Archive for the ‘Republican’ Category

The forgotten Oregon Republican who upended national politics 100 years ago and may have paved the way for – oregonlive.com

The date was June 12, 1920.

The place was Chicago, where 940 Republican delegates from across the country had gathered to nominate their partys candidates for president and vice president of the United States.

The moment occurred when the national conventions presiding chair called upon a delegate from Oregon, who was seeking attention by standing on a chair and waving his arms.

That delegates name was Wallace McCamant, and the brief speech he made upon being recognized would change American history.

McCamants name is little known today, but for several decades his actions and opinions were the subject of Oregon newspaper headlines.

Born and raised in Pennsylvania, McCamant headed west shortly after becoming a practicing lawyer in 1890. Landing in Portland, a rough-and-ready port town of about 46,000 people, he signed on with a Portland law firm that is known today as Miller, Nash, Graham & Dunn. McCamant quickly earned a reputation as an intelligent and eloquent attorney. He became involved in a number of patriotic organizations, and he married and started a family.

Wallace McCamant, circa 1917-18 (Oregon Historical Society)

Along with pursuing his law career (hed eventually become an Oregon Supreme Court justice), McCamant also became a loyal member of the Republican Party, which dominated Oregon politics at the time. He served as a delegate to the GOP national convention in 1896 and 1900.

When the still-popular former President Theodore Roosevelt left the Republican Party in 1912 to run as a Bull Moose after becoming disenchanted with his hand-picked successor, President William Howard Taft, McCamant remained staunchly in Tafts camp.

The Taft-Roosevelt split led to the election of Woodrow Wilson, a Democrat, as the 28th president of the United States, and four years later Wilson narrowly won re-election. So when 1920 arrived, with no incumbent on the ballot, Republicans believed they had an excellent opportunity to return their party to the White House.

McCamant, then 52, wanted to be a part of the effort. Seeking to attend his third national convention, he filed the required paperwork to run for election as a convention delegate. (At the time, both the Republican and Democratic parties in Oregon elected national convention delegates in May primary elections.) The Oregonian reported on McCamants filing in February, stating that Judge McCamant asks that the following be printed after his name on the ballot: For President, an American, a republican, and a statesman.

In speeches leading up to the primary, McCamant made clear that, as a delegate, he would support the candidate who won the Oregon presidential primary -- unless, that is, that candidate was Sen. Hiram Johnson of California. McCamants refusal to support Johnson largely came down to his determined party loyalty: Back in 1912, Johnson had bolted the GOP to run as the vice-presidential nominee on Roosevelts Progressive, or Bull Moose, ticket.

Sen. Hiram Johnson (Library of Congress)

When the May 21 Oregon primary results were tabulated, Johnson had narrowly defeated former U.S. Army chief of staff Leonard Wood -- and McCamant had overwhelmingly been elected as a delegate. The Johnson forces wasted no time in arguing that, no matter his anti-Johnson campaign rhetoric, McCamant was bound by an Oregon statute requiring that each delegate take an oath that he will use his best efforts to bring about the nomination of the person receiving the largest number of votes at the primary.

McCamant, a by-the-book lawyer, was ready with a response. He pointed out that the statute requiring delegates to support the primary winner referred explicitly to delegates who had their names placed on the ballot after simply paying a filing fee of $15. Every candidate for delegate except McCamant had paid that fee. The best efforts statute, however, did not reference the other method for delegate candidates to get on the ballot -- submitting a petition signed by 500 registered voters. This was how McCamant scored his place, with a petition containing more than 1,600 signatures. After the Oregon delegation arrived in Chicago, the conventions credentials committee sided with McCamant: he was free to support the candidate of his choice.

In the end, McCamants presidential vote at the convention made no difference. A candidate needed 471 delegates to win the nomination. On the first ballot, Wood received the support of 287 delegates (including McCamant). Illinois Gov. Frank Lowden placed second with 211, and Johnson ended up in third place with 133. Twelve other favorite son candidates also received votes. After three more ballots resulted in little change, the convention adjourned for the evening.

It was then that the partys bosses convened at the Blackstone Hotel in Room 404 -- a famed smoke-filled room, where presidential candidates often were chosen before the modern primary system began in the early 1970s. The party poobahs, many of them U.S. senators, hashed over the candidates strengths and weaknesses, and, at 3:00 a.m., they reached a consensus: Sen. Warren Harding of Ohio was the best option to break the deadlock. They regarded Harding, nearing the end of his first term in the Senate, as a genial, go-along-to-get-along type who would not be objectionable to either progressive or conservative Republicans. As one of the meetings attendees reportedly concluded: We have a lot of second raters and Harding is the best of them.

It took a few ballots the next morning at the Chicago Coliseum for the decision reached in Room 404 to filter through to the delegates, and then Hardings momentum became unstoppable -- the nomination was his. The powers-that-be then quickly met in a small alcove under the speakers stand to choose Hardings vice-presidential running mate. In hopes of uniting the stalwart wing of the party that Harding represented with the more progressive wing, they decided that Sen. Irvine Lenroot of Wisconsin, a Johnson supporter, would fill out the ticket.

Heres where McCamant stepped into his place in history.

Sen. Irvine Lenroot (Library of Congress)

Nominating speeches were quickly given for Lenroot, but before a roll-call vote could seal the deal, the chairman noticed a stocky, red-faced man standing on a chair and demanding he be recognized, Harding biographer Francis Russell has documented. Affably, the chairman recognized Wallace McCamant of Oregon, assuming that his was merely one more seconding voice for Lenroot.

McCamant, however, had no intention of backing a Johnson ally. He called on his fellow delegates to instead support a man who is sterling in his Americanism and stands for all that the Republican Party holds dear. On behalf of the Oregon delegation, I name for the exalted office of vice president, Calvin Coolidge of Massachusetts.

The mention of Gov. Coolidge, who had achieved national prominence the previous year when he broke up a Boston police strike, ignited the convention floor. Not so much because the taciturn Coolidge was loved, but because few delegates liked that their decisions often were made for them in smoke-filled rooms. McCamant had tapped into a mood of revolt that had been simmering under the surface, and all of a sudden there was a Coolidge bandwagon. The Massachusetts governor received 874.5 delegates to Lenroots 146.5.

McCamants role in choosing the vice-presidential nominee didnt get much attention across the U.S. -- though Oregon took note of it. Naming of Coolidge is Oregons Honor: Response to McCamants Speech Causes Thrill, read the June 13 headline in The Oregonian.

The November election was never really in doubt. After the trauma of World War I, American voters were hungry for the stolid Hardings promise of a return to normalcy. On Nov. 2, 1920, the Harding-Coolidge ticket won a landslide victory over the Democratic nominee, Ohio Gov. James Cox, and his running mate, the 38-year-old assistant secretary of the Navy, Franklin D. Roosevelt.

Less than three years later, on August 2, 1923, Harding died after what is believed to have been a massive heart attack. And, thanks to Oregon delegate Wallace McCamant, the man who took the oath of office as the 30th president of the United States was Calvin Coolidge, not Irvine Lenroot.

Perhaps no Oregonian, before or since, can be said to have made a larger impact on the history of our country. The reason: he may have inadvertently helped bring about Franklin Roosevelts presidency.

Coolidge, a pro-business Republican who reduced taxes and restored confidence in the government after various scandals rocked Hardings administration, would be elected president in his own right in 1924. Even though he was immensely popular, he chose not to run for re-election four years later. Republican Herbert Hoover won in his place, and Hoover would be in the White House in October 1929 when the stock-market crash helped usher in the Great Depression. Hoover would be overwhelmingly defeated by Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932.

But what if Irvine Lenroot had succeeded Harding as president? Would he have stood for election in 1924? Would he have run again in 1928? Would Roosevelt have had the opportunity to create the New Deal -- and lead the U.S. during World War II -- if a President Lenroot, much more progressive than the rigid Hoover, had been in office in October 1929 and responded aggressively to the countrys economic collapse?

The answers to these questions are, of course, unknown, but they make for a fascinating, Oregon-themed what-if?

What is known, however, is that Hiram Johnson was a man who held a grudge.

Wallace McCamant, late in life (The Oregonian archives)

On May 25, 1925, President Coolidge re-paid his debt to Wallace McCamant by appointing him to the United States 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. Since McCamant was appointed during a Congressional recess, he was authorized to serve on the court for one year. If the U.S. Senate confirmed the appointment during that year, then McCamants appointment would be for life.

At that time, presidential nominees to federal courts were routinely confirmed without requiring the nominee to even appear at a Senate committee hearing. Those nominees, however, had not crossed Hiram Johnson. The senator from California used his seniority and influence to block a confirmation vote until he could personally question McCamant.

On January 29, 1926, McCamant faced his adversary in front of the Senate Judiciary Committee. The Oregonian proclaimed: It is doubtful the meeting between these sworn enemies from the west coast has been surpassed in dramatic interest by any that has ever taken place in the capitals long history.

The hearing reached its dramatic crescendo when Johnson focused on speeches during which McCamant had said that the California senator was not a good American. He asked the judge to explain himself. McCamant responded by saying Johnsons support for allowing judicial decisions to be overruled by public vote, part of Theodore Roosevelts 1912 Progressive platform, meant he was not a good American.

Johnson pointed out that the beloved Roosevelt, who had died in 1919, also supported that policy, and he demanded to know if McCamant believed that Roosevelt therefore also was not a good American. McCamant admitted that was, indeed, what he believed.

I stand on that, Mr. Chairman, Johnson called out in triumph. I am willing to see if the United States Senate will confirm a man as circuit judge, the next highest judicial position in this country except only the Supreme Court, who tells this committee that Theodore Roosevelt was not a good American.

Johnson was right. McCamants response had killed any hopes of his confirmation. The Portland-based judge did try to backtrack, sending a letter to committee members stating it was the idea of public recall of judicial decisions, and not Roosevelt, that was un-American, but it was too little too late. President Coolidge soon withdrew the nomination.

McCamant would remain active in the Oregon legal community until his death at the age of 77 on Dec. 17, 1944. When he died, The Oregonian eulogized him as a champion of the Constitution of the United States and a lifelong advocate of the forthright Americanism of the founders.

Tymchuk is the executive director of the Oregon Historical Society.

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The forgotten Oregon Republican who upended national politics 100 years ago and may have paved the way for - oregonlive.com

Laura Ingraham lays out the ideal Republican platform for the 2020 election – Fox News

Ingraham: 'The Angle's GOP platform for 2020

The GOP has to make sure its platform speaks to the horrors and hardship this country is experiencing. It should also give people hope that our best days are ahead of us, not behind us.

Laura Ingraham opened Friday's edition of "The Ingraham Angle"by laying out what she said should be the GOP's platform for the 2020 presidential election, saying the party must give people hope that America's best days are ahead.

"First, we will redouble our efforts to preserve for all Americans their freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of press and freedom of assembly," Ingraham began."We lost a lot more than just our booming economy in those lockdowns.

"And even with states reopening, millions of Americans are still unable to attend church services, go to weddings or any other large gathering, for that matter. Well, unless you're looting, rioting or hurling obscenities at cops, of course, thenit's OK."

Following the fiasco of the coronavirus lockdowns, the host said, "our sacrosanct freedoms should only be abridged in true emergencies and only pursuant to laws passed by elected officials, not by decrees issued by governors or mayors, especially those who don't even follow their own rules."

Ingraham's second platform plankcalled for a stop to "efforts by multinational companies to ship jobs offshore."The third plankcalled for a crackdown on violent criminalsand support forlaw enforcement.

"We want all Americans to feel safe inside and outside their homes. And that means swift and sure punishment for violent crime, especially in poor neighborhoods," Ingraham said. "It also means supporting the men and women who put their lives on the line every day to protect us."

Next, Ingraham called for Republicans to take the threat from China seriously.

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"We recognize that the Chinese Communist Party is a grave threat to the United States and we'll take all measures necessary to prevent it from endangering our national interests," Ingraham said. "Now, for starters, we should prohibit American companies from doing any work in China that would benefit the Chinese military or enable the Communist regime to further oppress its own citizens. Tech companies, we're talking to you. We absolutely need to keep the Chinese from infiltrating and undermining our institutions of higher learning."

Finally, Ingraham called for Americans to teach children the whole of the country's history,"the good and the bad" before calling on the GOP to fight "tyranny."

"Ever since the days of the Revolution," she said, "average Americans have fought against ... tyranny and we pledge to continue this fight no matter the odds."

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Laura Ingraham lays out the ideal Republican platform for the 2020 election - Fox News

Vote for Trump? These Republican Leaders Arent on the Bandwagon. – The New York Times

She said a number of officials who worked for both Presidents Bush and Reagan, many of whom signed a 2016 letter opposing Mr. Trump, were on Zoom chats and group emails trying to determine how to express their opposition and whether it should come with an endorsement for Mr. Biden. The effort to gather more anti-Trump Republicans to speak out is being spearheaded by John B. Bellinger III, who also worked in George W. Bushs N.S.C. and State Department.

Some Republicans believe Mr. Mattis made their task easier.

It laid the cornerstone of fighting back against Trump, said former Senator John W. Warner of Virginia, who noted that as Navy secretary he once served as boss to Mr. Mattis, then a youthful Marine officer. He said: I can judge the man.

Yet neither Mr. Mattis, nor any other former Trump official, is likely to be able to prod Mr. Bush to publicly state his opposition. Freddy Ford, a spokesman for Mr. Bush, said the former president would stay out of the election and speak only on policy issues, as he did this week in stating that the country must examine our tragic failures on race.

Notably, though, while the former president, whom Mr. Trump has never reached out to while in office, may be withdrawn from presidential politics, he is not totally disengaged from campaigns: he has raised money for a handful of Republican senators, including John Cornyn of Texas, Susan Collins of Maine and Cory Gardner of Colorado.

Mr. Romney this week lavished praise on Mr. Mattis but stayed mum about who he would actually support for president.

As for Mrs. McCain, she has sought to stay out of partisan politics. Picking a fight with Trump is no fun, said Rick Davis, a longtime McCain adviser whos close to the family.

But, Mr. Davis, alluding to Mr. Biden, said: You know where her heart is. Whether she articulates that or not is still an open question.

Eric Schmitt contributed reporting.

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Vote for Trump? These Republican Leaders Arent on the Bandwagon. - The New York Times

Dallas County judge rules out Republican convention, citing COVID-19 risk of mass event Trump demands – The Dallas Morning News

WASHINGTON Dallas County Judge Clay Jenkins the ultimate authority on whether a mass gathering can be held during COVID-19 ruled out bringing the Republican National Convention to Dallas, saying Saturday that the event is too big to be safe.

He cited the current code red rating from the countys Public Health Committee. At that risk level, people should stay home and avoid crowds.

President Donald Trump is insisting on a traditional convention that includes 19,000 GOP delegates and officials, plus thousands of news media, donors, security and protesters.

They strongly recommend against that, Jenkins said of the countys epidemiology and infectious disease experts. I made my peace early on to follow the lead of doctors and so I would respect that. And that would be my position on that.

North Carolinas governor, Democrat Roy Cooper, has refused to promise that Republicans can gather as planned in Charlotte, which was picked two years ago.

For the past week, the Republican National Committee has scrambled to find a fallback, naming a half-dozen cities as contenders, including Dallas; Orlando and Jacksonville, Fla.; Phoenix; and Nashville, Tenn.

RNC chairwoman Ronna McDaniel told the Charlotte host committee on Thursday that the party is turning its focus to cities that have actively courted the massive event.

In fact, Dallas has taken no steps to lure the convention to the city, and local officials express no enthusiasm.

Mayor Eric Johnson said Friday that hes heard nothing from the GOP and isnt mounting a bid. He noted that the county has the ultimate say on approving such an event during a pandemic. The convention and visitors bureau, VisitDallas, is also unaware of any effort to bring the convention to the area, and it coordinated the citys bid for the 2016 GOP convention six years ago.

Jenkins, speaking with journalists Saturday via video as part of the Texas Democratic Partys virtual convention, confirmed that he hasnt discussed the convention with anyone, either, let alone issued an invitation.

I havent had any conversations with anyone planning the convention, he said in response to a question from The Dallas Morning News. What I hope they will do is look at the guidelines. Anyone can go to DallasCountyCovid.org, and you can look at what our local doctors are saying. What theyre saying is that were now at a red color.

The four-day convention is scheduled to start Aug. 24.

Red, the highest level of public health danger under Dallas Countys system, calls for a stay home, stay safe response.

Among the recommendations: Eliminate non-essential travel and group settings. For essential travel, practice strict physical distancing, wear facial coverings. Avoid all group settings or crowded areas at hotels or other facilities. Do not eat in shared dining areas. Avoid travel if over 65 or in a high-risk group.

A convention that big is unwise, Jenkins said, even if we get to an orange or yellow color, which, frankly, given the spike and deaths and things were seeing, is unlikely to happen by the time of the convention, unfortunately.

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Dallas County judge rules out Republican convention, citing COVID-19 risk of mass event Trump demands - The Dallas Morning News

A Republican Who Read Comics on the Radio for Poor Children – indepthnh.org

By MICHAEL DAVIDOW, Radio Free New Hampshire

Many years ago, journalist Teddy White visited New York City and asked his cabdriver for whom he was voting. I dont even remember the election in question. It doesnt matter. Because White got both a lecture in history and a lesson in politics for a reply.

His cabdriver told him that he always voted for the other guy, because no matter which party was in power, they always forgot what was important after they had been in office for a while. There was only one exception, his cabdriver told him.

LaGuardia. I would vote for LaGuardia every time. White asked him why. Because LaGuardia was different, his cabdriver said, turning around to make his point. He really cared.

Fiorella LaGuardia was a Republican, of course. And it has taken the Republican party this long to produce another exception to the rule, but they finally have: Donald Trump, a man who is also different.But this time, the magic of politics has been reversed. No matter what your politics might be, all Americans must vote against him this November.

All politics is local, and for that reason, neither of Americas great political parties have ever had a monopoly on rightness or decency. That is why Whites cabdriver had it right, in many ways. Each party needs the correction of the other.

It is important to remember that the Democrats, for instance, represented the racist American south for a very long time after the Civil War. If you were a progressive who believed in the sanctity of human life in Atlanta, Montgomery, or Tallahassee in the 1920s, odds were that you were also a Republican.

The Democrats were also the party of Tammany Hall and the other big city machines, famous for their corruption and strong-arm tactics; that was how LaGuardia came into his natural affiliation. Half-Jewish and half-Italian, he grew up being kicked by Irish boots; with an urge to root out corruption, to stick up for those who had no power, and to prize kindness and opportunity.

The Republican party as it developed in New York City, in fact, was a wonderful thing in many ways. It was a minority party; the numbers were always against it. It had a gallantry about it, for that fact. Its chief journalistic outlet, the New York Herald Tribune, was famous for its willingness to publish works of real art and real thought (Jean Seberg advertized that rag in 1960, in the classic French film,Breathless; can you imagine some snobby French director today doing that for Fox News?).

Its politicians had verve and intelligence:Rockefeller, Javits, Lindsay, and yes, Dick Nixon. Though Nixon was a Californian, his intellect was leavened by the time he spent as a corporate lawyer in Manhattan, and his entire political career represented a compromise between the Republican partys eastern and western wings.

But you can also see the weaknesses in the Republican partys structure, the flaws that would have caused Whites cabbie to vote against it on every other occasion.Just as the Democrats were marked by their racism, the Republicans suffered for their natural animosity towards the immigrant and the factory worker.

Those big city machines were not just corrupt; they were also the method by which new Americans came into their political maturity. In city after city, the Republicans lined up not only against corruption, but also against cultural change. There was a stodginess about the Republican party in many places, with which one might sympathize (who is ever comfortable with change?), but not always condone. It too often transmuted itself into a conservatism based not on principle, but on reaction; into a base thing that implicated hatred of the other. Likewise, its born tendency to defend the business owners interests over those of the factory worker too often stopped being in the service of American capitalism and veered instead into the servicing of American wealth.

Again, historically speaking, these considerations have always been balanced against the flaws of the Democrats, who have too often pandered to their own constituencies.Whites cabbie voted for and against both of these parties. He instinctively sought the balance that our country needs.

LaGuardia was different, though: because LaGuardia really cared. LaGuardia, who spoke Yiddish better than many Jews, even though most people considered him Italian. LaGuardia, who read the Sunday comics to children over the radio in case their parents didnt have the newspapers. LaGuardia, who could never really play outside of New York City, because the rest of the country found him short, and fat, and funny-looking.

Trump is different, too.Because he really does not care.I am out of space today, so I will continue this article soon.

Michael Davidow is a lawyer in Nashua. He is the author ofGate City,Split Thirty, andThe Rocketdyne Commission, three novels about politics and advertising which, taken together, formThe Henry Bell Project. His most recent one isThe Book of Order. They are available on Amazon.

Views expressed in columns and opinion pieces belong to the author and do not reflect those of InDepthNH.org.

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A Republican Who Read Comics on the Radio for Poor Children - indepthnh.org