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The frontrunners for a heated Republican primary for Missouris Senate District 31 both support President Donald Trump, want to end abortion and promise to cut waste in the budget.

However, the candidates diverge on their support for tax credits and what they would protect if a budget shortfall forces cuts. A PAC tied to the Senate Conservative Caucus a six-member group thats opposed some of Republican Gov. Mike Parsons priorities around workforce development has poured more than $225,000 to support Cass County auditor and former state representative Brattin. He gained national attention in 2014 after introducing legislation that would have required women wanting an abortion to get written approval from the man who impregnated her.

Brattin faces off against Rep. Jack Bondon who has the endorsement of groups like Missouris Farm Bureau, Missourians for Life, the Missouri Chamber PAC and the Missouri Fraternal Order of Police. Bill Yarberry, a farmer, is also running in the Republican primary. District 31 is heavily Republican and spans Cass, Henry, Bates and Vernon counties. Republican Sen. Ed Emery is termed out after representing the district for eight years.

The winner will face Democratic candidate Raymond Kinney, who is running unopposed in the Democratic primary.

Heres where the candidates stand on the key issues:

JACK BONDONOccupation: Current State RepresentativeCampaign Website: https://jackbondon.com/

Coronavirus: Bondon said the governments job is to give businesses and individuals information about the virus, however, he disagrees with a government mandate.

A one size fits all policy, whether it comes across the city as big as Kansas City or across the entire state, is not the wisest choice, Bondon said. The wisest choice is to leave the decisions to the private sector, private businesses who are part of that community.

Budget: Bondon said he wants to protect programs that serve people who are vulnerable to the virus from budget cuts. He said its too early to know the full extent of the revenue shortfall so he cant yet say what he would cut.

Senate Conservative Caucus: Bondon said like Sen. Ed Emery he wont belong to the Senate Conservative Caucus. Bondon describes himself as a conservative fighter, but he wont promise or sell away my vote to a voting block and forego the opportunity and the responsibility of representing the people right here at home.

Abortion: Bondon said he wants to see all abortion ended across this entire state.

Tax Credits: Bondon supports tax credits for businesses on a case by case basis.

Certain tax credits can prove their worth and have a multiplier effect across the entire state economy, Bondon said. When we see good tax credit programs that work, they create jobs, and pay far more back into the economy than was given, I support those.

RICK BRATTINOccupation: Cass County Auditor and Former State RepresentativeCampaign Website: https://jackbondon.com/

Coronavirus: Brattin said local governments shouldnt be able to say what businesses are essential and shut down nonessential businesses in an effort to slow the spread of the virus.

People need to be able to choose what they believe is their best approach, Brattin said.

Budget: Brattin called funding for schools, roads and public safety essential government functions that should be prioritized. Brattin said there's plenty of waste in government that we could really narrowly tailor cuts, but declined to give specifics.

Senate Conservative Caucus: A PAC tied to the Senate Conservative Caucus has donated to a PAC supporting Brattin. When Brattin was a state representative, he helped create the House Conservative Caucus.

Abortion: Brattin received national attention after introducing a bill in 2014 as a state representative that would bar physicians from performing an abortion until the father of the unborn child provides written, notarized consent to the abortion. The bill provides an exception if the pregnancy was the result of rape or incest.

Tax Credits: Brattin isnt in favor of tax credits for businesses and said it hurts the states revenue.

All these corporations hire the big lobbyists to write their special law, to get them the special kickbacks, Brattin said. ... the mom and pop shops and the everyday taxpayer are the ones that are gonna fund everything.

BILL YARBERRYOccupation: FarmerCampaign Website: n/a

Coronavirus: Yarberry said the only real hope to addressing the coronavirus is a vaccine.

Budget: Yarberry said he supports tax cuts but only if the state budget can afford it. Yarberry said if the state budget is in a crisis he would support reversing a corporate income tax cut that went into effect this year. Yarberry also said he wants the number of state representatives to be reduced to save money.

Senate Conservative Caucus: Yarberry said political labels are often misleading and he thinks of himself as not the most liberal and not the most conservative but the most common sense.

Abortion: Yarberry said he supports providing counseling for women who have an unwanted pregnancy.

I hate to sound like a politician, but I actually can see both sides of this issue, Yarberry said. As a Christian, of course, I think abortion is wrong and I most likely would vote that way.

However, Yarberry said hes worried about going back to the bad old days when desperate people got not medical doctors to perform abortions.

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Meet The Republican Candidates In Missouri Senate District 31 - KCUR

Americans in both major parties now see China much more negatively than in the recent past, but Republicans are more likely than Democrats to express skepticism across a range of measures, according to a new Pew Research Center survey. The survey, conducted in June and July, comes as Donald Trump and Joe Biden both make China a key campaign issue ahead of the U.S. presidential election in November.

Below are five key facts exploring these partisan differences in more detail.

This analysis focuses on Republicans and Democrats views of China on a range of topics including how China has handled the coronavirus pandemic, the state of bilateral relations, and attitudes about the country more broadly. When analyzing the partisan differences, we looked at those who identify as Republicans and those who lean toward the Republican Party together, and the same is true for Democrats and those who lean toward the Democratic Party. Data comes from a nationally representative survey of 1,003 U.S. adults conducted by telephone from June 16 to July 14, 2020. Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology.

Republicans have long held more unfavorable views of China than Democrats, but unfavorable views have climbed rapidly among both parties over the past year. In the new survey, 83% of Republicans and those who lean to the Republican Party say they have an unfavorable view of China, compared with 68% of Democrats and Democratic leaners record highs for both groups. The 15 percentage point gap between the parties is also among the widest in Pew Research Center surveys dating to 2005. Republicans are also much more likely than Democrats to say they have a very unfavorable view of China (54% vs. 35%).

Republicans are much more critical of Chinas role in the coronavirus outbreak. Republicans are almost 30 percentage points more likely than Democrats to say China has done a bad job handling the coronavirus outbreak (82% vs. 54%). They are also much more likely to say China contributed to the global spread of the pandemic. Around three-quarters of Republicans (73%) say Chinas early handling of the coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan contributed a great deal to its global spread, compared with around four-in-ten Democrats (38%).

Republicans are twice as likely as Democrats to describe China as an enemy, though this is a minority position in both parties. Around four-in-ten Republicans describe China as an enemy (38%) rather than as a competitor (53%) or partner (8%). Among Democrats, 19% describe China as an enemy, while 61% call it a competitor and 19% say they consider the country a partner.

The share of Republicans who describe China as an enemy has increased 21 percentage points since 2012, compared with a more moderate increase of 8 points among Democrats.

When it comes to views of economic ties with China, Democrats are more likely than Republicans to describe them as bad (73% vs. 63%).

Republicans generally support taking a tougher policy approach to China than Democrats. When it comes to Americas economic and trade policy, U.S. adults overall are divided over whether it is more important to build a stronger relationship with China (51%) or get tougher with it (46%). But Republicans are twice as likely as Democrats to support getting tougher with China (66% vs. 33%). They are also about twice as likely (71% vs. 37%) to say the United States should hold China responsible for its role in the spread of coronavirus, even at the expense of worse relations.

Democrats, in turn, are more likely than Republicans to say that the U.S. should promote human rights in China over prioritizing economic relations with China. But at least seven-in-ten in both partisan coalitions hold this opinion.

Americans have little confidence in Chinese President Xi Jinping, but Republicans are especially critical. Overall, around three-quarters of Americans (77%) have little or no confidence in President Xi to do the right thing in world affairs, including 55% who have no confidence at all in the Chinese leader. The share with no faith in Xi has increased by 10 points over the past four months and is more than double the share who said this in 2019. While Republicans and Democrats were equally likely to lack confidence in the Chinese leader in 2018 and 2019, there is a now a partisan gap: Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say they have little or no faith in Xi (82% vs. 75%). Republicans are also more likely to say they have no confidence at all in Xi (61% vs. 51%).

Note: Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and its methodology.

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US views of China more negative among Republicans than Democrats in mid-2020 - Pew Research Center

This month, for the first time since April, our tracker of public opinion around the coronavirus shows that the share of Americans who say they are very concerned that they or someone they know will become infected with COVID-19 is higher than the share who say they are somewhat concerned.

That rise in concern is understandable, too, when you consider the spike in new coronavirus cases that began in mid-June, especially in the South and West. Just this past week, California, Florida and Texas, along with a handful of other states, saw record spikes in fatalities.

And the fact that the geography of the virus is changing its no longer just a blue-state virus may mean behaviors and political attitudes are shifting once again. To be clear, there are still deep political divides in how concerned people are about the virus, but there are also some signs that Republicans may be growing more concerned.

For example, as many states started lifting restrictions in April, the share of Republicans who said they were staying at home declined, while the share of Democrats saying they were staying put remained roughly the same. As you can see in the chart below, the share of Republicans who reported staying home as much as possible has ticked up by at least 10 points since the start of July. The latest poll from YouGov/Huffpost to ask this question did, however, also show a decline of 4 percentage points from the previous week, so its possible that the changes in Republican behavior could be plateauing or declining again.

The YouGov/Huffpost polls show increased support for coronavirus-related restrictions, too. In early June, only 23 percent of Americans said there were not enough restrictions where they lived, but in the latest poll, that number had grown by 14 percentage points to 37 percent. That includes an increase of more than 10 points in every region except the Northeast, where the coronaviruss spread has slowed down. And the share of Republicans who believe there are not enough restrictions, while still relatively small, has doubled from 10 percent in early June to over 20 percent in late July.

These shifts are small, as Republicans still lag behind Democrats on both of these metrics. But its significant because it comes at a time when public approval of the governments handling of the pandemic has fallen to new lows.

According to our tracker, Trumps approval rating on his response to the crisis has steadily declined since April. That even includes Republicans, whose approval of how he is handling the crisis, while still high at 78 percent, has declined roughly 5 percentage points since mid-June, when cases began spiking.

Recent polls have also shown that Republican governors are getting lower marks on how theyve handled the pandemic, especially in hard-hit states like Texas, Florida and Arizona.

To be sure, Democrats are still more concerned about the coronavirus than Republicans, but that uptick in our tracker isnt being driven by just Democrats. Republicans are also showing signs of increased concern around the virus. Some of that may be because as the virus spreads to different parts of the country, more Republicans are coming into contact with it, which may change their perceptions of it. Take what an Ipsos/Axios poll recently found. While only 35 percent of Republicans who had no personal experience with the virus said they are either very or somewhat concerned about COVID-19, concern over the coronavirus rose to 51 percent among Republicans who knew someone who died from it. Additionally, more than half of Republicans who knew someone who died from the virus said they always wore a mask, while only 38 percent of those who had no personal experience with the virus said they always wore a mask.

And perhaps that nuance underscores something Amelia Thomson-DeVeaux wrote about for FiveThirtyEight earlier this month. Republicans and Democrats are divided on how they see the virus. But theyre less divided on the actual steps they can take to stay safe whether thats social distancing, trying to stay home more or wearing masks in public places. Its possible that partisan opinion on the coronavirus isnt entirely baked in yet.

According to FiveThirtyEights presidential approval tracker, 40.6 percent of Americans approve of the job Trump is doing as president, while 55.1 percent disapprove (a net approval rating of -14.5 points). At this time last week, 40.3 percent approved and 55.6 percent disapproved (a net approval rating of -15.3 points). One month ago, Trump had an approval rating of 40.3 percent and a disapproval rating of 56.4 percent, for a net approval rating of -16.1 points.

In our average of polls of the generic congressional ballot, Democrats currently lead by 8.3 percentage points (49.1 percent to 40.8 percent). A week ago, Democrats led Republicans by 8.2 points (49.4 percent to 41.2 percent). At this time last month, voters preferred Democrats by 9 points (49 percent to 40 percent).

Check out all the polls weve been collecting ahead of the 2020 elections.

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Some Republicans Have Gotten More Concerned About COVID-19 - FiveThirtyEight

WASHINGTON When it comes to the new coronavirus recovery package roiling the capital, Senator John Kennedy of Louisiana could use some detective help from the F.B.I., which has unexpectedly found itself an unwitting accomplice in a legislative meltdown.

Id like to know whats in the bill, Mr. Kennedy, who is part of the Republican majority that wrote the measure, proclaimed Tuesday afternoon as he exited a closed luncheon where his colleagues met with top Trump administration officials to unsuccessfully hash out their deep differences over new legislation that apparently remained a mystery to many.

All you need to know about the state of that measure is that Mr. Kennedy said he had set his own staff to sleuthing through it to determine what it contained and what it didnt and would decide how to proceed from there.

Approval of any rescue remains a good ways off.

I have questions, said Mr. Kennedy, who might have been more vocal than others about his dissatisfaction with the legislation, the process that produced it and the strategy to pass it. But he was certainly not alone.

Much of Washington also had questions, like: Is any legislation going to pass? Can Congress do it before a scheduled summer break at the end of next week? What will the final cost be? Will tens of millions of anxious laid-off workers continue to receive extra jobless aid, and how much? What happens, politically and practically, if nothing passes? Oh, and will President Trump get his $1.75 billion to make sure any replacement for the decrepit, Brutalist-style F.B.I. building across the street from his luxury hotel on Pennsylvania Avenue stays in its prime location, in what Democrats believe is a naked ploy to ensure that a competing hotel doesnt take its place?

Mr. Trump suggested on Wednesday that he was not all that interested in the fate of the broader package that is consuming Capitol Hill though he blasted Republicans for their queasiness about including the F.B.I. money. After calling his own partys $1 trillion proposal semi-irrelevant on Tuesday, he told reporters that he preferred a pared-down measure to a sweeping economic stabilization package that would have to be worked out with Democrats.

You work on the payments for the people, Mr. Trump said Wednesday, referring to another round of stimulus checks for Americans, and the rest of it were so far apart, we dont care.

Congress is once again careening over a cliff this time with the expiration of expanded unemployment benefits that have cushioned millions of Americans from the blow of the economic crisis and there is more than a little Thelma and Louise feel to the whole situation. Republicans are nowhere near agreement among themselves, and the various legislative proposals introduced on Monday after a three-day delay do not appear to have anything near majority Republican support, let alone backing from Democrats who instantly attacked them.

I think its a statement of the obvious that I have members who are all over the lot on this, Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and the majority leader, told reporters after the closed lunch session. There are some members who think weve already done enough, other members who think we need to do more. This is a complicated problem.

He left it up to Mark Meadows, the White House chief of staff, and Steven Mnuchin, the Treasury secretary, to work something out with Democrats.

The Republican dynamic serves only to empower Democrats who will have to provide the necessary votes to pass any legislation in the House and the Senate, meaning the resistance from conservative Republicans opposed to spending more is, ironically, only going to increase the amount of money that must be in the bill to win over Democrats.

If it is going to be passed with mainly Democratic votes, it is going to be mainly a Democratic bill, acknowledged Senator John Cornyn, Republican of Texas and the author of the liability protections that Republicans insist should be in any final legislation.

Months ago, House Democrats produced their own $3 trillion bill, which is three times the size of the Republican legislation, and given the state of the Republican negotiating position, they are in no hurry to cede much ground.

I think we should just hold firm, said Senator Chris Van Hollen, Democrat of Maryland.

Republicans recognize they are going to have to make some concessions, though they are scrambling to do whatever they can to hold their own line.

Id like to keep it as close to the original number as possible, said Senator John Barrasso of Wyoming, the No. 3 Senate Republican.

Democrats, typically the party described as being in disarray, expressed amazement at the disorder among Republicans, considering that they had months to come up with a proposal after Mr. McConnell in May had called for a pause in sending more federal dollars out the Capitol door.

In my many years of serving in this chamber, I have never seen a Republican majority or a Senate majority of any type respond to a national emergency in such a disorganized and disoriented fashion, Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, said on Tuesday. They cant agree on one bill. They cant get 51 votes for anything that is comprehensive.

Updated July 27, 2020

Adding to the Republican unease was the focus on the spending for the new F.B.I. building. After being caught off guard that the money remained in the legislation Monday, Republicans from Mr. McConnell on down seemed very uncomfortable at having been drawn so directly into what appeared to be a concerted effort to use a large amount of taxpayer dollars to protect the business interests of the president.

Some visibly winced as they hemmed and hawed about why the money was included in emergency legislation, until Mr. McConnell said during a news conference that ultimately, he wanted provisions unrelated to the pandemic, like the F.B.I. funding, to go away. Other senior lawmakers gathered with him nodded in agreement, eager to be done with the Trump-induced controversy.

The president wasnt ready to relent, though, and told reporters at the White House that any Republican allies questioning the expenditure should go back to school and learn. He said the building was dangerous and should stay in its current location because of its proximity to the main Justice Department headquarters.

The F.B.I. dispute was only a symptom of a larger problem. Republicans have made cutting the $600 in added weekly unemployment pay included in the stimulus law enacted in March a central element of their approach. They have contended that the benefit is so generous it has discouraged Americans from returning to their jobs a notion that most Democrats reject.

As a substitute, they are proposing a system where recipients would receive an extra $200 per week a two-thirds cut from what they are getting now while state unemployment offices devise a system that would ultimately allow individualized payments capped at 70 percent of what they were earning before.

The problem is that some Republicans dont want to spend any money on new aid, while others doubt the state unemployment offices will be able to technologically adapt and provide the tailored benefits. Mr. Kennedy joked on Tuesday that some of those offices just got microwaves last week and that Congress should instead come up with an acceptable flat figure.

Even with the fate of the legislation so uncertain, many lawmakers still seemed optimistic that a deal would eventually be reached. With so many Americans suffering and an election so close at hand it appears to be one of those too big to fail moments when not delivering federal relief just doesnt seem like an acceptable outcome for those in power.

Still, given the current state of things, failure remains a real possibility.

Who knows, said Senator Lisa Murkowski, Republican of Alaska. Maybe this place is just crazy.

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Divided and Demoralized on Virus Aid, Republicans Ask, Whats in the Bill? - The New York Times

On Tuesday, The New York Times ran a piece summarizing a new paper by the political scientists Christopher Warshaw, Lynn Vavreck, and Ryan Baxter-King on the impact local coronavirus deaths might have on Republican candidates. Reviewing survey data from the Democracy Fund and the University of California, Los Angeless Nationscape project, they concluded that a doubling of local coronavirus deaths over the last 60 days makes voters between .22-.45% less likely to support Republican House candidates and between .3-.9% less likely to support Republican Senate candidates. They found too that a county coronavirus death rate at sixteen times the national average would imply a reduction of only about 3 percentage points in the vote margin for a Republican Senate candidate. These numbers might concern vulnerable Republicans hoping to come out on the right side of thin margins in November, but they should hardly terrify most who will vote on coronavirus legislation.

One might object that even safe Republicans presumably want the party as a whole to keep the Senate and the White House and prevent Democrats from taking power. But the notion that most Republicans care about the partys fortunes as much or more than their own careers seems dubiousif this was the case, they probably wouldnt be backing ideas that might cross-pressure and endanger their vulnerable colleagues to begin with. And the most Republicans can realistically hope for are at least two more years of legislative stalemate anywayits extremely unlikely theyll be able to take back the House. In a Wednesday piece chastising moderate Republicans who plan on voting against the party in November, National Review editor Rich Lowry couldnt come up with a single policy item Republicans should look forward to enacting in another Trump term.

Its worth thinking through what purpose Republican power in Congress actually serves. Most liberal and progressive commentators take it as a given that the Republican Party lacks a constructive legislative agendatheres no real interest on the right in building new programs and institutions that would productively address Americas problems. But what many still dont realize is that the Republican Party has no real legislative agenda of any kind at allnot even a conservative one.

It shouldnt be forgotten that Republicans controlled Congress for two years under Trump. Their record of major legislative accomplishments, even from a clear-eyed conservative perspective, was fairly unimpressive. Sure, there was a massive tax cut that also eliminated Obamacares individual mandate and some financial deregulation. But Republicans also failed to fully repeal Obamacare, the central policy promise theyd made for years, and they flubbed the dismantling of SNAP in the 2018 farm bill as wellboth thanks partially to Senate moderates. Speculation that the party might finally go after Medicare and social security in the last few months before the midterms subsided once it became clear that Republican lawmakers were actually considering nothing more than another round of tax cuts. Those never passed, and many Republican candidates wound up staking their campaigns on panic over the migrant caravan and other culture war material.

If the conservative policy establishment was deeply disappointed by any of this, they showed few signs of it. The Heritage Foundation declared in early 2018 that the Trump administration, with the aid of the Republican Congress, had already embraced or accomplished 64 percent of their Mandate for Leadership platform. For reference, Ronald Reagan had evidently adopted only 49 percent of Heritages recommendations at the same point in his presidency. None of this is to say that Republicans in Congress didnt do real damagethey did. But Democrats and the left had feared the full imposition of Paul Ryans agenda. That didnt happen. Instead, Ryan himself gave up and left Congress. The Roosevelt Institutes Mike Konzcal summed the situation up well in a March 2018 blog post. At best, the Rights policy voices are all ideas and no consequences, he wrote. More likely, they form a kind of entertainment industry that only is consequential to the extent it channels business interests or mass resentment.

They arent more consequential because as much as most Republican lawmakers might support broadly unpopular legislation, they cant actually pass anything without the support of moderate Republicans in bluer parts of the country or the kinds of moderate and conservative Democrats who happily and eagerly signed onto welfare reform a generation ago. As is often said, both are now endangered speciesthanks to partisan sorting, most of those figures have either lost elections, retired, or put themselves in step with the rest of their parties. So, Republicans bent on deconstructing the welfare state have turned from real legislative battles to guerilla attacksthe White Houses hit on fair housing regulations, for instance, or the ongoing legal campaign to undermine Obamacare. These are fights that often play out in courts, which is why Senate Republicans, as little as theyve managed to accomplish legislatively, have been so doggedly determined to confirm a constellation of conservative justices to the federal bench, in addition to the two Supreme Court seats theyve filled. Mitch McConnell has pushed through over 200 judges since 2017; not a single circuit court vacancy remains. That work has alleviated some of the pressure Republicans might have to hold the Senate.

But much of that pressure is also obviated, again, by the design of the Senate itself. It should be well understood by now that even if Republicans lose the White House and the Senateand of course, neither victory is assuredthe Democrats ability to pass Joe Bidens agenda will be limited by the Senate filibuster. Although Biden has suggested in recent weeks that hes open to ditching it to overcome Republican obstruction, the decision is ultimately up to Democratic senators themselves, and pivotal moderates still oppose the move. The filibuster aside, the conservative structural advantage in the chamber will probably be in good shape for some time. Adding Puerto Rico and the District of Columbia as states would help Democrats somewhat if the party were actually invested in making it happenanother very large ifbut analyst David Shor has estimated that a slight bias toward Republicans would remain in the Senate even if Democrats added six states, including the Virgin Islands, the Northern Mariana Islands, American Samoa, and Guam. If Biden attempts to circumvent Republicans through executive action as Obama did, Republicans can take solace in the fact that much of what he might try could be undone by another administration or, again, gummed up in court.

All told, if it seems like Republicans are acting as though the election doesnt matter, one should consider the many ways it actually doesnt for them. Moreover, its conceivable that many Republicans are quietly hoping for a loss at the top of the ticket. A Trump defeat might repair the GOPs standing with key constituencies Trump has driven away and will almost certainly encourage the political media to craft a redemption narrative for the party. Pundits and Fox News favorites on the Hill will attract attention and campaign donors drumming up rage at what Biden and Democrats in Congress are up to. Ambitious post-Trump populists and Trump critics whove been biding their time are both spoiling for a fight over the future of the party, which is to say a fight over the future of their respective careers. None of this should console Trump and the most embattled Republican candidates. But unless Democrats get serious about disempowering it for good, the Republican Party cant really lose.

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The 2020 Election Doesn't Really Matter to Republicans - The New Republic