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WASHINGTON President Donald Trump on Thursday spoke positively about a border adjustment tax being pushed by Republicans in Congress as a way to boost exports, but he did not specifically endorse the proposal.

Trump, who has lashed out at U.S. companies for moving operations and jobs to countries such as Mexico, had previously sent mixed signals on the proposal at the heart of a sweeping Republican plan to overhaul the tax code.

"It could lead to a lot more jobs in the United States," Trump told Reuters in an interview, using his most approving language to date on the proposal.

Trump sent conflicting signals about his position on the border adjustment tax in separate media interviews in January, saying in one interview that it was "too complicated" and in another that it was still on the table.

The proposal has divided American businesses. Critics say the planned 20 percent tax on imports could be passed along in higher prices to consumers, including manufacturers that rely on imported goods to make their products.

Some critics have warned of a potential global trade war which would sharply curtail U.S. and world economic growth.

Advocates say U.S. exporters will gain as their revenues will be excluded from federal taxes. They say the tax on imports will encourage domestic production and cause the already strong dollar to rise, offsetting upward pressure on import prices.

COMPANIES 'TO COME BACK'

Trump has also called for a 35-percent border tax on U.S. companies that move jobs abroad and import products back into the U.S. market. It has been unclear in the past if those references referred to the border adjustment proposal.

"I certainly support a form of tax on the border," he told Reuters on Thursday. "What is going to happen is companies are going to come back here, they're going to build their factories and they're going to create a lot of jobs and there's no tax."

White House spokesman Sean Spicer also came to the defense of border adjustment on Thursday, disputing the claim that it could lead to higher consumer prices. "That benefits our economy, it helps American workers, it grows the manufacturing base," Spicer told reporters at a White House briefing.

The Mexican peso weakened slightly against the U.S. dollar immediately after Trump's comments and was last trading at 19.68 per dollar. Earlier on Thursday, the Mexican currency hit its strongest level since Trump's Nov. 8 election victory.

Stocks of retailers, which could be hurt by border adjustment, weakened on Wall Street after Trump's remarks. The S&P 500 retailing index ended down 1 percent. Shares of Wal-Mart Stores slipped and closed down 0.6 percent. Trump said his administration will tackle tax reform legislation after dealing with Obamacare, the health insurance system that his fellow Republicans have bashed since it was put in place in 2010 by his predecessor, President Barack Obama.

Earlier on Thursday, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin told CNBC the Trump administration aimed to formulate a tax plan with support from the Republican-controlled House of Representatives and Senate and pass it before August.

BUSINESS DIVIDED

Lawmakers and corporate lobbyists say the border adjustment tax could die in Congress, potentially jeopardizing the prospects for tax reform, mainly because of opposition from a handful of Senate Republicans.

But experts say Trump's endorsement could change the political climate. "If Trump supports it, that makes it considerably more likely," Harvard Business School professor Mihir Desai told Reuters.

Trump's comments were followed by dueling statements from lobbying groups.

A statement from the pro-border adjustment American Made Coalition said the White House was "sending its strongest signals yet that its leaning toward supporting the House blueprint with border adjustability."

The Americans for Affordable Products coalition that opposes the border adjustment tax issued a statement saying Trumps remarks were "consistent with what hes already said" and that it was "impossible" to know if they were specific to any individual legislative policy.

Trump spoke to Reuters after meeting with more than 20 chief executives of major U.S. companies to discuss ways to return manufacturing jobs to the United States, one of the linchpins of his 2016 presidential campaign.

Many CEOs of large multinationals back the border adjustment tax. The chiefs of 16 companies, including Boeing Co, Caterpillar Inc and General Electric Co, sent a letter to Congress on Tuesday urging support for it.

A border adjustment has emerged as the most controversial segment of the House Republican tax reform blueprint. Under the House plan, it would raise more than $1 trillion in revenues to help pay for a corporate tax cut.

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Trump says Republican border tax could boost US jobs - Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Now they have a bunch of governors to deal with.

State executives are descending on Washington this weekend for the annual National Governors Association meeting and the Affordable Care Act is at the top of the discussion list. Governors will debate repealing and replacing the health reform law on Saturday, and then they will meet with President Trump and Congressional lawmakers to talk health care on Monday.

It's becoming ever clearer that what happens to Obamacare will not be decided solely in Washington D.C. Thousands of people are attending lawmakers' town halls around the country to defend the Affordable Care Act, while others are demanding their representatives give them a voice in the discussion.

Mayors are also jumping into the fray. A bipartisan group of more than 100 mayors sent a letter to Congress this week with their wish list, which includes continuing protection for those with pre-existing conditions and maintaining free preventative care. They also oppose turning Medicaid into a block grant program, a big part of the GOP's plan that would send a fixed amount of funding to the states to cover their low-income residents.

Related: Pew poll: Support for Obamacare at all-time high

Governors have a vested interest in Obamacare, particularly in Medicaid expansion, which has extended coverage to 11 million low-income adults in the 31 states that have accepted it. Some 16 of those states are headed by Republicans.

All told, states get hundreds of billions of federal dollars each year in Medicaid funding to cover a total of more than 70 million people, mainly low-income children, parents, senior citizens and those with disabilities.

Congressional Republicans are privately turning to four GOP governors -- two from states that expanded and two from states that didn't -- in the hope that they can hammer out a deal that can win approval from their peers and from lawmakers.

Related: Medicaid covers a lot more people than you might think

Getting there will be a two-part task. First, governors need to decide how to handle Medicaid expansion, which funneled an extra $99 billion to the states between January 2014 and September 2015, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Some governors have been very vocal about keeping Medicaid expansion. Ohio Governor John Kasich says he won't "sit silent" and watch the program get "ripped out."

"That is a very, very bad idea, because we cannot turn our back on the most vulnerable," said Kasich, noting the program's importance in treating those with drug addiction and mental health issues.

Related: Hill GOP asks governors to help save Obamacare repeal

And though he still supports repealing Obamacare, New Jersey Governor Chris Christie told CNN's Jake Tapper that he doesn't want those who've gained coverage under Medicaid expansion to be left uninsured.

Second, state executives have to debate the larger question of what to do with the entire Medicaid program. Republican lawmakers are itching for the opportunity to completely overhaul it and shift more responsibility, control and risk to the states. While governors would like more power over the program, many aren't as keen to receive only a fixed amount of funding from Washington D.C.

Related: Why GOP governors like Medicaid under Obamacare. Hint: $

Some Republican governors agree with their Democratic peers that block grants could reduce the effectiveness and reach of the safety net. And leaders of non-expansion states are concerned that funding might be frozen at current levels, which would leave them at a disadvantage since they did not broaden their programs.

Still, a few governors were supportive of block grants, saying the flexibility that comes with this funding can make it easier to transition able-bodied recipients to more independent living. Many Republican governors would like to be able to charge premiums or institute work requirements for the low-income adults in the program.

--CNN's Manu Raju contributed to this story.

CNNMoney (New York) First published February 24, 2017: 6:08 AM ET

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Republican governors on Obamacare repeal: Not so fast - CNNMoney

As Republican lawmakers across the country have faced raucous, chaotic town halls in recent days, a number have refused to have these events. Some cited safety as a reason, while others said they didn't want their events "hijacked" by the confrontations seen elsewhere.

Rep. Louis Gohmert, R-Tex., in a statement released this week, blamed his decision not to hold these events in person on "the threat of violence at town hall meetings." He also pointed to a specific violent event to bolster his case, invoking the 2011 shooting that severely injured former congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords and killed six others.

Giffords responded Thursday, and she made clear she does not agree with lawmakers shying away from meeting with members of the public.

"To the politicians who have abandoned their civic obligations, I say this: Have some courage," Giffords said in a statement. "Face your constituents. Hold town halls."

Giffords, an Arizona Democrat, was shot in the head during a January 2011 meeting she was holding with constituents in Tuscon. Remarkably, Giffords survived the attack, which also wounded 12 other people. The gunman pleaded guilty in 2012 and was given seven consecutive life sentences.

In her message Thursday, Giffords called town halls and other meetings with the public "a hallmark of my tenure in Congress," adding that she felt "listening to my constituents was the most basic and core tenet of the job I was hired to do."

Gohmert, in his statement two days earlier, was responding to a group that called on him to have a town hall. But the seven-term congressman said he would opt instead for telephone town halls rather than public meetings.

"Unfortunately, at this time there are groups from the more violent strains of the leftist ideology, some even being paid, who are preying on public town halls to wreak havoc and threaten public safety," he said.

Though the National Republican Congressional Committee has warned of potential violence at town halls, the events this week have been peaceful, with the harshest treatment limited to heckling and boos, The Washington Post has reported, as well as how conservative media and the White House have painted the protesters as a paid, orchestrated group, which does not gibe with how the demonstrations are actually being organized.

Gohmert then went on to cite Giffords's shooting and noted that during the 2011 rampage, the victims included a 9-year-old girl, a federal judge and a church volunteer who shielded his wife's body with his own.

"Threats are nothing new to me and I have gotten my share as a felony judge," he said. "However, the House Sergeant at Arms advised us after former Congresswoman Gabby Giffords was shot at a public appearance, that civilian attendees at Congressional public events stand the most chance of being harmed or killed - just as happened there."

After Giffords survived the assassination attempt, she and her husband, retired NASA astronaut Mark Kelly, formed Americans for Responsible Solutions, a group pushing for stronger gun control laws.

Their campaign has brought them across the country, which Giffords also noted in her statement Thursday, stating that she held dozens of public events over the last year.

Giffords also pointed to another person who was injured during the 2011 shooting, saying that Rep. Ron Barber, D -- a former Giffords aide who was wounded and later succeeded her in office - held town halls while he was in Congress.

Gohmert, in his statement, says that "when the threat of violence at town hall meetings recedes, we can go back to having the civil town hall meetings I've had in the past." He does not elaborate on when that might happen.

Excerpt from:
Giffords tells Republican lawmaker who won't hold a town hall: 'Have some courage' - Chicago Tribune

Las Vegas Sands Corp. Chairman and CEO Sheldon Adelson.

Investing in politics is finally paying off for billionaire casino owner Sheldon Adelson.

The dividends will be displayed this weekend as some of the nations top fundraisers assemble at his Venetian hotel in Las Vegas for the annual meeting of his signature political organization, the Republican Jewish Coalition. Among those paying their respects will be Vice President Mike Pence and Ronna Romney McDaniel, the new Republican National Committee leader.

While Adelson often attracts big-name conservatives, the RJC and its mega-donor benefactor have rarely enjoyed such a strong political position as now. He had a private dinner at the White House earlier this month, just days before a visit from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu where President Donald Trumpannounced an abandonment of a decades-old U.S. position supporting separate states for Israel and Palestinians.

With Jews deeply divided about Trump -- he was criticized for being slow to condemn recent threats against Jewish community centers that have raised antisemitism concerns -- the RJC provides the White House at least one steadfastly supportive national Jewish group.

He has gone much farther in his comments and in articulating his views in terms of the strength of his pro-Israel message than any president I can remember recently, said Matt Brooks, the RJCs executive director. That is very well received.

The three-day gathering, expected to attract about 600 people, will start the RJCs planning for a 2018 midterm election that will mark Trumps first electoral test as president. Former Vice President Dick Cheney, Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, Senator Cory Gardner of Colorado and Senator Joni Ernst of Iowa are among the other speakers.

The RJC provides an elite network of fundraisers who help Republicans up and down the ballot -- especially in states with larger Jewish populations -- while also lobbying Republican lawmakers and administration officials for pro-Israel policies. Adelson, 83, isnt entirely responsible for the influence enjoyed by the RJC, whose board of directors is a whos who list of top Republican fundraisers. Lew Eisenberg, the top RNC fundraiser in 2016, is just one such example.

The group is now running digital ads promoting David Friedman, the presidents pick for U.S. ambassador to Israel. The advertising is running nationally and in specific states to put pressure on Democratic senators Chuck Schumer of New York, Dick Durbin of Illinois, Tim Kaine of Virginia, Cory Booker of New Jersey, Chris Murphy of Connecticut, Chris Coons of Delaware and Bill Nelson of Florida.

Pence, who is scheduled to address the gathering Friday evening, is expected to assure RJC members that theres no distance between the administration and the groups goals. Trump, meanwhile, has softened some of his campaign pledges to conservative Jews, such as moving the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

Pence is probably the best person in the administration in terms of a combination of seniority and the way that Republican Jews see him, said Tevi Troy, a policy adviser and Jewish liaison for President George W. Bushs White House. There is still discomfort within the Republican Jewish ranks about Trump.

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Trump was widely criticized by Jewish groups -- even mildly by the RJC -- when the White House late last month released a statement marking International Holocaust Remembrance Day that failed to mention Jewish victims. Aides stood by the statement by saying it was meant to be an inclusive message not intended to marginalize Jewish victims.

While the RJC has backed Trump ever since he secured his partys nomination last year -- even if a bit less robustly than for past Republicans -- the courtship wasnt always smooth.

"I had one conversation with Sheldon and all he wants to do is protect Israel, Trump told MSNBC in November 2015. But I dont want his money. I dont need his money."

Adelson and his wife, Miriam, contributed at least $82.5 million to conservative causes during the 2016 election cycle, ranking first among Republicans, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Four years earlier, theyd given at least $93 million.

Adelson, who is listed by the Bloomberg Billionaires Index as the 15th richest U.S. resident with an estimated fortune of $27.6 billion, didnt respond to an interview request made through RJC spokesman Fred Brown.

Brooks said the group is already lining up against some Democratic incumbents for the 2018 midterm elections, including Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio. The group is also looking at races in Florida and Indiana, he said.

As the RJC meets in Las Vegas, the liberal Jewish group J Street will convene in Washington for its annual meeting. That gathering will hear from two Democrats unsuccessful in 2016 national campaigns, Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Kaine, who was Hillary Clintons running mate.

American Jews traditionally back Democrats by large margins in presidential elections, although the RJC argues it has helped increase support for Republican candidates.

Trump received just 23 percent of the Jewish vote nationally, according to exit polls, down from the 30 percent that Romney received in 2012. Still, Trumps proportion was larger than what Senator John McCain received in the 2008 presidential election and it was also slightly higher than the share secured by Bush in 2000.

We have been chipping away and solidifying a significant chunk of the Jewish vote, Brooks said. Weve been putting millions and millions of dollars into that effort and its paying significant dividends.

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Billionaire Adelson Reaps Benefits From Big Republican Donations - Bloomberg

Sipa USA via AP

A strange thing happened last week at the Federal Election Commission, the nation's watchdog for campaigns and elections. On Friday evening, the FEC's three Republican members quietly released a slew of missing legal memos related to cases dating back as far as 10 years. The commissioners gave no reason for why they decided to act now, after a decade of silence on the cases in question.

But it turns out that the newly released memos were the result of a Freedom of Information Act request recently filed by Mother Jones. The request was a modest one and asked only for a list of all such overdue legal documents at the FEC. That list would show every case for which FEC commissioners had failed to perform a customary part of their jobs: explaining to the public why they had voted a certain way on cases that had come before the agency. Dismiss a complaint, open an investigation, assess a finewhichever way a commissioner decides, he or she is expected to explain that decision in a memo made available to the public.

In a move that perplexed several legal experts, the FEC denied our FOIA request. Yet soon after that, the FEC's three Republican commissioners hastily wrote and released to the public 11 of these long-overdue legal memos. When Mother Jones asked the three Republican commissioners if our FOIA request had anything to do with their decision to act, two of them, Lee Goodman and Matthew Petersen, confirmed that it had. "Most of these were on the back burner as our reasons were either already clear or changes in the law made the issues moot," Petersen says. "Your request was a useful reminder to bolster the record with formal statements."

Congress created the FEC in the 1970s to police campaign-related abuses and enforce election laws passed in the wake of Watergate. Unlike most federal agencies, the FEC has an even number of commissionerssixdivided equally by political party. In today's hyper-partisan environment, with frequent 3-3 deadlocks on key votes, it's hard not to see the FEC as an institution designed to fail. (The commission will be without a sixth member now that Democrat Ann Ravel has announced her resignation, effective March 1.)

But for most of its 40-year history, the FEC worked mostly fine. The commissioners regularly found the four-vote majority they needed to actto investigate potential wrongdoing, assess fines against lawbreakers, and provide guidance to candidates, committees, political parties, and other outfits looking to get involved in federal elections. That began to change in the mid-2000s. Three new Republicans came aboard who took a more ideological approach to campaign finance laws and free speech. Led by then-Commissioner Donald McGahn, who is now President Donald Trump's White House counsel, the Republicans often voted in lockstep to block enforcement actions. A Public Citizen analysis found that the FEC hit a 3-3 vote on enforcement actions roughly 1 percent of the time between 2003 and 2007. In 2008, deadlocks rose to 10 percent. In 2013, they hit a peak of 23 percent. "For nearly every case of major significance over the past several years, the Commission has deadlocked on investigating serious allegations or has failed to hold violators fully accountable," outgoing Democratic Commissioner Ann Ravel wrote in a recent report titled Dysfunction and Deadlock.

When FEC commissioners vote on a case to go against what the agency's lawyers recommend, they are required to publish a legal justificationa Statement of Reasons, in agency jargonfor why they voted the way they did. These memos educate the public on the legal underpinnings of the commission's decisions and give outside parties a basis to sue the agency if they disagree. But starting in the mid-2000s, the FEC's Republicans simply stopped explaining many of their decisions. Some or all of the Republican commissioners failed to write Statements of Reasons in 25 such cases over a 10-year span, according to an unofficial tally obtained by Mother Jones earlier this month. (The tally shows that Democratic commissioners had no overdue Statements of Reasons.)

Larry Noble, a former FEC general counsel who now works at the Campaign Legal Center, a group that supports tighter political donation limits and more transparency in elections, says that failure to file Statements of Reasons is longstanding problem that has worsened over time. "Delaying them deprives the public of knowing what's going on or why commissioners did what they did," Noble says.

A few weeks ago, Mother Jones filed a Freedom of Information Act request seeking the FEC's own list of all overdue legal Statements of Reasons. In its February 17 denial letter, an FEC official cited FOIA Exemption 5, which shields from disclosure "documents covered by the attorney work-product, deliberative process, and attorney-client privileges."

Two hours after the denial, the FEC posted its weekly digest. It included the 11 Statements of Reasons authored by Republican commissioners relating to old cases. The documents were all signed and dated within a four-day span last week, and each one is only several pages long, unlike the lengthy, footnote-laden documents typically produced by the commissioners and their staffs.

Ellen Weintraub, the senior-most Democratic commissioner at FEC, applauded the release of the 11 legal memos. "I am pleased on behalf of the American people that they are finally getting some kind of explanation for the commission's failure to act in so many cases," she says.

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Republican Election Commissioners Just Released Key Legal DocumentsNearly a Decade Too Late - Mother Jones