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That is on Page 5. On Page 6, he notes that Trump is in the regular habit of destabilizing the American people, not just foreign leaders. On Page 29, he says the word Orwellian seems quaint now, inadequate to our moment. On Page 30, he denounces the embrace of alternative facts at the highest levels of American life, adding that it creates a state of confusion, dividing us along fissures of truth and falsity and keeping us in a kind of low-level dread.

He also offers a shockingly astute insight into Trumps modus operandi and modus vivendi during the presidential campaign. Far from conservative, Flake writes, the presidents comportment was rather a study in the importance of conflict in reality television that once you introduce conflict, you cannot de-escalate conflict. You must continually escalate.

No wonder the senator wrote this book in secret. As a Republican member of Congress, he is declaring Trump a domestic and international menace. Other conservatives in the news media and strategist class have been saying just this for well over a year, of course, but they dont depend on a radicalized base to keep their jobs. Flake is the first elected official to cross this particular rhetorical Rubicon, and he seems to be imploring his colleagues to follow. He offers a despairing, unsparing indictment of everyone in Congress who went along with Trumps election.

We pretended that the emperor wasnt naked, he writes. Even worse: We checked our critical faculties at the door and pretended that the emperor was making sense.

Conscience of a Conservative takes its title directly from Barry Goldwaters 1960 manifesto. Like Goldwater who was also a Republican senator from Arizona Flake bemoans the crisis facing conservatives, and like Goldwater, he believes that conservatives have only themselves to blame.

The contexts are different, naturally. In 1960, liberalism was ascendant; the problem, Goldwater wrote, was that conservatives seemed unable to demonstrate the practical relevance of their philosophy free markets, limited government, a strong defense. Today, conservatism is ascendant, at least in name, with Republicans controlling both the legislative and the executive branches of the federal government. But it has been drained of precisely the principles Goldwater cherished, principles to which Flake very badly wants to return and for which he rebuilds a case. What, Flake wonders, would Goldwater have made of a Republican commander in chief who threatens to dismantle free trade agreements, undermines his own intelligence agencies and cozies up to autocrats?

Flake doesnt take much of a stab at explaining why a significant portion of the electorate came to embrace such a presidential candidate. But the senator does try to explain why his fellow conservatives did, tracing the winding path of how gamesmanship replaced statesmanship in Washington. Among the many culprits: redistricting, the roaring lobbying industry and Gingrich, whom he considers the Typhoid Mary of todays politics-of-personal-destruction epidemic. In exchange for control of the executive branch, Flake argues, congressional Republicans turned a blind eye to an unstable figure who put American institutions and values at risk. If this was our Faustian bargain, he writes, then it was not worth it.

This book will no doubt make Flake the baron of the rubber-chicken-dinner circuit, should he want the title, and a momentary darling of the left. (Not that the left shares anything in common with him politically. His politics are basically anathema to the left.) And Conscience of a Conservative has an undeniable rhetorical power it is fluid, well written, mature in tone. But Flake also has the material power to change things. How reconcilable are his words with his deeds?

In the Senate, Flake has shown himself to be a pleasant fellow of integrity. He tweeted warmhearted congratulations to his friend Tim Kaine when Hillary Clinton selected him as her running mate; he condemned the lock her up chants at Trump rallies; he worked on the bipartisan Senate immigration bill in 2013. In his book, he says outright that he never voted for Trump. A recent essay in The Atlantic by McKay Coppins gives a good window into his character. Growing up on an Arizona cattle ranch in a Mormon family of 13 certainly helps build one.

But Flake has also cast most of his votes in favor of Trumps policies. Just last week, he voted for the bill to repeal Obamacare without replacing it, and then he voted for the hastily assembled skinny repeal.

On that point, he seems to be at odds with his book, in which he specifically cautions Republicans against engineering a sloppy repeal of Obamacare behind closed doors. Legislation executed without hearings and written by only one side is always a bad idea, regardless of who does it, he writes.

The primary intellectual failing of Conscience of a Conservative is that it doesnt untangle the dysfunction in Washington from the dysfunction of his own party. Republicans havent just embraced Trumps nativism and politics of resentment because its politically expedient. Many Republicans have peddled anti-immigrant sentiment for years, and a return to Goldwaters principles probably wouldnt remedy that; the rejection of free trade agreements also has complex roots.

But if you take Flake at his word, its not just Republican principle thats at stake right now. Its democracy itself, imperiled less by one mans philosophical incoherence (Flakes word) than by his disrespect for our institutions and his highly erratic character. Which means that its the moral duty of Flakes colleagues to act.

Under our Constitution, there simply are not that many people who are in a position to do something about an executive branch in chaos, Flake writes. But members of Congress can. Too often we observe the unfolding drama along with the rest of the country, passively, all but saying, Someone should do something! without seeming to realize that that someone is us, he writes.

What he has in mind, he does not say. I hope someone will ask him.

Follow Jennifer Senior on Twitter: @jenseniorny

A version of this review appears in print on August 1, 2017, on Page C1 of the New York edition with the headline: Republican Senator Condemns Trump.

Read more from the original source:
Republican Senator Jeff Flake Rails Against Trump, but to What End? - New York Times

Rep. John Duncan Jr. (R-Tenn.) will not seek reelection next year after serving in the House since 1988, a spokesman confirmed to The Hill on Monday.

Duncan said in a statement to the Knoxville News Sentinel that he wanted to spend more time at home in Tennessee. Between Duncan and his father, who previously held the 2nd District seat, the family has represented the Knoxville area for more than half a century.

"I have decided I wanted to spend less time in airports, airplanes and traveling around the district and more time with my family, especially my nine grandchildren, who all live in Knoxville, Duncan said.I love my job, but I love my family more.

Duncan saidhe had been considering retirement before his reelection last year.

Since then, in part, because people knew or assumed that I might be thinking about retiring, I have never had so many people urging me to run again, Duncan said. Also, because of the recent attacks against me from the far left, my support among the conservative Republican base has never been more enthusiastic. I am grateful for their kind expressions of support. However, now is the time for me to move on to the next chapter of my life.

The Knoxville News Sentinel noted that Knox County Mayor Tim Burchett, a Republican, is expected to announce later this week that hes running for Duncans seat.

The district is considered a GOPstronghold. President Trump won 65 percent of the vote there in 2016, compared to just under 30 percent for Democratic nominee Hillary ClintonHillary Rodham ClintonTrump dictated statement for son on Russia meeting: report Kate Hudson mocks Scaramucci: 'How to Lose a Guy in 10 Days' Tennessee Republican wont seek reelection to House MORE.

Duncans most notable vote may have been the one he cast against authorizing the Iraq War in 2002. He was one of just six Republicans to oppose then-President George W. Bush on that vote.

Herecalled in an interview with the Knoxville News Sentinel four years ago that he wasnt convinced that Saddam Husseins regime presented an imminent threat. He initially faced fallout for the vote but has since felt vindicated as public opinion toward the war changed.

"What had been a very unpopular vote slowly, slowly, slowly became, if not my most popular vote, certainly one of my most popular," Duncan said in the interview.

Read more here:
Tennessee Republican won't seek reelection to House - The Hill

Sen. Jeff Flake says the Republican Party has "lost its way," and is urging members to turn back to what he calls "traditional conservatism" -- after a particularly contentious week in Washington.

"We've given in to nativism and protectionism. And I think that if we're going to be a governing party in the future and a majority party we've got to go back to traditional conservatism," Flake said Sunday on "Face the Nation."

In his new book, "Conscience of a Conservative: A Rejection of Destructive Politics and a Return to Principle," the Arizona Republican -- who will likely face challenges in his race for reelection next year -- outlines some of his differences with President Trump.

Flake wasreluctant to endorse Mr. Trumpin the days leading up to the 2016 election, criticizing Mr. Trump for his pivots on immigration, a major issue for the senator whose state shares a border with Mexico.

Since then, Flake has taken a tougher stance on Mr. Trump than some other Republicans, in one case urging the FBI to release any tapes of conversations between Mr. Trump andfired FBI Director James Comey.

Flake writes in his new book, "When we excuse on our side what we attack on the other, then we are hypocrites. If we do that as a practice, then we are corrupt. If we continually accept this conduct as elected officials, then perhaps we shouldn't be elected officials."

Asked whether he believes Republican leaders are complicit in this notion if they don't call out the president, Flake responded, "I do think so."

"The last thing you want to do is wake up every morning and see a tweet... You know, it's tough not to just say, 'I'm not going to respond,'" Flake said. "And we can't respond to everything. But there are times when you have to stand up and say, 'I'm sorry. This is wrong.'"

"There are truths that are self-evident," Flake added. "And you've got to stand up and call -- whether it's the White House or other elected officials -- to task when they're-- they're not doing what they should. And I do think that we bear the responsibility, if we're elected officials, to do that."

Flake said the 24-hour news cycle and impact of social media is, in large part, helping drive the Republican Party apart.

"I think certainly the modern media culture values those who yell the loudest," Flake said. "And so the tougher path is frankly to have the kind of demeanor that some people might call boring."

"But you've got to move ahead and tackle the policy issues," he added. "And the problem is this is very much getting in the way of us solving the problems that we've got to solve."

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Sen. Jeff Flake says Republican Party has "lost its way" - CBS News - CBS News

LAS VEGAS Rep. Will Hurd (R-Texas) said Sunday that Europe can't pretend to be more idealistic on privacy issues than the U.S. while many of its nations try to enact laws limiting encryption.

Hurd is one of a sturdy number of legislators including a bipartisan House Judiciary working group on encryption that opposeslaws allowing law enforcement agencies to access all encrypted datain the United States. Proponents believe access would helppreventand solvecrime, including terrorist-related activities.

Europe likes to act like they take privacy more severely than we do. That is patently false, he toldThe Hill at the DEF CON cybersecurity conference in Las Vegas.This notion we dont take this seriously in the U.S. is wrong.

Current encryption methods make it impossible for law enforcement to access chat apps or files from criminals in a timely manner, even with a warrant. Various U.S. law enforcement agencies have waged periodic efforts to force manufacturers to provide some form of access.

European nations including Germany and the United Kingdom have either enacted or are poised to enact these types of rules.

The terrorism challenges in Europe are really kind of tough, and they may lead the way and carry some of our water on this, said Acting Assistant Attorney General for National Security Dana Boente at the Aspen Security Forum earlier this month.

But cybersecurity experts people who design secure communication systems and those who develop techniques to hack into those systems universally believe that adding "backdoors" into encryption is a substantial national security threat. Adding new entry points into encryption makes its design far more perilous and far more likely for the system to be cracked by hackers or for the keys to be stolen.

We should be making encryption more secure, not less, Hurdsaid.

European Union courts struck down exemptions allowing the U.S. to store European citizens' data on stateside servers based on privacy concerns. But, claimed Hurd, the threats to privacy caused by an encryption rule demonstrated the EU'strue colors when it came to privacy.

Hurd has experience in security issues both as a former CIA agent and as a former security consultant, including a stint at a cybersecurity consultancy.

He said his trip to DEF CON was, in part, to keep his knowledge of cybersecurity from becoming stale.

DEF CON is the pointy end of the spear. These are the folks that are thinking about the real problems, he said.

DEF CON is the last of three cybersecurity conferences held back-to-back to back in Las Vegas each summer. While the other conferencesare targeted tocorporate cybersecurity providers or a more general security audience, DEF CON appeals to iconoclastic, individual researchers often on the bleeding edge of the field.

Being out here gives me perspective on where policy needs to go, Hurdsaid.

Hurd and fellow congressman Rep. Jim Langevin (D-R.I.) gave one presentation on Saturday and will give a second on Sunday. Those are two of the five panels being given by current government officials.

I want the people here to know that there are people in government that care about this stuff, Hurdsaid.

He said he had visited a number of DEF CON sub-conferences, known as villages, including ones focusing on hacking voting machines and automobiles, both of which he praised.

Hurd has focused on other cybersecurity issues while in office including IT modernization and workforce shortages. He said he was excited to see children as young as nine at the conference learning to hack and hopefully preparing to fill a widening skills gap of cybersecurity talent.

Read more here:
House Republican: US just as focused on data security as Europe - The Hill

(Amber Ferguson/The Washington Post)

The Republican Partys seven-year quest to undo the Affordable Care Act culminated Friday in a humiliating failure to pass an unpopular bill, sparking questions about how steep the costs will be for its congressional majorities.

While lawmakers have not completely abandoned the effort, they are now confronting the consequences of their flop. Not only has it left the GOP in a precarious position heading into next years midterm elections, but it also has placed enormous pressure on the party to pass an ambitious and complex overhaul of federal taxes.

Strategists argued for months that Republicans risked more by not acting and alienating their conservative base than by passing an unpopular repeal bill that could turn off swing voters. They now live in the worst of both worlds with nothing to show for seven years of campaign promises, even though dozens of vulnerable lawmakers cast votes that could leave them exposed to attacks from Democrats.

This is an epic failure by congressional Republicans, said Tim Phillips, president of the conservative Koch network group Americans for Prosperity. But its time to pivot to tax reform. Theres no time to pout.

In the moments after the bare-bones repeal bill failed early Friday morning, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) said it was time to move on. But there seemed to be little stomach afterward among Republicans on Capitol Hill for acknowledging outright failure on their top campaign promise.

Lawmakers did agree, however, that when they return to Washington after Labor Day, they must succeed in their rewrite of the tax code after seven months that have seen too many of their top agenda items untouched.

Weve asked the voters for a lot, said Rep. James B. Renacci (R-Ohio), who is leaving Congress after his current term to run for governor. Theyve given us the House. Theyve given us the Senate. Theyve given us the presidency. Its time to give them something back and get something done.

Off the Hill, the collapse of the repeal effort has left conservative activists fuming about how the GOP could have flinched and pondering payback for the party establishment particularly several moderate senators who voted for ACA repeal legislation when it had no chance of becoming law only to balk when it did.

In campaign after campaign since the ACA was enacted in 2010, GOP candidates used pledges to repeal and replace Obamacare to gain majorities in the House and Senate, and President Trump promised to unravel the law as one of his first acts in office.

Instead, Republicans have continually failed to coalesce around an alternative vividly demonstrated by the dramatic failure of the skinny repeal on the Senate floor early Friday morning. They appear trapped in the fallacy of sunk costs: Having invested so much political capital in the ACAs repeal, they cannot possibly abandon it.

Numerous House lawmakers leaving a closed-door Republican conference meeting hours after the Senate bill collapsed said that efforts to undo the increasingly popular health law would have to continue.

I am disappointed and frustrated, but we should not give up, House Speaker Paul D. Ryan (R-Wis.) declared.

Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.), the leader of an influential bloc of House conservatives, insisted a deal was still within reach and said hed approached key senators. And while Trump said he would let Obamacare implode, he also urged senators on Twitter to jettison their filibuster rules to pass really good things.

But key figures warned Republicans to move on before the health morass sinks the rest of the partys agenda most importantly, the tax overhaul.

Quarantine it, said Josh Holmes, a GOP strategist and former chief of staff to McConnell who coined the repeal and replace mantra in 2010. You can let it destroy your entire agenda and your entire party as a result of inaction by continuing to dwell on something that, frankly, theyve proven unable to do.

But conservative activists have been furious in the aftermath of the repeal vote and have cast about for ways to punish those they consider responsible.

The three Republican senators who cast the decisive votes on Friday Susan Collins of Maine, John McCain of Arizona and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska are largely immune to immediate electoral consequences. Murkowski, who withstood public pressure from Trump, is less than a year into a six-year term; McCain, also reelected last year, is battling an aggressive form of brain cancer; and Collins, who has not faced a serious primary threat since 1996, next stands for reelection in 2020 and is considering a run for governor next year.

But activists are still angry that several other Republican senators Dean Heller (Nev.), Lamar Alexander (Tenn.), Shelley Moore Capito (W.Va.) and Rob Portman (Ohio), as well as McCain and Murkowski voted for an ACA repeal measure in 2015, when President Obama was certain to veto it, but opposed an almost identical measure this week knowing Trump could sign it into law.

That level of cynicism is breathtaking, even in the political world, said Phillips of Americans for Prosperity, which helped drive the public backlash to the ACA ahead of the 2010 Republican congressional wave.

Only Heller faces reelection next year, however, and he has yet to attract a conservative primary challenger despite emerging as a key swing vote who pushed to reduce the scope of the Senates efforts.

Adam Brandon, president of the conservative activist group FreedomWorks, said Heller opened himself wide open to a primary challenge: By bending over backwards to save Medicaid expansion, to preserve the fastest-growing entitlement program in the United States, what conservative, Republican, libertarian constituency were you serving?

Brandon, whose group deemed the turncoats Freedom Frauds, said the events of the past months have revealed a party with a double standard in handling its right flank versus its more moderate faction.

Had the Senates leading conservatives tanked the health bill, he said, they would be recruiting someone to primary Mike Lee and Rand Paul and Ted Cruz, but thats not happening with Collins, McCain and Murkowski. He also suggested that the committee chairmanships held by the trio ought to be at risk.

In the House, the political challenge posed to Republicans is the opposite: Dozens of members targeted for defeat by national Democrats voted for the American Health Care Act, the GOP bill judged by the Congressional Budget Office to result in higher premiums for older and sick Americans.

Democrats made clear they intend to use that vote in their 2018 campaigns, even if the bill was never ultimately made law.

House Republicans cant turn back time and undo the morally bankrupt vote they took to kick 23 million Americans off their health insurance, impose an unfair age tax and cause skyrocketing premiums, said Tyler Law, a spokesman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. Speaker Ryan and all House Republicans own their disastrous bill, and it will certainly haunt their imperiled Republican majority in 2018.

On the flip side, House Republicans who cast votes for the bill cannot point to any finished product that might motivate more conservative voters. Rep. Steve Stivers (R-Ohio), the chairman of the National Republican Congressional Committee, insisted that the circumstances surrounding the health bill would actually work to the GOPs benefit.

Our base knows what we did, Stivers said. But it also isnt going to become law, so ... I think they have a hard time really punishing our members for some theoretical details.

A handful of moderate Republican lawmakers said Friday they would be open to pursuing a bipartisan fix to the ACA. But for most rank-and-file Republicans, the approach is simple: Never say die.

Its only a defeat if we surrender, said Rep. Barry Loudermilk (R-Ga.). Look, the U.S. Navy was devastated at Pearl Harbor, but three years later the Japanese surrendered to us. ... The history books of America are marked by us rebounding from defeat and turning it into victory. Were going to keep pushing.

Inside the closed-door conference meeting Friday, Rep. Bruce Poliquin (R-Maine) showed his colleagues clips of early Atlanta Falcons touchdowns in this years Super Bowl a game won by the New England Patriots after a furious 25-point comeback.

Plenty of House members showed a willingness to hang the health bills failure on the Senate, which due to its filibuster rules has yet to take up or pass dozens of significant House bills. In a final meeting before a five-week summer recess, Ryan told his colleagues that they represented the most functional branch of government.

But several House members said they were skeptical House Republicans would be able to separate themselves from the other chamberss failure and feared that they, too, would suffer from a dejected GOP base.

Rep. Mike Bost (R-Ill.), who represents a blue-collar downstate district Democrats are heavily targeting in 2018, said he rarely encounters a constituent who airs frustrations with a particular chamber.

They never say, Well, its the Senate or the House. What they say it is, Its Congress, he said. I cant change who the Senate is, okay? But I can keep doing my job, and thats what I intend to talk about.

Read more at PowerPost

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Republicans' failure to 'repeal and replace' Obamacare may cost them at the ballot box - Washington Post