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Those who have followed the scandal-ridden career of Vegas cop-turned-Nevada Republican Party Chairman Michael McDonald arent shocked to find him mired in Donald Trumps fake electors mess. We would have been shocked if he wasnt up to his neck in it.

The chairman and former Vegas councilman, a frothing Trump fanboy from the start, used the reflected celebrity of his relationship with the former president to promote himself and consolidate his hold on the state party even as it has foundered at the polls. Joe Biden won Nevada by more than 33,000 votes.

The ballots were counted, but the lies kept coming. In the weeks following the 2020 election, McDonald led the GOPs Stop the Steal voter fraud deception and helped promote specious lawsuits before and even after they were swiftly laughed out of court.

Naturally, McDonald was one of the phony GOP electors in seven swing states, including Nevada, that Trump hoped to use to overturn the results of the election he lost, with the party chair front and center as a Dec. 14 ceremony in front of the State Capitol in Carson City that looked more like a bad political skit than part of a strategy to help derail the democratic process.

Like so many Trump-era hustles, the fraud was hiding in plain sight.

Some Nevada Republicans, including Rep. Mark Amodei, defended the phony electors theater as protected political speech, but they were there to set the stage for the big reveal planned for Jan. 6. Multiple calls between Trump officials were made during the planning, with at least one that included attorney Rudolph Giuliani.

Then Vice President Mike Pence went and screwed it all up by following the Constitution.

The multi-state deception has drawn the interest of the Justice Department and the members of the congressional committee investigating the phony electors connection to the deadly assault on the U.S. Capitol. Today, McDonald finds himself and Nevada Republican Party National Committee member Jim DeGraffenreid among those under subpoena by the committee.

The subpoenas request that they appear before the committee on Feb. 24 for a deposition after producing documents by Feb. 11 relevant to their role and participation in the purported slate of electors casting votes for Donald Trump. Other subpoenas were issued to GOP party chairs and officials in Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, New Mexico, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.

Being dragged before Congress and placed under oath would probably qualify as an ignominious low point for most people, but not McDonald. In fact, it might represent the culmination of his long and notorious career in public self-service as hes spent decades skating from one scandal and score to the next. Along the way, hes drawn investigative scrutiny from the FBI, IRS, and even detectives from his own former police department although, as he repeatedly reminds his skeptics, no criminal charges have ever been filed against him.

As a council member while City Hall was run by mob mouthpiece-turned-Mayor Oscar Goodman, McDonalds willingness to accept $5,000 fees to play consultant for organized crime associate and topless bar boss Rick Rizzolo raised eyebrows even in jaded Las Vegas.

He lost his seat on the council in 2003 after becoming embroiled in an FBI public corruption investigation that sent four former Clark County commissioners to prison along with topless bar mogul Michael Galardi, another McDonald benefactor. But, again, McDonald wasnt charged.

Out of office, he turned the state Republican Party apparatus into his personal political fiefdom. His Chicago ward-boss style combined with fealty toward Trump served him well, even as theyve brought chaos to the party.

When Secretary of State Barbara Cegavske showed the strength of character to proclaim that no widespread voter fraud had occurred in the 2020 election in Nevada, McDonald was not amused. Cegavske, the only Republican currently holding a statewide office in Nevada, was censured by her own party.

In his long tenure as state party chairman, McDonald has failed to consistently denounce the presence of members of the far-right Proud Boys in the GOP ranks as he worked to replace the Clark County Republican Party board with Trump acolytes.

It can be argued that McDonalds messy life has prepared him for this moment in the spotlight.

Back in 2012, the year he was first elected state GOP chairman, McDonald sat for a deposition in a lawsuit involving his pal Rizzolo. A Rizzolo goon had viciously assaulted a Kansas tourist over a paltry bar tab, and the topless bar boss had agreed to pay $10 million to resolve the case. But then he didnt pay up.

But Michael McDonald, like his musical namesake, keeps forgettin. Under oath, McDonald was asked if he knew where Rizzolo had hidden his fortune. He invoked the Fifth Amendment against self-incrimination 10 times.

What are the odds that hell do the same before the Jan. 6 committee?

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Nevada Republican Boss and Fake Trump Elector May Be the Model MAGA Man - The Daily Beast

MONTVILLE Tom Mazzaccaro has been around township Republican politics for more than 40 years, so it wasnt surprising he got right to the point.

After listening to the six Republicans who want a crack at Mikie Sherrill at a Thursday candidates night talk about rising inflation, a crisis at the border and Russian adventurism, it was time for questions.

All six are loyal Republicans, Mazzaccaro said, stating the obvious.

But can any of them actually win?

That is the bottom line.

We have a real, formidable candidate who has a big warchest, Mazzaccaro said. Sherrills campaign fund totals about $5 million, according to the latest FEC filings.

Money is not everything, but its definitely something. Whether the eventual nominee gets financial help from national Republicans probably depends on whether the race in CD-11 is considered winnable or not. Thats uncertain.

Republicans are still enthused after a good 2021 election and are convinced momentum is on their side. President Joe Bidens less than stellar poll numbers buttress that point.

Yet, things can change in the next nine months and the new map makes CD-11 more Democratic than it has been.

Each candidate endeavored to answer the question.

First up was Toby Anderson, who spoke virtually after recently testing positive for COVID.

He said he would establish that Sherrill is part of the Biden-Nancy Pelosi administration, which doesnt sit well with voters. He also took heart from recent polling that shows Biden losing ground with Hispanics, normally a dependable Democratic voting bloc. That is good news politically speaking for Republicans, but CD-11, as districts go in New Jersey, is not overly Hispanic.

Larry Casha said a bit boldly that it doesnt take five million bucks to get your message across. And reaching back to the era of 1960 sitcoms, Casha brought up June Cleaver, who was known on the tube for doing housework in high heels and pearls. The presumed point here is that Sherrill is more glitz than substance.

Paul DeGroot said yes, the GOP base is energized. But guess what?

Thats not good enough.

That in itself, is not going to get us across the finish line. As he has done previously, DeGroot said Republicans have to do a better job appealing to women and women with children.

Earlier in the evening, DeGroot also mentioned a tale of personal derring-do his apprehension of a mugger attacking a cab driver in Manhattan in 2011. Later, he provided an audio of the driver thanking him in a phone message. That could make a good campaign ad.

Candidate Larry Friscia, who seems to pride himself on studying policy details and fully understanding issues, said the 90-seconds allotted to answer the question wasnt long enough. But he did ask those interested to contact him afterwards and confidently proclaimed, I am the one who can take (Sherrill) down.

Robert Kovic said Republicans need to run a genuine conservative, adding that more and more people are turning to the Republican party. He mocked Sherrill as a paper tiger, and criticized her recent trip along with other House members to Ukraine as a photo op.

In fairness, Sherrill is a member of the Armed Services Committee and a one-time Russian foreign policy officer when serving in the Navy.

The last candidate to speak was Tayfun Selen, who said an out of the box candidate is needed. Thats him.

I have a story that resonates, said Selen, who immigrated from Turkey, got a job pumping gas and now sits on the Morris County Board of Commissioners.

The primary is in June, but the time is shorter than you think.

DeGroot won the line in Passaic County and the key Morris County endorsement will come in early March.

And there may be more candidates. Assemblywoman Aura Dunn and Morris County Surrogate Heather Darling are considering jumping in. Each could have an impact. As of now, there are no women in the Republican field.

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The Ongoing Republican Intraparty Slog in Sherrill's CD-11 - InsiderNJ

One of the inescapable realities of our current political landscape is that the Democrat Party is united and the Republican Party is not. One attempts to satisfy its constituencies, and the other is constantly alienating its voters. Why is that? The answer is key to understanding why so many conservative voters, including many Christians, are unhappy with their political leaders and what can be done about it.

It may seem odd to characterize the Democrats as unified in the midst of their recent struggle to gain the votes of Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona on key party priorities, such as enacting the Build Back Better legislation or altering the Senate filibuster. But the recent vitriol directed at those two individuals for not going along is itself evidence of the degree to which the vast machinery of the party remains unified in purpose. Think of the many different presidential candidates in the 2020 Democratic primaries, and yet the winning, so-called moderate President Joe Biden governs from the hard left on priority after priority. This is not accidental. Party elitesleadership, donors, activists, and most votersall share the same radical, secular liberal worldview of the age. They are all committed to relentlessly pushing forward in pursuit of progress, disagreeing only in how fast or at what political cost.

In comparison, the Republican Party is split, seemingly inexorably, between two factions. The differences between the two are fundamental. They are about purpose, not pace. One faction is horrified that the United States is decades into an incremental revolution whereby self-government was tossed in favor of a secular, expert-led bureaucratic regime, whose interests are increasingly protected by large, multinational corporations that coerce the populace. They want resolute, prophetic statesmanship befitting the late hour that requires status quoshattering paradigm shifts. Most of the Republican voters are in this camp.

The other faction is harder to describe, as it is itself a mix of those with differing priorities, viewpoints, and temperaments. Perhaps the easiest description is to say that they are made up of those who are not horrified by the danger the United States faces. These individuals are either unaware or unalarmed by the currents carrying modern America or their destination. Sometimes the pace is a little quick, but it is largely the inefficiency or the material discomfort of the journey that concerns them. They want reform within the current paradigm. Most of the party elite are in this camp. This split is the main division that renders the Republican Party incapable of delivering on a coherent agenda to the American people.

The best example of this faction are the (historically Republican) chambers of commerce. Perhaps in opposition to FDRs New Deal or LBJs Great Society, many corporate executives flocked to the GOP in favor of low taxes, little regulation, and a strong economy. They wanted less government spending. And for many election cycles, they made for worthy coalition partners, particularly as many were also committed to maintaining traditional values and keeping the nation strong.

But over the years, the business community has become far less reliable. Corporationsled by chambers of commerceare now the main obstacles to Republicans engaging in the necessary culture fights that are most pressing at the state and federal levels. They are the Praetorian Guard for the interests of the LGBT community, going as far as to supportthe radical Equality Act. They are strong proponents of critical race theory disguised as diversity and inclusion training in their HR departments. They instituted their own vaccine and mask mandates on their employees and customers while fightingstate governments attempting to protect their citizens from being coerced. And they have been some of the most vocal opponents of voter integrity measures. Never mind the host of issuesranging from free trade absolutism to the power of multinational companiesin which their outsized presence in the party prevents a needed reconsideration. That reconsideration might attract new voters among working Americans. In short, the alliance with big business is now an anchor, dragging the conservative movement down.

Even with our own tenuous attachment to political parties, Christians should care because we currently do not have good options for effecting change in our two-party system. The Democratic Party is the political party of secular humanism. The Republican Party, fallen as all political vehicles are, is the natural home for those who value a Christian-influenced nation, who desire to protect life at all ages, who stand committed to strengthening families and communities from disorder and decay, and who reject the rule of totalitarian bureaucracies. But to remain that home, it must discard the corporatism that is strangling its heart and repelling its votersand that starts with ending the overwhelming influence of the chambers of commerce.

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Chambers of commerce are crippling the Republican Party - WORLD News Group

PHOENIX (AP) Arizonas Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted Thursday to put limits on teaching race and gender in schools, part of the GOPs nationwide push to block diversity instruction theyve termed critical race theory.

The measure is the latest front in the ever-evolving debate over how to teach U.S. history and reckon with racism in the nations past and present.

The measure would ban instruction that promotes or advocates for any form of blame or judgment on the basis of race, ethnicity or sex. It seeks to outlaw a list of concepts, including that a person should feel discomfort, guilt, anguish or any other form of psychological distress because of their race, ethnicity or sex.

House Republicans voted along party lines to send the measure to the Senate. Democrats said the measure would chill discussions about history and contemporary event s in the classroom because teachers will fear losing their jobs if they broach the subject of race.

To love America is to learn all about their history both good and bad, said Rep. Sarah Liguori, a Phoenix Democrat. And if we sense our history and ignore todays challenges, we will never live up to the ideals of liberty and justice for all.

Critical race theory was until recently an obscure field of study, largely in law schools, about systemic racism. Republicans have weaponized the term ahead of the midterm elections as a catch-all for teachings about race, diversity, bias and privilege that they say fall outside the charge for public schools.

Lessons related to race and diversity have been on the rise alongside a broader acknowledgment that racial injustice didnt end in America with the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Those efforts have spurred a backlash, particularly among Republican voters.

Disregarding parent concerns about what our children are learning is not going to work, said Rep. Michelle Udall, a Republican from Mesa who sponsored the bill.

Republicans included a ban on critical race theory in the state budget last year, but it was among many new policies later thrown out by the Arizona Supreme Court. The justices found the Legislatures practice of stuffing the budget with unrelated provisions was unconstitutional.

When the measure was considered in the House Education Committee on Wednesday, several GOP lawmakers were appalled to hear a parents description of a Bingo game encouraging middle school students to consider how their race, family support, income and other factors could give them a leg up against peers who face discrimination, a turbulent home life or trouble getting to school.

My personal life should not be subject to a bingo game, said Rep. Teresa Martinez, a Republican from Casa Grande. The school has no right to ask if you have one parent, two parents, a gay parent, a brown parent, and are you white.

Rep. Mitzi Epstein said some aspects of history, such as slavery and the Holocaust, are indeed shameful, and she worries the legislation would restrict teachers from saying so.

To teach these things without blame or judgment would be wrong, Epstein said.

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Republican-controlled Arizona House votes to ban critical race theory in schools - KTAR.com

Rep. Liz Cheneys Republican primary challenger is leaning on her decades of legal fights against the federal governments natural resources policy in her battle against the incumbent.

Harriet Hageman, an attorney, entered the race for Wyomings sole House seat in September on a platform of complete alignment with former President Trump, amid Cheneys outspoken opposition to the former president over his involvement with the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol building and other actions.

But Hageman is also presenting herself as the better candidate to fight what she sees as overreach by President Bidens administration. Shes pointing to her legal work, battling against policies like Endangered Species Act protections for gray wolves and conservation of national forests, to show that shes the candidate to represent Wyomings interests.

"Ive taken on the EPA, Ive taken on the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. Ive taken on the USDA," she said last month on "Bannons War Room," the podcast hosted by former Trump strategist Steve Bannon.

Asked whether she could handle when Cheney "plays hardball," Hageman said shes shown shes ready.

"So does the federal government. So does the EPA. They play to win," she said. "One of the things about going up against, say, the EPA is that they have unlimited resources. And when theyre going out and doing a test case, for example, trying to take over irrigation in northern Wyoming, theyre going to throw everything that they have at it to do that," she continued.

Hageman and her campaign didnt respond to requests from E&E News for an interview or to expand on her legal work.

Hageman currently is senior litigation counsel for the New Civil Liberties Alliance, a group that takes on conservative legal causes to fight against environmental regulations, Covid-19 mitigation measures, campaign finance restrictions, taxes and more.

Her work has almost always put her on the opposite side of the conservation community.

"Although Harriet Hageman more recently is known for her flip-flop to support Trump and challenge her previous confidant Liz Cheney, she has a long history with environmental and conservation groups," said Dan Smitherman, Wyoming state director at the Wilderness Society.

"Most of her work was with private property, water and grazing rights, but she forged a legitimate reputation as an anti-public lands sagebrush rebellion lawyer and pro-ranching, anti-wolf advocate," he said.

Hageman said last month on the radio show "Wake Up Wyoming" that her first big case after she launched her own law firm in 2001 was representing the state of Wyoming in challenging the U.S. Forest Services roadless rule, when was written in the final days of President Clintons administration. The case resulted in a 2003 federal court injunction, which the administration of President George W. Bush didnt appeal.

Smitherman estimated that the roadless rule litigation had "the most significant impacts" on conservation.

In another notable case, Hageman represented David Hamilton, a Wyoming landowner, in his battle against EPAs 2007 determination that an irrigation ditch violated the Clean Water Act. "After a two-week trial, we prevailed in that case, and the EPA lost. Because we were right. The Clean Water Act does not apply to his activities," she said on "Wake Up Wyoming.

Hageman worked for many years for an industry coalition in Wyoming to get the gray wolfs Endangered Species Act protections removed, and in 2009 fought the Department of Agricultures determination that certain cattle transported between states need electronic tags.

At times, however, her legal work on behalf of industry has been in opposition to local decisionmakers. In one case, she successfully represented a gravel company in challenging a Wyoming countys decision to block a gravel mine operation, according to the Wyoming Tribune Eagle.

More recently, shes been sounding the alarm on Bidens "30 x 30" initiative, also known as "America the Beautiful," which aims to conserve 30 percent of the nations land and waters by 2030 (E&E Daily, Dec. 20, 2021). She argues its a "land grab," a threat to Wyoming and an attempt by Democrats to hasten the decline of rural America.

"The federal government under Joe Biden and radical Democrats are intent on taking over and federalizing our private property rights under the auspices or claim of combating climate change. This is a U.N.-driven, unlawful land grab that would be devastating to the economy in this country and dramatically alter the very nature of private property rights and who and what the United States is," she said on the "Working Ranch Radio Show."

The Biden administration has fought back against similar arguments, saying the conservation efforts are completely voluntary and the government is not seeking to take anyones land.

Hageman grew up on a ranch near Fort Laramie, Wyo., where she said she and her siblings had to move cows, fix fences and do other work on a regular basis. She studied at the University of Wyoming, where she got both a bachelors degree and a law degree.

Between her legal and advocacy work, Hageman has been active in Republican politics and campaign finance. She was a previous Republican National Committee representative for Wyoming and ran unsuccessfully for governor in 2018.

She was also an ally to Cheney previously and was a critic of Trump, working in 2016 to stop his presidential nomination. But she later became an ally to him, and Cheneys increasing estrangement from him led her to abandon the lawmaker.

"We sent her to Washington, D.C., to be an ally of Donald Trump, and shes turned into a mortal enemy of not just Donald Trump but the America First agenda, she told Bannon.

Hageman cites her work not only to show her dedication to ranching, oil and natural gas, and other industries, but also to argue that Cheney has abandoned Wyomings priorities.

For example, she says its malpractice that Cheney isnt on the House Natural Resources Committee. She was on the panel in her first two terms.

"The Natural Resources Committee this is one of the first times in our history that we dont have anybody on that all-important committee. That tells you where her priorities are," Hageman said on Bannons show.

Cheneys campaign declined to respond to Hagemans comments.

When she met with Trump last year to ask for his endorsement before launching her campaign, Hageman brought up energy and regulations as two of her top priorities.

"The two primary issues I discussed with him were energy independence and what he did in terms of regulatory reform. I thanked him for his work in that regard," she said.

Myron Ebell, who used to work for a think tank launched by former Republican Wyoming Rep. Malcolm Wallop, said hes gotten to know Hageman through her New Civil Liberties Alliance work. Hes hopeful that she can win, get a spot on the Natural Resources Committee and be a champion for industries like agriculture and energy.

"She is a hardcore conservative. But she also has establishment Republican connections, which I think will serve her well," said Ebell, who leads energy and environment policy at the conservative Competitive Enterprise Institute and led Trumps transition team for EPA.

"She has the expertise thats needed on the committee on a lot of federal lands issues. And shes very strong on property rights and the rights of federal land users."

Cheney, Ebell said, had a good Republican voting record on Natural Resources but "wasnt really interested in those issues."

Ebell expects Hageman will follow in the mold of "some of the really strong people" on Natural Resources, like GOP Reps. Tom McClintock of California, Matt Rosendale of Montana, Lauren Boebert of Colorado and Paul Gosar of Arizona, who lost his spot on the panel last year when Democrats stripped him of his committee assignments.

Cheney has projected confidence in the face of Hagemans challenge and hasnt backed away from her Trump criticism.

She continues to pursue action on energy and other key Wyoming industries, and has argued that her record of fighting against regulations and for increased oil and natural gas production, among other priorities, puts her ahead in the race (E&E Daily, Sept. 10, 2021).

Cheney has also been active in fighting Bidens energy and natural resources policies. Shes introduced legislation to combat the "30 x 30" conservation plan, worked to block Bidens executive actions targeting fossil fuels and proposed to compensate states for any revenue they lose due to Bidens fossil fuel policies.

She was also aligned closely with Trumps deregulatory and energy agenda. She was the lead sponsor of the 2017 legislation that Trump signed to undo former President Obamas "BLM Planning 2.0" rule that sought to overhaul how the Bureau of Land Management oversees its vast acreage which Cheney and other opponents said would have curtailed local voices in land decisions (E&E News PM, March 27, 2017).

The primary is scheduled for Aug. 16, ahead of the Nov. 8 general election. The winner of the primary is expected to easily win the November race.

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Meet the anti-conservation Republican vying to unseat Cheney - E&E News