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The Supreme Courts conservative majority has greenlit the Republicans anti-democratic power grabs. In 2013, by a 5-to-4 vote, the court struck down the heart of the Voting Rights Act, giving free rein to states with long histories of racial discrimination in voting. Last year, the court, again by a 5-to-4 vote, refused to block even the most brazenly partisan gerrymanders, no matter how much they disenfranchised voters.

This year, in the face of the unprecedented hurdles to voting introduced by the coronavirus pandemic, Republicans are battling from coast to coast to ensure that casting a ballot is as hard as it can be. In Texas, Gov. Greg Abbott mandated a single ballot drop-box per county including the increasingly Democratic Harris County, population 4.7 million. Republican lawmakers there are also suing to throw out more than 100,000 ballots cast by Harris County voters from their cars, at drive-through sites.

In Nevada, the Trump campaign and the state Republican Party have sued to stop counting mail-in ballots until observers can more closely monitor the signature-matching process. In Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Wisconsin, Republicans have fought to prevent the counting of all mail-in ballots that arrive after Election Day, even if they are postmarked on or before Nov. 3.

This all amounts to a concerted national Republican effort across the country in every one of the states that has had a legal battle to make it harder for citizens to vote, said Trevor Potter, a Republican lawyer who formerly led the Federal Election Commission and worked on both of John McCains presidential campaigns.

The effort has been turbocharged by President Trump, who has spent the past year falsely attacking the integrity of mail-in ballots. Mr. Trumps lies have been echoed by the attorney general, William Barr, who has claimed that mail balloting is associated with substantial fraud. Not remotely true. Mr. Trumps own handpicked F.B.I. director, Christopher Wray, has said there is no evidence of any coordinated voter-fraud effort. Scholars, researchers and judges have said for years that voting fraud of any kind is vanishingly rare in this country. That hasnt stopped Republicans from alleging that it happens all the time. They know that accusations of fraud can be enough by themselves to confuse voters and drive down turnout.

When that tactic fails, Republicans turn to another tried-and-true one: voter intimidation. Frightening people, particularly Black people, away from the ballot box has a long history in the United States. Modern Republicans have done it so consistently that in 1982 a federal court barred the national party from engaging in any so-called anti-voter-fraud operations. The ban was renewed again and again over the decades, because Republicans kept violating it. In 2018, however, it expired, meaning that 2020 is the first election in which Republicans can intimidate with abandon.

All the while, Mr. Trump happily plays the part of intimidator in chief. He has urged his supporters to enlist in an Army for Trump, monitoring polls. A lot of strange things happening in Philadelphia, Mr. Trump said during a recent campaign stop in Pennsylvania. Were watching you, Philadelphia. Were watching at the highest level.

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Opinion | Why Are Republicans So Afraid of Voters? - The New York Times

So much for Republicans Obama-era nattering about executive overreach.

Despite fetishizing law and order, Republicans have shrugged as Mr. Trump has maligned and politicized federal law enforcement, occasionally lending a hand. Impeachment offered the most searing example. Parroting the White House line that the entire process was illegitimate, the presidents enablers made clear they had his back no matter what. As Pete Wehner, who served as a speechwriter to the three previous Republican presidents, observed in The Atlantic: Republicans, from beginning to end, sought not to ensure that justice be done or truth be revealed. Instead, they sought to ensure that Trump not be removed from office under any circumstances, defending him at all costs.

The debasement goes beyond passive indulgence. Congressional bootlickers, channeling Mr. Trumps rantings about the Deep State, have used their power to target those who dared to investigate him. Committee chairmen like Representative Devin Nunes and Senator Ron Johnson have conducted hearings aimed at smearing Mr. Trumps political opponents and delegitimizing the special counsels Russia inquiry.

As head of the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, Mr. Johnson pushed a corruption investigation of Mr. Bidens son Hunter that he bragged would expose the former vice presidents unfitness for office. Instead, he wasted taxpayer money producing an 87-page rehash of unsubstantiated claims reeking of a Russian disinformation campaign. Senator Mitt Romney of Utah, another Republican on the committee, criticized the inquiry as a political exercise, noting, Its not the legitimate role of government or Congress, or for taxpayer expense to be used in an effort to damage political opponents.

Undeterred, last Sunday Mr. Johnson popped up on Fox News, engaging with the host over baseless rumors that the F.B.I. was investigating child pornography on a computer that allegedly had belonged to Hunter Biden. These vile claims are being peddled online by right-wing conspiracymongers, including QAnon.

Not that congressional toadies are the only offenders. A parade of administration officials some of whom were well respected before their Trumpian tour have stood by, or pitched in, as the president has denigrated the F.B.I., federal prosecutors, intelligence agencies and the courts. They have failed to prioritize election security because the topic makes Mr. Trump insecure about his win in 2016. They have pushed the limits of the law and human decency to advance Mr. Trumps draconian immigration agenda.

Most horrifically, Republican leaders have stood by as the president has lied to the public about a pandemic that has already killed more than 220,000 Americans. They have watched him politicize masks, testing, the distribution of emergency equipment and pretty much everything else. Some echo his incendiary talk, fueling violence in their own communities. In the campaigns closing weeks, as case numbers and hospitalizations climb and health officials warn of a rough winter, Mr. Trump is stepping up the attacks on his scientific advisers, deriding them as idiots and declaring Dr. Anthony Fauci, the governments top expert in infectious diseases, a disaster. Only a smattering of Republican officials has managed even a tepid defense of Dr. Fauci. Whether out of fear, fealty or willful ignorance, these so-called leaders are complicit in this national tragedy.

As Republican lawmakers grow increasingly panicked that Mr. Trump will lose re-election possibly damaging their fortunes as well some are scrambling to salvage their reputations by pretending they havent spent the past four years letting him run amok. In an Oct. 14 call with constituents, Senator Ben Sasse of Nebraska gave a blistering assessment of the presidents failures and deficient values, from his misogyny to his calamitous handling of the pandemic to the way he kisses dictators butts. Mr. Sasse was less clear about why, the occasional targeted criticism notwithstanding, he has enabled these deficiencies for so long.

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The Republican Party After Trump - The New York Times

Wisconsin Republicanlawmakers and top GOP aideshave been facing a coronavirus outbreak in recent weeks followinga series of in-person events, including aretirement party for a longtime Capitol staffer, a dozen sources told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel.

But Republican leaderswould not disclose how many or which lawmakers have contracted COVID-19, nor would they answer questions about contact tracing efforts including whether anyone worked at the state Capitol after they were exposed to the virus.

Those affected by the COVID-19 outbreak include JennyToftness, chief of staff for Speaker Robin Vos, who got sick after attending theretirement party in September.

"Jenny was exposed at the gathering," Vos spokeswoman Kit Beyer said. "As soon as she found out she was exposed, she went into quarantine and is now fully recovered."

Beyer said Vos had not recently been in close contact with Toftness.

"Robin has not been exposed," Beyer said. "He does not have COVID."

She said Vos, a Republican from Rochester,has been working in his district as he seeks reelection andhas rarely been in the Capitol in recent weeks.

Sources told the Journal Sentinel that Toftness was one of at least six people who got sick after attendingthe retirement party and otherrecent events. Others included GOP lawmakers, staffers and at least two lobbyists, the sources said.

Vos declined to be interviewed.

It's unclear whetherthose who were infectednotified anyCapitol authorities, who could alert others who work in the statehouse.

"We are not aware of anyreportsfrom either legislators or legislative staff," Britt Cudaback, spokeswoman for Gov. Tony Evers, said in an email in response to questions about COVID-19 policies of the Department of Administration, which oversees the Capitol.

Scott Kelly, an aide to GOP Sen. Van Wanggaard, said on Twitter there is "no evidence anyone got COVID in the building. Or that they are currently working in the building."

Track COVID-19 in Wisconsin: See the latest numbers and trends

Amanda Jorgenson, director of the Legislature's human resources department, did not respond to questions about whether the office received reports of infections or potential exposures among people who work in the Capitol, or whether the Legislature has a policy on notifying others in the statehouse about potential exposures to the virus.

Rep. David Bowen, D-Milwaukee, tested positive for COVID-19 in March and issued a news release about his infection.

Rep. Scott Allen, R-Waukesha, also told reporters about his recent infection.

Bowen said releasing the information was necessary because of his publicposition.

"I felt it was necessary as a public lawmaker to share, not to just hide in my house for several weeks hoping that Id be OKbut essentially just to be transparent with the public that this thing is real," Bowen said. "It's really important. Instead of feeding our sense of embarrassment or being so protective of yourself that you're not protecting the public."

Evers has said that any state workerwith suspected, confirmedor direct exposure to COVID-19 should notify their supervisor, who would then notify human resources, which would thennotify otherswho were inclose contact with thereportingemployee.

Employees arethen asked to quarantine for a minimum of 14 days, andthe worksite is cleaned and disinfected.

Policies on such issues for lawmakers and legislative staffers would be set by legislative leaders, not Evers.

Vos and Senate Majority Leader ScottFitzgerald have both been vocal critics of Evers' mask mandate and other efforts aimed at combating the spread of COVID-19.

Fitzgerald has alsoinsisted that state Senate employees don't need to wear masks while working at the Capitol.

"I won'tbe pushed around by Dane County or the Evers Administration we control the Senate wing,"Fitzgerald told the Associated Press in July. "Senators should be able to decide what they do in their own offices."

It's unclear whether those infected with the virus contracted itat the retirement partyoranother event. Sources have cited the partyas well as a fundraiser held last month by the Republican Assembly Campaign Committee aspotential sources of the outbreak.

The Committee to Elect a Republican Senateheld another fundraiser shortly before the Assembly event.

Republicans have continued to havein-person events, fundraisers and rallies, and have not required attendees to wear masks.

On Thursday, at least five Assembly Republican lawmakers attended an indoor event hosted by Pro-Life Wisconsin and were not wearing masks in photos posted to Twitter by Rep. Ken Skowronski, R-Franklin. The post was later deleted.

Democrats have instead largely shifted to virtual fundraisers, socially distanced, outdoor campaign stops and drive-in rallies.

Gail Scott,health officer for theJefferson County Health Department, said her office did not have any information about theSept. 17 fundraiser held at Milford Hills in Johnson Creek for the Republican Assembly Campaign Committee.

A Milford Hills manager declined to comment when asked about any COVID-19 cases linked to the fundraiser, other than telling a Journal Sentinel reporter that it was "an outdoor event."

Republicans who control the Legislature have faced criticism recently for not putting forward strategies to combat the coronavirus, especially as Wisconsin faces one of the worst COVID-19 outbreaks in the country.

The Wisconsin Legislature has been the least active full-time state legislative body in the country since states began taking measures to combat the COVID-19 pandemic, according to a WisPolitics.com review published earlier this month.

Vos on Friday wrote on Facebook that criticism of the Legislature's inactivity is unfair.

"(Gov. Tony)Evers hasn't given us any concrete ideas as to what we could pass beyond the comprehensive bill we already supported," Vos wrote in response to criticism from his opponent. "He wants to shut down the state, I oppose that. Beyond that, ask yourself what else could be done to fight the virus beyond following the CDC guidelines. This is fear-mongering and really disappointing behavior from Gov Evers."

Legislative leaders are in court now trying to throw out Evers' statewide mask mandate. CDC guidelines includewearing a mask when around other people.

The mandate is supported by a vast majority of Wisconsin voters, according to recent Marquette University Law School polling.

The GOP lawmakers already have the power to end the mask mandate by voting to end the governor's health emergency. But instead, legislative leaders are opting to spend taxpayer dollars to hire private attorneys to accomplish the same goal.

Daniel Bice and Patrick Marley of the Journal Sentinel contributed to this report.

Contact Mary Spicuzza and Molly Beck atmary.spicuzza@jrn.comand molly.beck@jrn.com. Follow on Twitter at @MSpicuzzaMJSand @mollybeck.

Our subscribers make this reporting possible. Please consider supporting local journalism by subscribing to the Journal Sentinel at jsonline.com/deal.

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Wisconsin Republicans have been facing an outbreak among lawmakers and aides. But they don't want to talk about it. - Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

Republican claims that Democrats would expand the U.S. Supreme Court to undercut the conservative majority if they win the presidency and control of Congress has a familiar ring.

Its a tactic the GOP already has employed in recent years with state supreme courts when they have controlled all levers of state political power.

Republican governors in Arizona and Georgia have signed bills passed by GOP-dominated legislatures to expand the number of seats on their states respective high courts.

In Iowa, the Republican governor gained greater leverage over the commission that names judicial nominees.

The arguments being advanced now by Republican leaders that this is an affront to separation of powers, that this is a way of delegitimizing courts those dont seem to be holding at the state level, said Marin Levy, a law professor at Duke University who has written about efforts to expand state high courts.

President Donald Trump and the GOP have seized on the issue in the final weeks of the presidential race, arguing that Democratic nominee Joe Biden would push a Democratic Congress to increase the number of seats on the Supreme Court and fill those with liberal justices.

Some on the left have floated the idea in the wake of Republicans rush to confirm Amy Coney Barrett to fill the seat of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, a liberal icon who died last month.

Biden, for his part, has said hes not a fan of so-called court packing, and its far from certain that Democrats can win back the majority in the U.S. Senate.

Arizonas governor, Republican Doug Ducey, said he opposes adding seats to the U.S. Supreme Court.

We shouldnt be changing our institutions, he told reporters recently.

Yet Ducey signed a bill that did just that at the state level in 2016, expanding the Arizona Supreme Court from five seats to seven. As a result, Ducey has appointed more judges than any other governor in the states history.

Ducey said the situations are not the same because Arizonas system for selecting judges allows him to appoint them only from a list sent to him by a commission that interviews and vets candidates.

Arizona judges also face retention elections, a process that is essentially a formality. No state supreme court justice has ever lost a retention election.

Its apples and oranges, Ducey said, comparing the state and federal high courts.

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Despite rhetoric, Republicans have supported expanding courts - The Columbian

Back in April, Wisconsin Democrats defied Republican voter-suppression efforts and produced an upset for a progressive State Supreme Court candidate. Photo: Sara Stathas/The Washington Post via Getty Images

A week ago I wrote about the big surge of early voting around the country, which had already reached an amazing 21 million! Now that number is up to an estimated 52.7 million and is continuing to climb.

In my earlier piece I echoed many political analysts in warning against too-hasty interpretations of the total numbers or the heavy Democratic tilt of early voting in places where that can be determined or at least estimated. Yes, the surge could mean massive overall turnout or it could simply reflect fears of health risks for in-person voting on Election Day, or unusually early mail-in or in-person voting based on concerns about postal delivery or long lines. And the Democratic skew could mean a big sweep, or simply the partisanship in voting methods resulting from the presidents endless and false attacks on voting by mail.

But journalist Ari Berman has a different theory based on what hes seen in Texas:

In the last week of September, Chris Rollins, the county clerk of Harris County, Texas, sent out mail ballots to voters in the Houston area who had requested them and set up 12 locations where voters concerned about delays with the US Postal Service could drop their ballots off. Then, on October 1, just as voters had started to return their mail ballots, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott issued an emergency declaration limiting mail ballot drop-off sites toone per county. The moveappeared designed specifically to makevoting harder in Harris County, the largest county in the state, which has 2.4 million registered voters and a larger landmass than Rhode Island

Yet when early voting began in Texas on October 13, Abbotts plan to limit Democratic participation appeared to backfire,as voters in Harris County, where voters of color make up a majority and where Hillary Clintonwon by 12 points in 2016,surged to the polls.

The numbers in Harris County have been astonishing. A record 128,000 people voted on the first day of early voting, up from 68,000 in 2016 and a higher turnout than the entire state of Georgia on the same day. Turnout has barely dropped since then. On Friday, Harris County surpassed1 million early votes, exceeding its total from 2016 with a week of early voting still left, andnearly equaling the 1.3 million people who voted overall in 2016.

Berman quotes local Democrats who suggest that the unusual visibility of Abbotts moves to make it harder to vote really galvanized the voters he was trying to discourage.

Harris County Judge Lina Hidalgo, the countys top executive and a 29-year-old Latina, says that voters in Texas are used to the steady drumbeat of suppression, which has often kept turnout among voters of color and young voters low. But she called Abbotts declaration limiting mail drop-off locationsthe straw that broke the camels back.

Its the sort of thing that is hard to document other than anecdotally, at least until the returns are in. But there is one 2020 precedent: the infamous Wisconsin primary in April, when the COVID-19 pandemic had reached its first terrifying levels amid blatant Republican efforts to discourage voting by mail and make in-person voting more difficult and dangerous in Democratic-leaning urban areas. There was one very important nonpartisan but very ideologically charged election on the ballot in that intensely polarized state, and all the voter-suppression measures led most observers to expect a comfortable win for a conservative State Supreme Court judge. But it all went wrong, as I explained at the time:

There may have never been in living memory a more blatant voter suppression schemeoutside the former Confederacythan the one Wisconsin Republicans and their federal and state judicial allies attempted this month. With the connivance of the legislature and theWisconsin Supreme Courtthey controlled, the Badger State GOPinsistedon holding an in-person election at the height of thecoronaviruspandemic that was sure to disenfranchise many Democratic-leaning minority voters in Milwaukee. Meanwhile, the conservative majority on the U.S. Supreme Courtstoppeda federal judge from extending time for voters forced to vote by mail to receive and return their absentee ballots.

The big prize for Republicans in this maneuvering was a ten-year term on the state Supreme Court that would haveensured its judicial agentsa majority on that powerful tribune until well into the next decade, making a Republican gerrymander of the legislature and the congressional delegation much more likely, along with a voter purge. The intended beneficiary was incumbent judge Daniel Kelly. But in a big upset delayed by slow-arriving absentee ballots (SCOTUS would not allow an extension of the April 7 voting deadline but left in place a ban on the announcement of results until April 13), Kellys progressive rival Jill Karofsky won the nonpartisan election.

It wasnt close, and it was pretty clear Democrats were driven to the polls by anger at what the GOP was doing to the franchise. It could happen again in jurisdictions controlled by Republicans who are cooperating with Trumps battle to discourage and intimidate voters likely to favor Democrats.

My colleague Eric Levitz recently speculated that Trumps devious tactics might backfire if ongoing spikes in COVID-19 cases keep Republicans the president has convinced to vote in person instead of voting by mail to stay home on November 3. So its possible the GOP effort to shape an electorate in its own image could backfire twice, by scaring away Republicans and turbocharging angry Democrats. What goes around comes around, for sure.

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Is Republican Voter Suppression Starting to Backfire? - New York Magazine