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ANALYSIS/OPINION:

Having refused to repeal Obamacare, the Republican Party is dead, as was the Whig Party in 1854 after it colluded in the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act which opened these territories to slavery.

Republican majorities in both Houses of Congress as well as control of legislatures and governorships in 26 states veil the fact that, in 2017, there are no longer reasons to vote Republican any more than there were to vote Whig after 1854.

The Republican Partys successes in recent electoral cycles were due to the American peoples desire not to be governed by a ruling class, headed by the Democratic Party, which is restricting, insulting and impoverishing the country. Republican voters were hopeful but doubtful. In the 2016 Republican primaries the overwhelming majority of votes went to candidates least tied to the party establishment.

In 1854, the Whig Party finished itself off because its support of Kansas-Nebraska was the last in a long line of acquiescences to the Democratic Partys agenda regarding slavery and expansion. Obamacare is a principal part of what Democratic rule imposed on America. By embracing it in 2017, the Republican Party removed any prospect that it might serve as an alternative to Democratic rule.

Political parties live and die by their capacity to represent their constituents sentiments. In our time, there is no doubt that the Democratic Party reflects its voters, any more than there was in the first half of the 19th century.

But, now as then, opposition to the Democratic Party has no viable political vehicle. The Whigs, like todays Republicans, contained a substantial percentage of prominent people whose interests and ideas are hardly distinguishable from those of Democrats.

Hence, to Whigs such as William Seward, John C. Fremont and Salmon P. Chase, passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act proved that, if they really were going to oppose slavery in the territories, if they were really going to counter the Democratic foreign policys amorality, they would have to leave some of their colleagues and found a new party.

They called the new party Republican. They dedicated it to fighting slavery and polygamy the twin relics of barbarism. Because there was no doubt that this core of conscience Whigs meant it, they drew in a host of others, plus some fallen-away Whigs, like Abraham Lincoln, for whom Kansas-Nebraska had been the last straw.

By the next election cycle, the party fielded a presidential candidate. By the one after that, they won the presidency in a three-way race.

Todays America does not need a third party. When Congressional Republicans and Democrats together affirmed Obamacare; as they set about financing the health insurance industry in explicit contradiction of law; as every branch of the permanent government continues to have its unaccountable way with Americans; as a foreign policy of indecisive warfare continues despite popular opposition, there is no doubt that todays America is ruled by a single ruling party and that the Republican Party is part of that party rather than an alternative to it.

Why vote Republican when that results, rhetoric aside, in being governed as by Democrats? America needs a true alternative to our ruling Uni-party, a true second party.

The New Party would be about returning America to the rule of law under the Constitution. That would mean rolling back the judicial-administrative state that is restricting economic activity, religious freedom and imposing an alien morality on America.

The party would tailor ingress of foreign labor to Americas needs, and treat citizenship as a privilege. Its foreign policy would aggressively defend vital interests while ending indecisive warfare.

There is no doubt that the New Partys core would be formed by people who currently label themselves Republican, just as the original Republicans were mostly re-labeled Whigs, or that the new party would pursue much of what the Republicans have purported to pursue, just as the original Republicans pursued much of the old Whigs agenda.

The crucial difference, now as 160 years ago, is that the New Party would cast aside its links to the establishment, would incorporate new concerns, and that it would mean what it said.

Were such a New Party to present a presidential candidate in 2020, the only certainty is that the Republican Partys standard bearer would receive fewer popular votes than either the Democratic Partys or the New Partys candidates. Since neither of these two would likely receive a majority of electoral votes, the House of Representatives would have to choose between them, each state casting one vote.

The majority of states have a majority of Republican Congressmen. Whoever of these voted for the Democrat would cut himself off from his district. Whoever voted for the New Party candidate would thereby be applying for membership.

Angelo M. Codevilla is professor emeritus of international relations at Boston University.

Excerpt from:
Replacing the Republican Party - Washington Times

Republican Sen. Tim Scottcontinued to condemn President Donald Trump's defense of some protesters at a neo-Nazi rally in Charlottesville, Virginia last week.

In an interview on CBS' "Face The Nation" on Sunday, Scott explained his argument that Trump's response to Charlottesville "complicates his moral authority" to lead the nation by equating neo-Nazis with counter-protesters.

"It's going to be very difficult for this president to lead if, in fact, that moral authority remains compromised," Scott said.

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TAYLOR, SC - APRIL 16: Senator Tim Scott (R-SC) visits Hidden Treasure Christian School in Taylors, South Carolina on Wednesday April 16, 2014. Here he watches teacher Stan Ellis, center, show Ryan Porter, 18, how to tamp down a seedling in the Vocational class. (Photo by Nanine Hartzenbusch for The Washington Post via Getty Images)

UNITED STATES - APRIL 1: Sen. Tim Scott, R-S.C., speaks to a group of students from Greenville (SC) Tech Charter High School on the Senate steps outside of the U.S. Capitol on Tuesday, April 1, 2014. (Photo By Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call)

Barry Black (from left), Carol Mosely Braun, Roland Burris, Tim Scott, Mo Cowan and Cory Booker participate at an event discussing their personal journeys and the nation's progress with America's black senators at the Jefferson Building of the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C., Tuesday, Feb. 25, 2014. (Pete Marovich/MCT via Getty Images)

UNITED STATES - FEBRUARY 25: Sen. Tim Scott, R-S.C., left, speaks during the 'Honoring our Past and Celebrating our Future: Discussing Personal Journeys and a Nation's Progress with America's Black Senators' event, hosted by Sen. Scott on Tuesday, Feb. 25, 2014. Also pictured are U.S. Senate Chaplain Barry Black, former Sen. Carol Moseley Braun, D-Ill., and former Sen. Roland Burris, D-Ill. (Photo By Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call)

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He added: "His comments on Tuesday that erased his positive comments on Monday started to compromise that moral authority that we need the president to have for this nation to be the beacon of light to all mankind."

Scott urged Trump to try and forge deeper connections with black communities, saying the president needs to "have a personal connection to the painful history of racism and bigotry of this country."

"It would be fantastic if he sat down with a group of folks who have endured the pain of the '60s, the humiliation of the '50s and the '60s," Scott said.

"This would be an opportunity for him to become better educated and acquainted with the living history of so many folks from John Lewis to my mother and so many others who have gone through a very painful part of the history of this country so that when he acts, when he responds, and when he speaks, he's not reading the words that are so positive that he's breathing the very air that brings him to a different conclusion."

The South Carolina senator has repeatedly criticized Trump's Charlottesville response.

Scott said earlier this week that Trump's bungled Charlottesville response could also weaken the GOP legislative drive in congress as Republicans hope to pass major tax reform and infrastructure bills and raise the debt ceiling.

"When there is confusion where there should be clarity, it emboldens those folks on the other side," Scott told Vice News on Thursday. "It does not encourage the team to work as hard as we should on those priorities because there is so much headwind that you can't see straight."

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Republican senator says Trump's Charlottesville response compromises Trump's ability to lead - AOL

Arthur J. Finkelstein, whose sharp, relentless attack ads helped elect dozens of conservative political candidates in the United States and abroad and made him a kingmaker in Republican circles for decades, died Aug. 18 at his home in Ipswich, Massachusetts. He was 72.

The cause was metastasized lung cancer, his family said in a statement.

Finkelstein cultivated a reputation as a shadowy behind-the-scenes figure, seldom granting interviews and rarely drawing attention to himself in public all of which lent him a mystique as a pollster, campaign manager and ruthless operative in electoral politics.

He became an influential political power broker in the 1970s who helped propel the careers of Republican senators such as James L. Buckley (N.Y.), Jesse Helms (N.C.), Orrin G. Hatch (Utah) and Alfonse DAmato (N.Y.), as well as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. He also fostered a generation of Republican political consultants whose careers began on his campaigns.

Finkelstein was considered a master at developing simple campaign messages, which were repeated in such a steady barrage of negative television commercials that he was sometimes called the merchant of venom. As much as anyone, he was responsible for making the word liberal a political slur.

He was also something of a political conundrum especially after it was revealed in 1996 that his private life as a gay man was in sharp contrast to the views of some of the conservative firebrands he helped elect. Helms, for instance, often railed against the homosexual movement, which he said threatens the strength and the survival of the American family.

In 1996, New York Times columnist Frank Rich described Finkelstein as someone who sells his talents to lawmakers who would outlaw his familys very existence.

Finkelstein was credited with helping raise Ronald Reagans national profile during the 1976 Republican primary campaign. Ultimately, the nomination went to President Gerald R. Ford, who lost the general election to Democrat Jimmy Carter.

Reagans insurgent campaign against a sitting president laid the groundwork for his overwhelming presidential victory in 1980. Finkelstein was seen as one of several Republican strategists, including Roger Ailes, Lee Atwater and Charlie Black, who were instrumental in helping shape what became known as the Reagan Revolution.

Without Arthur Finkelstein, Ronald Reagan might never have become president of the United States, historian and Reagan biographer Craig Shirley wrote on the website of National Review magazine in January 2017.

During Reagans eight years in the White House, Finkelstein was an informal adviser to the administration and managed congressional and gubernatorial campaigns across the country.

He uses a sledgehammer in every race, political scientist Darrell M. West told the Boston Globe in 1996.

Link:
Arthur J. Finkelstein, shadowy Republican campaign mastermind, dies at 72 - Press Herald

The race-identity politics of the left wants to say its all racist, Mr. Bannon added. Just give me more. Tear down more statues. Say the revolution is coming. I cant get enough of it.

Much of the partys political class, however, was in shock. Former Presidents George and George W. Bush issued a rare joint rebuke of Mr. Trumps stance, saying hate should be rejected in all forms.

And among younger Republicans there was a sense that the damage would be profound and enduring.

The last year and especially the last few days have basically erased 15 years of efforts by Republicans to diversify the party, said David Holt, a 38-year-old Oklahoma state senator running for mayor of Oklahoma City. If I tried to sell young people in general but specifically minority groups on the Republican Party today, Id expect them to laugh me out of the room. How can you not be concerned when the countrys demographics are shifting away from where the Republican Party seems to be shifting now?

The political blow that Mr. Trump has sustained is deep and worsening. Barely one-third of Americans now say they approve of the job he is doing, according to two polls released this week a fresh low for a president who was already among the most unpopular in modern times.

With midterm elections looming next year, Republican leaders find themselves in precarious territory, unwilling to abandon Mr. Trump for fear of losing his supporters even as the presidents position slips with the broader electorate.

The political price we may pay almost should be catastrophic, said Mike Murphy, a longtime Republican strategist. A hanging in the morning will clarify the mind.

But Mr. Trumps tenacious base sees in the Charlottesville fallout something to cheer: a field general leading the latest charge in the battle to take their country back. Much as Mr. Trump promised he would restore America to its lost greatness during his presidential campaign a vow that, to many, clanged with sentimentality for a whiter, less tolerant nation he is using symbols of the Confederacy to tell conservatives that he will not allow liberals to blot out their history and heritage.

When President Trump refused to unequivocally denounce white supremacists on Tuesday, he stepped away from what U.S. presidents have seen as crucial to their job: setting a moral course for the nation.

Good people can go to Charlottesville, said Michelle Piercy, a night shift worker at a Wichita, Kan., retirement home, who drove all night with a conservative group that opposed the planned removal of a statue of the Confederate general Robert E. Lee.

After listening to Mr. Trump on Tuesday, she said it was as if he had channeled her and her friends all gun-loving defenders of free speech, she said, who had no interest in standing with Nazis or white supremacists: Its almost like he talked to one of our people.

Conservatives like Ms. Piercy, who have grown only more emboldened after Charlottesville, believe that the political and media elite hold them and Mr. Trump to a harsh double standard that demands they answer for the sins of a radical, racist fringe. They largely accept Mr. Trumps contention that these same forces are using Charlottesville as an excuse to undermine his presidency, and by extension, their vote.

But Republicans who are looking at the countrys rapidly changing demographics growing younger, less white and more urban say Mr. Trumps Republican Party is not the party of the future.

Representative Will Hurd, who is half-black and represents a sprawling, heavily Hispanic district in Texas, said of Mr. Trumps latest eruption, Its embarrassing.

Representative Tom Rooney, 46, of Florida said it baffled him that Mr. Trump was so equivocal. To the people in my generation, its just something thats so obvious: This is repugnant, he said.

Senator Jeff Flake of Arizona, who has written a new book excoriating the Faustian bargain his party made with Mr. Trump, said on Wednesday that being complicit now would extract a big political price later. Weve got to stand up to these kinds of things if we want to be a governing majority in the future, he said.

Yet for many Republicans, evidence that a more inflammatory wing of the party is ascendant is hard to ignore. The partys far right claimed a victory on Tuesday night when Roy S. Moore, the former Alabama chief justice who was removed twice from the bench, won the most votes in the states primary election to fill Attorney General Jeff Sessionss vacant Senate seat.

Mr. Moore, who has defied orders to remove a Ten Commandments monument from the state judicial building and told lower court judges to ignore the Supreme Court decision legalizing same-sex marriage, will now face the party establishments candidate of choice, Senator Luther Strange, in a runoff election next month.

When Mr. Moore spoke to a congregation in Jasper, Ala., this week, he did not mention the events in Charlottesville, nor did anyone else. He did, however, receive a round of head nods for declaring, Were living in the most apostate civilization in the history of the world, a statement that echoed the so-called alt-rights castigation of liberal degeneracy.

When the two highest-ranking Republicans on Capitol Hill addressed Mr. Trumps latest remarks, neither mentioned the president by name.

Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Senate majority leader, issued a short statement that declared, There are no good neo-Nazis. Speaker Paul D. Ryan of Wisconsin put out a harshly worded denunciation of white supremacy, but his swipe at Mr. Trump was indirect. There can be no moral ambiguity, he said. (The Bushes also did not name Mr. Trump in their condemnation of racial hatred.)

Those who singled him out, like Senator Jerry Moran, Republican of Kansas, were in the minority. White supremacy, bigotry and racism have absolutely no place in our society, and no one especially the president of the United States should ever tolerate it, Mr. Moran wrote.

Like the president, Mr. Trumps most loyal supporters dismiss his critics as opportunists. They see the charges that Mr. Trump is too accommodating of racists as an accusation that they must be racist, too.

He was being realistic about what was going on, said Denise OLeary, a medical assistant in Wichita. Ms. OLeary wondered why no one else was coming down on the leftist demonstrators. There was violence on both sides, there was, Ms. OLeary said. We need to be honest about that.

To Rollie Weisser, a semiretired freight hauler from Wisconsin, the hypocrisy is absurd.

President Trump caught a bunch of hell because he didnt come down hard enough on white supremacist protesters, Mr. Weisser said one morning this week as he sipped coffee in a West Bend, Wis., McDonalds. They say he came down too hard on Kim Jong-un.

Mr. Weisser added, Make up your mind.

David Bozell, the president of the conservative activist group For America, said conservatives like him sometimes did not dare speak up in support of the president anymore: Were being told, Sit down, shut up, you Nazi.

As for those upset by the presidents contention that the rights violence was matched by the lefts, Mr. Bozell invoked the five white officers killed last summer by a sniper who expressed anger about police shootings of blacks. Tell that to the families of those slain Dallas police officers, he said.

Mr. Trump has always appreciated the emotional pull of questioning bias and fairness, especially with his white working-class base. And he fully understands how their vote for him was in many ways an attempt to rebalance the inequity they saw holding them back economically, politically and culturally.

But there are growing signs that his support among the most faithful voters is sliding. Gallup and the Marist Poll, which both released surveys this week, found that right-leaning voters were drifting away from Mr. Trump. Seventy-nine percent of registered voters who identified as strong Republicans in the Marist Poll now approve of his job performance, compared with 91 percent in June.

Jeremy W. Peters reported from Washington, Jonathan Martin from Birmingham, Ala., and Jack Healy from Wichita, Kan. Mitch Smith contributed reporting from West Bend, Wis.

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A version of this article appears in print on August 17, 2017, on Page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Split in Party After Remarks On Racial Past.

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Trump's Embrace of Racially Charged Past Puts Republicans in Crisis - New York Times

"Manterrupting" is realand it's backed up by numbers and by situations that we see play out in meetings, in social situations, and on TV with what sometimes seems like daily frequency. In just three minutes, one 2014 study found , men will interrupt a woman about twice. But if we were to go back and look at that data, there's a high possibility a recent CNN interview would have skewed that number wayyyy to one side: a Republican Senate candidate from Virginia repeatedly interrupted anchor Kate Bolduan during an interview, talking over her multiple times. But a la Rep. Maxine Waters' fierce and instantly iconic behavior in a similar situation ("Reclaiming my time!"), Bolduan held her ground by reminded him that he was on her showand not the other way around.

Bolduan, host of CNNs At This Hour , had Stewart on her August 17 show to discuss last weekend's white nationalist rallies in Charlottesville , Virginia. What began as Stewart defending Trumps unhinged press conference statements turned into an even more cringeworthy two-minute exchange.

The conversation turned ugly when Stewart accused Bolduan of exploiting the tragic death of Heather Heyer , the 32-year-old woman killed last Saturday morning during a domestic terrorism attack in Charlottesville.

Bolduan asked Stewart about why Republicans haven't publicly condemned the alt-left: "Is it possible that its because someone died who was counter-protesting?

Youre trying to use this poor womens death to say that Confederate monuments should be taken down, Stewart replied. Thats exactly what youre trying to say, Kate.

"I'm sorry, is that what I said at all?" Bolduan, who's been a CNN journalist for over a decade, asked the GOP candidate. "In no way am I conflating the two."

He interrupted her repeatedly, and after Bolduan attempted to explain herself over Stewart multiple times, she finally put the politician in his place.

"I am the anchor of the show," she said. "I am asking the questions. Stop talking, stop talking. You're the guest on my show. I would like to continue the conversation with yourespectfully."

Her firm shutdown got Stewart to stop talking, and Bolduan was finally able to clarify that there is "a time and a place to have a debate and a conversation about the appropriate place for Confederate statues."

Watch her full takedown here:

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This CNN Anchor Perfectly Shut Down a Republican Senate Candidate Who Kept Interrupting Her - Glamour