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Since Florida passed its controversial dont say gay bill, conservative states across America have been advancing similar bills as they attempt to ban the discussion of gender identity and sexual orientation in classrooms.

Last month, Floridas Republican governor, Ron DeSantis, signed into law the Parental Rights in Education bill. The law prohibits all discussion of sexuality and gender identity in schools, a move that advocates say will erase LGBTQ+ students and history.

Since the bills introduction and passage, various Republican-run states have filed similar legislation that mimics Floridas, reflecting a chilling wave of speech and identity restrictions across the country.

Over 156 gag-order bills targeting issues of identity have been introduced or refiled in 39 states since January 2021, according to a February report by PEN America, a non-profit that seeks to protect freedom of expression in the US. At least 105 of those target K-12 schools, 49 target higher education and 62 include mandatory punishments for those found in violation.

Floridas dont say gay bill is just the tip of the iceberg. While race, sex and American history remain the most common targets of censorship, bills silencing speech about LGBTQ+ identities have also surged to the fore, the organization said.

In March, Georgia legislators introduced the Common Humanity in Private Education Act. According to the act, No private or nonpublic school or program shall promote, compel, or encourage classroom discussion of sexual orientation or gender identity in primary grade levels or in a manner that is not appropriate for the age and developmental stage of the student.

The act, which is sponsored by 10 Republican state senators, says a focus on racial and gender identity and its resulting discrimination on the basis of color, race, ethnicity and national origin is destructive to the fabric of American society.

LGBTQ+ advocates in Georgia have pushed back heavily against the bill, arguing that it is not about parental rights but rather restricting the activities, participation and learning of children in schools.

In Louisiana, a Republican state representative introduced a bill last month that seeks to ban discussions of gender identity and sexual orientation in certain public school classrooms.

The bill, proposed by representative Dodie Horton, seeks to prohibit teachers and others from discussing their sexual orientation or gender identity with students from kindergarten through 12th grade. It also seeks to also ban teachers and other presenters from discussing topics of sexual orientation and gender identity with students in kindergarten through eighth grade.

In February, Republicans in Kansas introduced a state House bill that would make the depiction of homosexuality in classroom materials a class B misdemeanor.

In Indiana, state legislators proposed a bill that would require schools to obtain prior informed written consent from the parent of a student who is less than eighteen years of age before the student may participate in any instruction on human sexuality.

The listed topics in the bill that would require parental consent includes abortion, birth control or contraceptives, sexual activity, sexual orientation, transgenderism and gender identity. Before obtaining written consent from parents, the bill would require schools to provide parents with informed written notice which shall accurately describe in detail the contents and nature of the instruction on human sexuality, including the purpose of the instruction on human sexuality.

A bill introduced by Tennessee state Republicans in February seeks to prohibit any instructional materials that promote, normalize, support, or address lesbian, gay, bi-sexual, or transgender issues or lifestyles.

In Arizona, proposed bills by Republican state senators include those that would block gender-affirming healthcare for transgender youth, as well as force teachers, nurses and other school staff to disclose a minors gender identity to their parents.

Oklahoma state legislators recently passed a bill that prevents students enrolled in colleges from being required to engage in any form of mandatory gender or sexual diversity training or counseling; provided, voluntary counseling shall not be prohibited. The law also states, Any orientation or requirement that presents any form of race or sex stereotyping or a bias on the basis of race or sex shall be prohibited.

Earlier this week, Ohio Republican representatives Jean Schmidt and Mike Loychik introduced a bill that would ban kindergarten through third-grade classrooms from discussing sexual orientation and gender identity. Additionally, classrooms with older students would be disallowed from featuring those topics in ways that are not age-appropriate or developmentally appropriate.

In response to the bills introduction, Democratic representative Brigid Kelly called it a huge problem} and said: Were not giving people access to the tools, the materials, the lessons they need to prepare children for the diverse world that exists.

Similarly, South Carolina state lawmakers introduced a bill that would ban state entities, including schools from subjecting students to instruction, presentations, discussions, counseling, or materials in any medium that involves topics including sexual lifestyles, acts, or practices, as well as gender identity or lifestyles.

Additionally, like the Oklahoma law, another South Carolina bill seeks to prevent teachers, staff members and district employees from engaging in gender and sexual diversity training.

In states such as Wisconsin and Rhode Island, personal pronouns have also become a contentious subject for conservative lawmakers. Both chambers of the Wisconsin legislature have approved a bill which has yet to be signed into law that includes a parents right to choose pronouns for their children.

In Rhode Island, a proposed bill would require children to be addressed by their common names and the pronouns associated with their biological gender unless their parents grant permission to change them.

Floridas cruel dont say gay bill is one of hundreds of anti-LGBTQ bills moving through state legislatures, most of which primarily attack trans youth, the American Civil Liberties Union tweeted in February.

Censoring classroom discussions wont keep kids from being LGBTQ. It just piles on to the national pattern of attacks, it added.

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Floridas dont say gay bill inspired a chilling wave of Republican legislation - The Guardian

Pennsylvania state Senate leader Jake Corman was dropping out of the Republican primary for governor. Then he changed his mind.

Shortly after filing a petition in state court Tuesday to remove his name from the ballot for the May 17 primary election, Corman released a statement saying he wasnt going anywhere. He cited a conversation with Donald Trump and the former presidents withering criticism of a rival candidate for the about-face.

Two developments today have led me to decide to remain in the race for governor: President Trumps statement on the race and my conversation directly with the president, Corman said, referring to Trumps statement earlier in the day calling former U.S. Attorney and fellow GOP gubernatorial hopeful Bill McSwain a coward.

He encouraged me to keep fighting, and thats what Im going to do keep fighting for the people of Pennsylvania, Corman said.

The back-and-forth developments created a sense of whiplash in the race just over a month before the primary, and left a sprawling field still standing and still jockeying for Trumps support. And they showcased Trumps lasting influence on Republican candidates for elected office.

Corman played golf with Trump at his West Palm Beach club in February. Having played golf for several hours, the president told me how much he enjoyed Jakes company and how much he enjoyed just learning more about what hes done in Pennsylvania over a number of years, former Trump aide Kellyanne Conway, a Corman adviser, told reporters last month.

READ MORE: Several staffers have left Republican Jake Cormans campaign for Pa. governor

Cormans withdrawal still would have left eight Republican candidates vying for the partys nomination, including McSwain, former U.S. Rep. Lou Barletta, state Sen. Doug Mastriano, and former Delaware County Councilman Dave White.

It remains to be seen how Cormans aborted exit will affect his prospects in the race going forward.

Corman raised $3 million last year through his gubernatorial campaign and other political groups the most of any candidate in the sprawling field. He was one of just three candidates, along with McSwain and White, who had enough money to air TV ads.

He has campaigned as the conservative who stood up to Gov. Tom Wolf and highlighted his legal challenges to the administrations mask mandate in schools, successful opposition to the governors proposed new taxes, and his support for a partisan investigation of the 2020 election.

But Corman hasnt gained much traction in the polls, and early staff departures seemed to reflect a campaign uncertain about its direction.

READ MORE: The Pa. Senate leader resisted his pro-Trump wing for months. Now he wants a MAGA makeover.

First elected in 1998 to the Senate seat previously held by his father, Corman has been a fixture of the Republican establishment in Harrisburg for years. Long seen as a Senate institutionalist who believed in the virtues of bipartisanship and compromise, Corman tried to reinvent his political brand as he prepared a run for governor.

Last summer, he embraced calls for a forensic investigation of the 2020 election, pursuing a review that Trump and his allies had been urging for months. Mastriano had been leading that charge, threatening Philadelphia and other counties with subpoenas if they didnt hand over election materials.

Corman ousted Mastriano from his leadership position and took control of the inquiry last summer.

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Jake Corman is staying in the Republican race for Pennsylvania governor after moving to drop out - The Philadelphia Inquirer

America's conservative men are pretty grumpy these days.

That seems to be the lesson, anyway, from a new focus group of eight such men convened by the New York Times to gauge their feelings on the state of the country, and of masculinity itself. There wasn't a lot of happiness in the group.

The guys grumbled about crime and cancel culture, and generally seemed to long for a better time when there's no other way to put this America was great. Nobody thought that racism or sexism is much of a problem in the 21st century. They did think that men don't have it so great these days, though. One offered up action star Jason Statham as his model of masculinity.

Their complaints seemed at once half-formed and ancient.

Danny, a 47-year-old realtor from Florida, complained about younger men "wearing very feminine clothes" with "tight skinny jeans, with no socks and velvet shoes." (Hilariously, another participant told Danny he was "a little too macho.")

Christopher, a 51-year-old broker from Maryland, declared that feminists "are actually purveyors of men-bashing."

And Robert, a 50-year-old infrastructure analyst from Texas, suggested the war in Ukraine was somehow the result of America's less-than-stout manliness.

"To me, the stuff that's going on with Ukraine the United States hasn't filled our role as being masculine as a nation in that aspect," he said. "And that's why Putin is doing what he's doing, because when you don't step up into certain roles, then the stronger person is going to take over."

It's easy to make fun of some of this stuff, and on social media, lots of folks have. But let's try to take it seriously for a moment. Conservative men are unhappy? OK. What exactly are we supposed to do with that information? It's not really clear.

We probably shouldn't expect eight random individuals to come to the table with bullet-pointed policy ideas. But except for their problems with crime and traffic there were a lot of traffic complaints the group's frustrations seemed unfixable, the product of a deeply felt but inchoate sense that the culture has passed them by. That's old news. Conservatism is practically defined by its nostalgia for a time when men were men and America ruled the world, not to mention an obsession with movie star action heroes. We have always been at war with guys in skinny jeans and velvet shoes.

That which can't be fixed can be exploited, however. It's probably not a coincidence that Republican senators duck questions about their agenda while delivering speeches about the crisis of masculinity and waging war over Dr. Seuss books. The grumpiness of conservative men can't be solved and never will be. It will have to serve instead as an infinitely renewable political resource, a font of grievances fueling the Republican Party, forever and ever.

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8 grumpy men and the future of conservatism - The Week

The way he told it, Madison Cawthorn was set to go to the prestigious US Naval Academy before a car crash left him partially paralysed.

According to Cawthorn, he had also been accepted into Harvard and Princeton, and worked full-time for a congressman, before being elected to the House of Representatives.

Like Cawthorns repeated allegations of election fraud, none of those things were wholly true. Yet that hasnt stopped the North Carolinian, who at 26 is the youngest member of Congress, from becoming one of the fastest-rising stars in the Republican party.

The pro-Trump Republican was among speakers at the Save America rally which prefaced the violent insurrection at the US Capitol. His combination of fiery if often inaccurate political rhetoric and big-chinned, all-American looks have wooed Maga Republicans and inflamed Democrats in equal measure.

In the past couple of weeks, however, Cawthorn has found himself condemned by some on his own side.

First, he verbally attacked Volodymyr Zelenskiy, the Ukrainian president who has been widely praised for his response to Russias military onslaught.

Remember that Zelenskiy is a thug, Cawthorn told an audience in a video obtained by WRAL News. Remember that the Ukrainian government is incredibly corrupt and is incredibly evil and has been pushing woke ideologies.

The response was swift. For Steve Womack, an Arkansas Republican, it was not a defensible comment. Kevin McCarthy, the Republican House minority leader, declared: Madison is wrong.

The furore forced a spokesperson for Cawthorn to claim the congressman was expressing his displeasure at how Zelenskiy had used false propaganda. The spokesman added: [Cawthorn] supports Ukraine and the Ukrainian presidents efforts to defend their country against Russian aggression, but does not want America drawn into another conflict through emotional manipulation.

Cawthorn has also courted trouble by telling a podcast he had been invited to orgies in Washington and had seen senior figures using cocaine. Amid complaints from Republicans in Congress, McCarthy and the party whip, Steve Scalise, gave Cawthorn a dressing down but did not immediately take disciplinary action.

With such bombastic remarks and seemingly unquenchable thirst for media coverage, Cawthorn appears to be building himself in Donald Trumps image. And in some ways, his career to date mirrors that of the twice-impeached former president.

Both have been accused of misrepresenting their ties to the military. Both have been accused of sexual misconduct by multiple women. Both continue to lie about election fraud. They also share a passion for the spotlight and a generally tenuous relationship with the truth.

He planned on serving his country in the navy, with a nomination to the US Naval Academy in Annapolis, boomed a Cawthorn advert during his 2020 primary. But all that changed when tragedy struck.

The tragedy was the car crash that paralyzed Cawthorn. But in fact, Cawthorn had been rejected from the Naval Academy before then, as revealed by AVL Watchdog.

Cawthorn was elected anyway. On 6 January 2021, he appeared at the pro-Trump rally near the White House which preceded the Capitol attack. He told the crowd: The Democrats, with all the fraud they have done in this election, the Republicans hiding and not fighting, they are trying to silence your voice.

Cawthorn was raised in the tiny city of Hendersonville, in the mountainous south-west of North Carolina. He was homeschooled and played football but when he was 18 a car his friend was driving crashed into a concrete barrier. Cawthorn has used a wheelchair since.

Before entering Congress, he had little work experience. He had worked at Chick-fil-A and part-time though he has claimed he was a full-time staffer for a congressman, Mark Meadows, earning $15,000 in 2015 and $3,000 the next year, according to the Washington Post. Cawthorn would succeed Meadows in North Carolinas 11th district after Meadows resigned to become Trumps chief of staff.

It was while at Patrick Henry College that Cawthorn allegedly sexually harassed fellow students. In October 2020, a month before his election, more than 150 women signed an open letter accusing Cawthorn of predatory behaviour.

His modus operandi was to invite unsuspecting women on joy rides in his white Dodge Challenger, the letter said. Cawthorn would take young women to secluded areas, lock the doors, and proceed to make unwanted sexual advances. It became a regular warning in the female dorms not to be caught alone with Madison Cawthorn.

In February 2021, BuzzFeed News spoke to more than three dozen people who described instances of sexual harassment or misconduct by Cawthorn.

Looking back now in hindsight, I would have changed how I acted, Cawthorn told Time.

Cawthorn dropped out of Patrick Henry College after one semester, according to the Ashville Citizen-Times, after accumulating mostly D grades, which he attributed to continuing pain and a brain injury from the car crash.

But if the voters of the 11th district were aware of such accusations, they didnt seem concerned. Cawthorn won a runoff in the Republican primary and then took the congressional seat, even if his share of the vote, 54.5%, was lower than Meadows achieved in his four terms in office.

Cawthorns bid was aided by $500,000 from an out-of-state Super Pac, days before the vote.

Since entering office, Cawthorn has often been lumped in with hard-right Trumpists like Lauren Boebert, from Colorado, and Marjorie Taylor Greene, from Georgia. But some of his oeuvre is more reminiscent of traditional politicians.

His voting record is not on the right side of the Republican party, said Chris Cooper, a professor of political science and public affairs at Western Carolina University and a close watcher of Cawthorns 13th district.

Hes rhetorically extreme, but his voting behavior doesnt look out of the ordinary at all. So is he ultra-conservative? No. Is he rhetorically extreme? Absolutely.

Still, that hasnt stopped Cawthorn from jumping on rightwing hobby horse issues like the alleged liberal ideology being forced on school students and Joe Bidens mental acuity. Cawthorn has also continued to claim the 2020 presidential election was stolen and rigged.

Last August, he told a crowd: If our election systems continue to be rigged and continue to be stolen then its going to lead to one place and thats bloodshed.

All that has brought immense media attention. But Cawthorn could now be in trouble, due to a mess of his own making.

In 2021, he said he would run for a different district only to do an about turn and file for re-election in the 11th district. A raft of Republican challengers have jumped into the race, however, and they are not going away.

On Veterans Day last year, Cawthorn announced that he would seek election in the newly rejigged, Republican-friendly 13th congressional district, hundreds of miles from his Hendersonville home.

The shift would have brought Cawthorn from the relative obscurity of the far-west of the state to a more densely populated area.

It would have given him a bigger footprint statewide. It would have brought him into the Charlotte media market, Cooper said.

But at the start of February, the North Carolina supreme court ordered that the states district map be changed, placing more Democratic voters in the 13th district, rendering it a much less certain Republican victory. Cawthorn turned tail, and filed paperwork to run in the 11th district.

If that upsets some voters, Cooper said Cawthorn does have a flair for bringing in cash.

Ive never seen a politician so adept at fundraising, Cooper said. Although he is perhaps even more adept at spending.

Some of those expenditures have raised eyebrows. One of Cawthorns most unusual receipts in 2021 was $1,700 to a taxidermist apparently to create gifts to be given out to fundraising hosts. According to OpenSecrets, $2.6m of the $2.8m Cawthorn raised through the end of 2021 has been spent, $1,405,918 on more fundraising.

Other receipts were filed for trips to California and Florida, excursions which wouldnt appear to have much to do with the prosperity of the 11th congressional district of North Carolina.

As well as facing credible challengers in his own party, Cawthorn has drawn attention from Democrats. A group called Fire Madison Cawthorn has urged North Carolina Democrats to change party affiliation so they can vote in the Republican primary for Wendy Nevarez, a less rightwing candidate.

Madison Cawthorn is a clear and present danger to our nation whose re-election must be fought every step of the way, wrote David Wheeler, president of the American Muckrakers Pac, which is funding the effort.

It remains to be seen how much impact such efforts will have, but it is clear there is some dissatisfaction with Cawthorn. In the wake of his thug comment about Zelenskiy, two of North Carolinas most influential newspapers criticized Cawthorn. The Winston-Salem Journal was particularly vigorous.

Of all the many, many, many reasons we could find to legitimately criticise North Carolinas gift to Crazytown, Rep Madison Cawthorn its perhaps his latest exploit that has us truly seeing red, an op-ed said.

In his own district, Cawthorn has been savaged by columnists in the Ashville Citizen-Times.

What weve learned about Cawthorn since his election in 2020 is this: he cares about Madison Cawthorn, John Boyle wrote on 12 March.

Hes a juvenile, ill-informed, belligerent man who spews untrue conspiracy theories, encourages mothers to raise monsters, inspired the January 6 rioters on to their insurrection and barely bothers to pretend to represent his district.

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Madison Cawthorn: the Republican building himself in Trumps image - The Guardian

The only congressional district in Los Angeles County to be represented by a Republican is a natural focal point for Democrats who recognize control of the U.S. House is on the line. But on a recent Saturday morning in Palmdale with fewer than nine months until the midterm elections, only four Democrats showed up to talk to voters. One of them, who drove for over an hour from Sherman Oaks, was not even from the district.

The low turnout, organizers and volunteers say, is not unusual for the Antelope Valley, which includes the cities of Palmdale and Lancaster. Its a reflection of a community that is heavily commuter-based and hardly engaged in efforts to turn out the vote, even with the slight advantage Democrats have gained after redistricting the once-a-decade process of redrawing the lines of congressional districts.

There are people that want that change, but they have to be activated, Christian Green said while getting his canvassing materials ready at Transplants Brewery in Palmdale, where Democrats met before heading out to knock on doors that day. Green is a Lancaster native, college professor and political activist in the community.

Two women teamed up with Green to canvas in East Palmdale that morning. Its a majority-minority neighborhood where most people live in single-story homes and small apartment complexes. Its also located right off the 14 Freeway, which people use to commute from the high desert to Los Angeles. Heading southbound on the 14 from Palmdale, a billboard advertising the districts Rep. Mike Garcias reelection campaign with his signature red, white and blue Top Gun style logo was on display. The freeway also relates to one of the volunteers talking points when canvassing.

Im bringing information to voters this morning about our congressman Mike Garcia, Tiffany Countryman says after introducing herself at voters doorsteps. She is heavily involved in the political sphere of the district, including her role as vice president of the Democratic Club of the High Desert. Recently they had a vote to bring in money to our district for fixing the 14 [Freeway] and infrastructure, and he voted against it.

The message sometimes goes over voters heads.

So, is he good or bad? asked Gloria Ortiz, a registered Democrat who lives in an eight-unit complex in the area.

Hes bad, Countryman responded. We wanted to give you some information and say hes voted against money for our district. Shes referencing Bidens bipartisan infrastructure bill, which Garcia voted against along with 200 Republicans in his party last November.

Garcia is the target of Democrats early canvassing efforts. They are hoping to elect Democrat Christy Smith to represent the newly drawn 27th District, which no longer includes the more conservative Simi Valley.

Smith, a Santa Clarita native, served two terms on the Newhall School Board and represented Californias 38th Assembly District from 2018 until 2020, when she first ran for Congress. Smith and Garcia are likely to run against each other for a third time in Novembers general election, in what will be Smiths second attempt at flipping the competitive district.

The new 27th is a majority-white district stretching from west of Santa Clarita to the east part of a 12,000-person town called Lake Los Angeles. Californias Independent Redistricting Commission, which is now in charge of the states redistricting process, added more Democratic areas of the San Fernando Valley to make up for the population lost through Simi Valley. All of these changes, however, have only given Democrats a little over a two point advantage over Republicans, keeping the district nearly as competitive as it was in the last election.

Nico Padron, the DCCCs organizing director in CA-25, meets with activists after their day of canvassing in Palmdale (Photo by Cassie Esparza)

For the small group of canvassers hoping to oust Garcia, its worth spending their Saturdays knocking on doors this early in the race because theyve experienced the repercussions of not doing so for the 2020 election per the Democratic Partys COVID-19 restrictions. Countryman believes thats the reason Garcia prevailed by the 333 votes that earned him his first full term in Congress in a district that Biden won by more than 35,000 votes.

And even though the historically close race and a newly drawn district have not yet galvanized many Democrats to action, the ones on the ground are trying to make the most of the small advantage theyve gained in the redistricting process primarily because Simi Valley has been drawn out.

We know that Simi Valley interests are not the same as ours, Green said. This allows us to really home in on the Democrats that are here.

This sentiment was echoed long before the independent commission finalized the map that moved Simi Valley to the Democratic 26th District, represented by Rep. Julia Brownley. In a public comment forum sent to the commissioners who draw congressional and state legislative districts, eight people expressed support for Simi Valley to be drawn out of the 25th, with some suggesting it would fit better with the rest of Ventura County, where its been relocated.

Redistricting and the reapportionment forces some compromises and certain lines that kicks people out of a district they thought was a good district before, Maria Blanco said. Shes a civil rights lawyer who was a member of the first California Citizens Redistricting Commission, which redrew congressional maps back in 2011. I think theres no way to redistrict LA County going up toward Ventura without somebody being unhappy.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, Simi Valleys median household income nears $100,000, with its poverty rates at less than 7%. The Antelope Valley has a median household income of just over $50,000 and a poverty rate of nearly 25%. Democrats who recently went canvassing thought this disparity alone was a reason to draw the area out of the district.

Theres just nothing in common economically, said Raquel Derfler, an Antelope Valley Democrat and political activist in the district. And then obviously, we are a majority minority [area], Simi Valley is majority white.

Simi Valley Republican Jenniffer Jones argues although there is a notable difference between the two areas, Simi Valley is not much different from Santa Clarita, which remains in the district.

We have a lot more in common with Santa Clarita than we did the other cities, but now were in the 26th, Jones said.

The long-time Simi Valley resident and stay-at-home mom has volunteered for Garcias campaign since he ran in the 2020 special election. She wishes the redistricting commissioners had kept Simi Valley in the new 27th.

Of course we wanted to be with Garcia, Jones said. But it is what it is.

Garcia has represented the 25th Congressional District since May 2020 when he won a special election against Smith to replace Katie Hill, who resigned less than a year into her first term following a scandal and allegations of inappropriate relationships in the workplace. Hill a Democrat flipped the district in 2018, ousting Republican Rep. Steve Knight who was elected in 2014. Before Knight, the seat was held by Republican Howard Buck McKeon for 22 years.

But even with the possibilities that come with a new district, people in the 27th are wary of how a member of Congress from either side could truly represent the interests of a community so divided.

Theres two separate worlds, Derfler said walking back into Transplants Brewery to return her canvassing materials. So then which constituents do you fight for in Congress?

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There's one congressional Republican left in Los Angeles County. Meet the activists trying to give him the boot. - uscannenbergmedia.com