Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.), who has previously said he wont support Trump if he runs again, publicly told reporters that he hopes former Vice President Mike Pence runs for president after he met with the Republican Study Committee this week.

Above Stefanik in House GOP leadership, its all about the midterms. House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy whos had his own challenging moments with Trump and Minority Whip Steve Scalise (R-La.) argued that their focus is on November. Asked about endorsing Trump above all others, McCarthy chuckled at the question, then said Im focused on this election.

Lets get through November. Im sure therell be a lot of talk about 2024 right after that, echoed Scalise.

Others, like Rep. Drew Ferguson (R-Ga.), wouldnt engage with the question until Trump makes his bid official, despite the myriad reports suggesting Trump may soon make his move.

I have not heard anything about him, Ferguson said.

Reminded that Trump is openly entertaining the idea in interviews, Ferguson, who is making an early bid for the majority whip role next year, replied: Lets see what happens.

Some senior Republicans indicated that the political landscape could be vastly different by the time the race comes around: Trumps influence may have waned further. He may be kneecapped by a series of blown midterm endorsements, a record hes catered to more carefully in recent months as he tries to present his win-loss record in a positive light.

No matter when or whether the former president might launch a third run, theres also a small but crucial contingent of Republicans who suspect he may pass up a campaign. Those skeptics point to the money going into his super PAC that would face different regulations if he runs, his age, his health and the possibility that he risks further tarnishing his reputation with another loss.

All of which leaves Banks and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), who is also supporting an early Trump campaign, on a lonely island with regard to Trumps timing.

McConnell predicted a crowded field that will unfold later, and Senate GOP Whip John Thune (R-S.D.) said anybody that wants to run for office in 24 ought to have [the midterms] as their principal focus and if they want to announce.

Sen. John Barrasso (R-Wyo.), the No. 3 GOP leader, said his hands will be tied because there are eight senators who are thinking about running; Im the chairman of the conference.

And Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa), said that because shes from an early state, its up to our voters to decide.

Ive heard a lot of people that really want to look at some fresh blood. Im sure well have some of the same folks engaging in the opportunity. Its an open opportunity for everyone, said Ernst, the No. 5 leader who is likely to ascend next year.

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GOP leaders won't get in the way of Trump 2024 - POLITICO

President Biden has tested positive for the coronavirus and is experiencing mild symptoms. Our coverage: https://n.pr/3zoCtkb

A woman hoods a sign expressing Latino support for Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump at his campaign rally at the Orange County Fair and Event Center, April 28, 2016, in Costa Mesa, California. DAVID MCNEW/AFP via Getty Images hide caption

A woman hoods a sign expressing Latino support for Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump at his campaign rally at the Orange County Fair and Event Center, April 28, 2016, in Costa Mesa, California.

Is there such a thing as "the Hispanic vote"? Is Latino a more suitable term? And who is Ben Fernandez, the first person of Hispanic origin to run for president?

In our latest installment of the NPR Politics Book Club, Danielle Kurtzleben talks to Geraldo Cadava about his book The Hispanic Republican: The Shaping of an American Political Identity, from Nixon to Trump.

Our September book selection is The Family Roe, by Joshua Prager.

Join the conversation in our Facebook group, send your questions to @titonka on Twitter or via email to politicsbookclub@npr.org.

Support the show and unlock sponsor-free listening with a subscription to The NPR Politics Podcast Plus. Learn more at plus.npr.org/politics Connect:Email the show at nprpolitics@npr.orgJoin the NPR Politics Podcast Facebook Group.Subscribe to the NPR Politics Newsletter..

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Latino Voters, Trump, And The Republican Party : The NPR Politics Podcast - NPR

WASHINGTON Republicans, hoping to flip control of Congress in the November elections, appear to have decided against campaigning on a unified abortion platform that would specify exactly what conservatives plan to do if given control of the U.S. House and Senate.

Yet Republicans in Congress have written dozens of proposals that, if passed, would restrict abortion nationwide. GOP lawmakers this session have introducedmore than 153 abortion-related billsthat party leaders could point to as evidence of what Republicans would try to pass on the national level if they trounce Democrats at the polls.

They include legislation that would define life as beginning at the moment of fertilization, prohibit insurance coverage for abortions, and make it a crime punishable to up to five years in prison for doctors who perform abortions after a heartbeat is detected, generally at about six weeks.

But so far, Republicans have opted against a cohesive national campaign strategy on abortion, following the decision by the U.S. Supreme Court in June tooverturnthe landmark 1973 Roe v. Wade case. Many Senate Republicans are brushing aside questions about whether they would take up a nationwide abortion bill, citing as a hurdle the Senate filibuster that means bills need 60 votes to advance.

Republican leaders are leaving it up to each House or Senate candidate to tout their own bills and views while the party wrestles with whether the matter should be left solely to state lawmakers or if Congress has a role to play.

Its one thing that we are debating within the conference, Iowa Republican Sen. Joni Ernst said of a nationwide abortion bill. But at the same time, most of us do believe that the Dobbs decision was the right decision, and its returning that authority to our state and local governments. Thats our system of federalism.

Georgia Republican Senate candidate Herschel Walker declined to take a concrete position on a nationwide abortion ban during an Athens appearance Wednesday Walker has previously indicated he would support an abortion ban without exceptions.

Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers, a Washington Republican who has become one of her partys leading voices on abortion, said during a brief interview the GOP wont put forward a nationwide abortion policy ahead of the midterms.

Were not in a position to move anything and the U.S. Supreme Court really sent it back to the states, she said.

But McMorris Rodgers didnt rule out Republicans pushing nationwide legislation after the election if they regained control of Congress.

Not before the election, she said, later adding Well, yeah, when asked if Republicans would put forward legislation afterward if they won.

Some Republicans have repeatedly said their opinion of the ruling on abortion in Dobbs v. Jackson Womens Health Organization is that it sent the issue back to the states. Others have said its a topic for Congress to debate as well.

The Supreme Courtsdecisionoverturning the constitutional right to an abortion that stood for nearly 50 years said the authority to regulate abortion is returned to the people and their elected representatives.

House GOP Whip Steve Scalise, a Louisiana Republican, said during a press conference in June shortly after the ruling was released that the decision finally allows states and Congress to pass new abortion legislation.

But House GOP Leader Kevin McCarthy, of California, when asked what exactly Republicans would do on abortion, was vague,sayingwe will continue to look wherever we can go to save as many lives as possible.

McCarthy did mention a bill from Missouri Republican Rep. Ann Wagner, though he didnt say exactly which of her bills hed bring up.

Wagner is the primary sponsor oflegislationthat would require doctors to provide health care to any infant born alive after an abortion or attempted abortion. But shes also sponsored several other bills related to abortion.

Congress passed a similar bill, from Ohio GOP Rep. Steve Chabot, two decades ago. Thelegislation, titled the Born-Alive Infants Protection Act of 2002, passed the House on a voice vote and the Senate by unanimous consent.

Senate Republicans insist theres little chance of abortion legislation moving ahead.

Florida GOP Sen. Rick Scott, chair of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, said he expects every candidate will decide how they want to talk about abortion.

Fellow Floridian Sen. Marco Rubio, who is in a tight race against Democratic House Rep. Val Demings, said Republicans will have different views about what restrictions and what the law should be.

There are issues that are relevant to it that we can have a debate on here, but we have a filibuster that would make it impossible to pass a bill into law, Rubio said.

Louisiana Republican Sen. John Kennedy, who faces a relatively easy reelection campaign in the deeply red state, agreed with Rubio that any GOP abortion legislation is unlikely to move past the filibuster.

There arent 60 votes to do anything on the floor of the United States Senate with respect to abortion, pro abortion, anti-abortion, just anything to do with abortion, Kennedy said.

What folks who feel strongly on both sides of the issues need to do now is go back to their states and, not put on a show, but put on the case, he continued. Theyve got to convince their state legislatures.

Retiring Missouri Sen. Roy Blunt said the issue belongs at the state, not the federal level.

Ive always thought the best place to deal with this was at the state legislative level and thats what I still think, Blunt said.

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Kentucky Republican, has said its possible that a GOP-controlled Congress could pass a nationwide abortion ban, though hes sought to downplay the likelihood.

McConnell said he would absolutely keep the chambers legislative filibuster in place, meaning the only way a nationwide abortion bill could get through is with a Republican super majority or some Democratic support.

We dont want to break the Senate and thats breaking the Senate, he said of removing the filibuster.

The vastly different views on abortion as well as party leaders approach to campaigning on the issue has led Democrats to turn the midterm elections into something of a referendum on abortion.

This fall, Roe is on the ballot, President Joe Biden said the day the Supreme Court released its decision overturning the 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling that established abortion as a constitutional right. Personal freedoms are on the ballot. The right to privacy, liberty, equality, theyre all on the ballot.

Biden added that this November, voters must elect more senators and representatives who will codify a womans right to choose into federal law once again, elect more state leaders to protect this right at the local level.

Tying the results of the midterm elections to abortion could be risky for Democrats, especially considering the presidents party almost always loses seats during the midterm elections.

But the vast majority of Democrats have echoed Biden, telling voters that this November has become about more than who controls the U.S. House and Senate.

This is the future that MAGA Republicans clamor for; where women and same-sex couples are branded as second-class citizens, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said on the floor. If they succeed, theyll take our country down a dark path from which there may be no return.

Democrats in Congress have voted on bills showing exactly how the party hopes to ensure patients throughout the country can terminate a pregnancy, or travel freely to states where the procedure remains legal.

Theyve also brought up bills toensurethe right to same-sex and interracial marriages as well as the right to decide if and how to use contraception.

Republican leaders, for the moment, dont plan to say exactly which bills theyd vote on if they regain control of Congress.

Theyre very nervous, Virginia Democratic Sen. Tim Kaine told States Newsroom. And their polling should tell them that, because were seeing this as dramatically affecting the polls in a number of our races.

Kaine played down the idea that making the midterms something of a referendum on abortion access could be problematic if Republicans regain control of Congress and then say the results show American voters want a nationwide abortion law.

Oh, theyre gonna do that anyway. Rock solid guarantee, no matter how the election goes, Kaine said. Were very certain thats coming and were trying to do all we can electorally and otherwise to head that off.

While Kaine expects voters will pick representatives based on more than abortion, he does expect the Supreme Courts decision will drive voter turnout for Democrats.

And thats why my Republican colleagues do not want to be talking about this or create any kind of a party plan that everybodys supposed to go for, he said.

Senate Majority Whip Dick Durbin, an Illinois Democrat, criticized Republicans for not being clear with voters about how they plan to address abortion if given control of Congress.

The Republicans, if youll notice, have been surprisingly quiet, in my estimation, in reaction to Dobbs, Durbin said. I think they understand that these opinions may serve their base, but they dont serve the party or the electorate at large.

Maryland Democratic Sen. Chris Van Hollen said the abortion ruling is one of a number of critical issues that voters will focus on this year, though he added, its not the only issue on the ballot.

I think the Dobbs decision is one of them, reproductive freedom is certainly a part of that. But it will also be a referendum on the kind of government you want, whether you want extremists like the MAGA crowd in the Congress, Van Hollen said. And its also going to be a debate on what were doing thats within our power to reduce prices, like cutting the costs of prescription drugs.

Sen. Bob Casey, a Pennsylvania Democrat, said most Americans know theres a fork in the road and theres basically two choices.

So far this Congress, Republicans have introduced 153 bills addressing abortion, with 94 in the House and 59 in the Senate.

Wagners bill has the most co-sponsors with 203 GOP backers.

Other legislation with broad Republican backing includes abillfrom New Jersey Rep. Christopher Smith that would permanently prevent the federal government from spending money on abortions with an exception for rape, incest or the patients life. The legislation would also prohibit qualified health plans from including coverage for abortion, according to a summary.

West Virginia Rep. Alexander Mooney sponsored abillthat would define life as beginning at the moment of fertilization, cloning, or other moment at which an individual comes into being. The bill clarifies that nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorize the prosecution of any woman for the death of her unborn child.

Andlegislationfrom Pennsylvania Rep. Mike Kelly would make it a crime for health care providers to perform abortions after a heartbeat is detected, typically around six weeks. Doctors who perform the procedure would face up to five years in prison, a fine, or both if convicted.

The bill creates an exception for a patient whose life is endangered by a physical diagnosis or injury, but not a psychological or emotional one.

Georgia Recorder Editor John McCosh contributed to this report.

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Republicans in Congress shy away from campaigning on national abortion platform - Georgia Recorder