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Since the election of President Trump, Republican lawmakers in at least 18 states have introduced or voted on legislation to curb mass protests in what civil liberties expertsare calling an attack on protest rights throughout the states.

From Virginia to Washington state, legislators have introduced bills that would increase punishmentsfor blocking highways, ban the use of masks during protests, indemnify drivers who strike protesterswith their cars and, in at least once case, seize the assets of people involved in protests that later turn violent.The proposals come after a string of mass protest movements in the past few years,covering everything from police shootings of unarmed black men to the Dakota Access Pipeline to the inauguration of Trump.

Some are introducing bills because they say they're necessary to counter the actions of paid or professional protesters who set out to intimidate or disrupt, a common accusationthat experts agree is largelyoverstated.You now have a situation where you have full-time, quasi-professional agent-provocateurs that attempt to create public disorder, said Republican state senatorJohn Kavanagh of Arizona in support of a measure there that would bring racketeering charges against some protesters.

Protesters in cities across the nation rallied against President Trump's executive order banning U.S. entry for refugees, migrants and foreign nationals for 120 days. Here's a look at some of the protests that took place in airports and city squares across the U.S. after the order was signed. (Dalton Bennett,Erin Patrick O'Connor,Elyse Samuels,Monica Akhtar/The Washington Post)

Others, like the sponsors of a bill in Minnesota, say the measures are necessary to protect public safety on highways. Still other bills, in states like Oklahoma and South Dakota, are intended to discourage protesting related to oil pipelines.

Democrats in many of these states are fighting the legislation. They cite existing laws that already make it a crime to block traffic, the possibilityof a chilling effect on protests across the political spectrum, and concerns for protesters safety in the face of aggressive motorists.

None of the proposed legislation has yet been passed into law, and several bills have already been shelved in committee.

Critics doubtwhether manyof the laws would pass Constitutional muster. The Supreme Court has gone out of its way on multiple occasions to point out that streets, sidewalks and public parks are places where [First Amendment]protections are at their most robust, said Lee Rowland, a senior attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union.

This isby no means the first time in American history that widespread protests have inspired a legislative backlash, says Douglas McAdam, a Stanford sociology professor who studies protest movements. For instance, southern legislatures especially in the Deep South responded to the Montgomery Bus Boycott (and the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education) with dozens and dozens of new bills outlawing civil rights groups, limiting the rights of assembly, etc. all in an effort to make civil rights organizing more difficult, he said via email.

Similarly, he added, laws designed to limit or outlaw labor organizing or limit labor rights were common in the late 19th/early 20th century.

The ACLUs Rowland saysthe new bills are not about creating new rules that are necessary because of some gap in the law. She points out, for instance, thatevery single city and county in the United States already has laws on the books against obstructing traffic on busy roads.

Rather, Rowland says the laws intent is increasing the penalties for protest-related activity to the point that it results in self-censorship among protesters who have every intention to obey the law.

Even the accusationsofpaid or professional agitators, which Trump has promoted, have been leveled at protesters before.

This is standard operating procedure for movement opponents, Stanfords McAdamsaid.Civil rights workers were said to be outside agitators, and the tea party was dismissed as an AstroTurf phenomenon funded from on high by the Koch brothers and others rather than a legitimate grass roots movement. In all these cases, including the present, the charges are generally bogus, withthe vast majority of protesters principled individuals motivated by the force of deeply held values and strong emotion.

But now, social media has made it possible to organize larger protests more rapidly than ever before. The older laws are becoming less effectual in dealing with these kind of groups, said Michael Heaney of the University of Michigan, a political sociologist who studies protest movements. On top of that, the courts have said, Look, the people have a right to protest in this way. So on some level the new legislation represents an attemptby lawmakers to catch up with new realities of 21st-century protesting.

Heres a list of laws that have been introduced or voted on since the election.

Arizona

Arizonas bill, introduced this week, would open upprotests to anti-racketeering legislation, targeting protesters with the same laws used to combat organized crime syndicates.It would alsoallow police to seize the assets of anyone involved in a protest that at some point becomes violent. It recently passed the state Senate on a party-line vote and is now before the House.

Colorado

A bill under consideration in Colorado wouldstrengthen penalties for tampering with oil and gas equipment. Itsintended to prevent activists from shutting off pipelines, a tactic thats been used in other states.

Florida

A bill introduced by Republican George Gainer in the Florida Senate this month would provide criminal penalties for protesters obstructing traffic and exempt driversfrom liability if they struck a protester under certain conditions. It was filed this week, and if enacted would take force on July 1.

Georgia

A "Back the Badge" bill recently passed by the Georgia Senate increases penalties for blocking "any highway, street, sidewalk or other public passage." The bill is sponsored by six Republican senators.

Iowa

A bill supportedby nine Republican sponsors would make protesters who intentionally block highways subject to felony charges and up to five years in prison. The bills lead sponsor told the Des Moines Register it was introduced in response to a November incidentin which a protest Trump shut down part of Interstate 80 in Iowa.

Indiana

An Indiana Senate committee recently toned down a bill that would have allowed police to shut down highway protests using any means necessary. The current version allows police to issue fines for such behavior.

Michigan

A Michigan bill voted on late last year would have increased fines for certain mass picketing behavior, and made it easier for courts to shut down such demonstrations.

Minnesota

Bills under consideration in Minnesota would increase fines for protesters blocking highways and airports. A separate measure before the legislature would make it possible for jurisdictions to charge protesters for the costs of policing the protests.

Missouri

A Republican lawmaker has introduced legislation that would make it illegal for protesters to wear masks, robes or other disguises during protests deemed to be illegal.

Mississippi

A bill before the Mississippi legislature would make obstruction of traffic a felony punishable by a $10,000 fine and a five-year prison sentence.

North Carolina

A North Carolina Republican has pledged to introduce legislation making it a crime to threaten, intimidate or retaliate against current or former state officials, in response to an incident involving the heckling of Gov. Pat McCrory. The Senator proposing the legislation, Dan Bishop, confirmed via email that he still intends to introduce the legislation, perhaps as early as next week, after consulting with potential co-sponsors.

North Dakota

A number of North Dakota bills have been introduced in response to the long-standing protests there against the Dakota Access Pipeline. The measure that drew the most attention was a bill that would have removedpenalties for motorists whostrike protesters with their carin some circumstances.That bill failed to make it out of the House, but a number of other measures increasing penalties for certain types of protest action are advancing through the legislature.

Oklahoma

Inspired by pipeline protests in North Dakota, the Oklahoma legislature is considering a bill that would increase penalties for trespassing on certain pieces of critical infrastructure like pipelines and railways.

Oregon

A novel piece of legislation in Oregon would require public community colleges and universities to expel any student convicted of participating in a violent riot.

South Dakota

A Senate panel in South Dakota recently approved a bill that would increase penalties for certain acts of trespassing and blocking highways. Its a response to pipeline protests in North Dakota, and to the potential for similar protests in South Dakota if the Keystone XL pipeline gets built.

Tennessee

A Tennessee Republican wants drivers to be protected from liability if they inadvertently strike a protester who is blocking a roadway.

Virginia

A Virginia bill that would have increased penalties for people who refused to leave the scene of a riot or unlawful protest died in the state Senatelast month. The bill had been requested by law enforcement.

Washington state

Washington lawmakers are considering a bill to increase penalties for people blocking highways and railways, acts that the bill's sponsor has characterized as economic terrorism.

This story has been updated to include information on legislation pending in Georgia.

Read more:
Republican lawmakers introduce bills to curb protesting in at least 18 states - Washington Post

FiveThirtyEight

The Real Republican Maverick: Maine Sen. Susan Collins FiveThirtyEight When most political followers hear Republican senator and maverick, they probably think of John McCain. He ran as part of a team of mavericks with Sarah Palin in 2008, after all. But whether or not McCain deserves the maverick label in general ... One Republican Would Subpoena Trump's Taxes If Russia Probe Goes ThereHuffington Post U.S. Senator Susan Collins | Maine PublicMaine Public all 106 news articles »

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The Real Republican Maverick: Maine Sen. Susan Collins - FiveThirtyEight

In 2013, Bannon was something of an outcast at CPAC. This week he spoke at the conference as one of the rights most powerful figures.CreditPHOTOGRAPH BY T. J. KIRKPATRICK / REDUX

On Thursday, Steve Bannon, President Donald Trumps most influential adviser, and Reince Priebus, Trumps frequently embattled chief of staff, spoke together at the Conservative Political Action Conference, the annual gathering for activists, politicians, and media professionals on the right. Bannon rarely speaks in public, but the two men have been conducting a media tour to tamp down stories about friction between them.

Bannon, who is a large man, was dressed in wrinkled khakis and an open shirt that Priebus teased him about. Priebus was dressed like Alex P. Keaton. Bannon spoke in fiery language, condemning the press and global lites and insisting that Trump would implement the nationalist agenda that he promised in his campaign speeches. This is the other thing that the mainstream media or opposition party never caught, Bannon said. Hes laid out an agenda with those speeches for the promises he made. And our job every day is just to execute on that.

Priebus was milquetoast, and his emphasis was on agenda items that have been free of the controversies that have engulfed Trumps Bannon-inspired plans on immigration and foreign policy. He noted that Trump hit his agenda every single day, whether its T.P.P., whether its deregulation, whether its Neil Gorsuch, Trumps Supreme Court nominee.

If there is a war between the two men to influence Trump, it was clear on Thursday why Bannon is winning. In bureaucratic fights, a White House staffer with strong and clear ideas, even ones that are bad, will beat a rival with no ideas every time.

The Bannon-Priebus appearance was a reminder of how quickly Bannons view of conservatism came to defeat Priebuss. Back in March, 2013, Bannon was something of an outcast at CPAC. In the wake of Mitt Romneys loss in the 2012 Presidential election, conservatives were trying to emphasize their movements diversity and tolerance. The prevailing takeaway from the election was that the right had grown too old, too white, and too intolerantand so CPAC, which often serves as an incubator for ideas emerging on the far right, needed to downplay the fringes of the movement.

The lineup of speakers that year was by no means a collection of squishy Republicans: the two biggest stars were the former Vice-Presidential nominee Sarah Palin and Donald Trump. But the emphasis from the main stage was on a welcoming small-government conservatism, and the energy in the audience came from libertarian activists, who stormed the conference and helped Senator Rand Paul win the meetings Presidential straw poll.

Bannon, who was the head of Breitbart News, roamed the halls as a disgruntled and dishevelled fringe player. Before the conference, he had scanned the schedule and complained that CPACs organizers had cast out the voices representing what he viewed as the real issues on the right: the threat from Islam, illegal immigration, and corporate Americas influence on politics.

He organized an evening of counterprogramming to highlight those issues, which he called the Uninvited. Even at the most conservative gathering in America, Bannon liked to play the role of aggrieved outsider.

On the CPAC sidelines, Bannon described his alternative lineup to an interviewer: A former Attorney General from the Bush Administration talking about jihad and the lites inability to recognize it. Peter Schweizer talking about crony capitalism. Pam Geller, Robert Spencer, Frank Gaffney, Nina Shea talking about the global persecution of Christians. These are huge topics. Illegal immigration. These are huge issues. They have to be vetted.

This is a conservative conference, supposedly, the interviewer asked. Why are these voices being silenced, in your opinion? I dont want to speculate, Bannon said.

Geller was viewed by most Republican leaders as an anti-Muslim extremist. In April, 2013, the month after CPAC, shecalled for profiling of Muslims, surveillance of mosques, and an immediate halt of immigration by Muslims into nations that do not currently have a Muslim-majority population. In 2015, she organized a Draw Muhammad contest, in Garland, Texas, where two men opened fire and were killed by police. Donald Trump, who had not yet surrounded himself with anti-Islam advisers, tweeted, The U.S. has enough problems without publicity seekers going out and openly mocking religion in order to provoke attacks and death. BE SMART. In an interview with Inside Edition he said, I have absolutely no respect for her. Shes putting people at great danger.

Gaffneys views on Islam are so extreme that CPACs board voted to ban him from the event after he accused its leaders of being secret agents for radical Islam and suggested that one CPAC leader was part of an influence operation that is contributing materially to the defeat of our country, supporting a stealthy effort to bring Shariah here.

Two years later, the world view pushed by Geller and Gaffney would become central to Trumps campaign for the Presidency. (Sebastian Gorka, a self-styled expert on Islam and terrorism who now works at the White House, was a regular guest on Gaffneys radio show.)

As for Schweizer, he remains the president of the Government Accountability Institute, a nonprofit that he co-founded with Bannon, in 2012. The institute incubated Clinton Cash, the book by Schweizer that perhaps did more than anything else during the 2016 campaignto frame the Clintons as corrupt tools of an international donor class.

So what was Priebus, who was then the chairman of the Republican National Committee, doing in 2013 while Bannon was promoting these views at CPAC? On the Monday after the conference, Priebus released a now infamous report about how Republicans could take back the White House. The key insight was that Republicans needed to reach out to nonwhite groups, use more tolerant language, and embrace and champion comprehensive immigration reform. Priebus wanted the report to serve as a road map for the Partys 2016 Presidential candidate. Trump, of course, ignored it and turned Hispanics and Muslims into the bogeymen of his campaign. He heeded the direction of Bannon, who argued that increasing the G.O.P.s share of the white vote was a surer path to victory.

It was no wonder, then, that Bannon looked so confident onstage on Thursday, while Priebus seemed fidgety and nervous. Acknowledging that his views have taken over the movement, Bannon at one point turned to Matt Schlapp, the president of the American Conservative Union, which hosts the event, and said, I want to thank you for finally inviting me to CPAC.

See the rest here:
How Steve Bannon Conquered CPACand the Republican Party - The New Yorker

To the editor: Please add Rep. Steve Knight (R-Palmdale) to your list of GOP legislators who are ducking their constituents during the current home district work week. (Congress shouldn't duck the public, Feb. 22)

Staff in his Santa Clarita and Simi Valley offices have not picked up the phone when I have called, nor have they responded to messages. I have tried repeatedly for days to get through.

When I spoke to a staffer in his Washington office, she provided a town hall meeting date of March 4 not this week during the break and couldnt tell us if the meeting is in person or a phone-in session. If its the latter, we know from experience that he will screen callers and allow questions from supporters only.

This is not democracy. It is not representative government. It is cowardice.

Marcy Rothenberg, Porter Ranch

Follow the Opinion section on Twitter @latimesopinion and Facebook

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Another L.A.-area Republican ducking his constituents - LA Times - Los Angeles Times

Jim Brulte hopesto keep a jobfew would envy: As chairman of the California Republican Party, hes tasked with trying to steer his party out of the wilderness in one of the bluest states in the nation.

As the party looks ahead to a high-stakes governors race and midterm elections in 2018, it faces a grim reality: A Republican hasnt been elected to statewide office here in more than a decade, and the Democrats hold a powerful supermajority in the state Legislature. The GOPsshare of registered voters in California is just 27.3%, its lowest since 1980, and it has yet to field a prominent candidate in the2018 governors race.

Brultevows that the partysfortunes will improve in the 2018 election, including one or two top-shelf candidates runningfor governor. Hell make hiscase in Sacramento this weekend atthe California Republican Partysthree-day convention,whereGOP delegatesbanking on Brulte to deliverare expected to vote Sundayin favor of extending hisreign as chairman fora third term.

Donald Trumps election providesanopening,Brulte said. Californias Democratic leadership is so focused on battling the new Trump administration that they are ignoring growing concerns at home, he said. The states roads, bridges and dams have fallen into disrepair, poverty is on the rise, middle-class families struggle to afford a decent home and massivepension liabilities still loomall problems that havefestered under the watch of Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown and the Democratic-controlled state Legislature, Brulte and other state Republican leaderssaid.

We are looking for opportunities where Democrats are out of step with the districts they represent because they are bowing down to a liberal Washington Democrat establishment that is fundamentally out of touch with where the country is, and where California is, Brulte said in a recent interview.

The difficulty will be convincing Californians that Republicans have the answers, especially asGOPleaders in Washington dismantle the Affordable Care Act, crack down on immigrants in the country illegally and strip away environmental protections moves that arepopular with aconservative base, but dont play well out west.

The first step is honestly acknowledging that the Republican brand is fractured, said Stanislaus County Supervisor Kristin Olsen, vicechairwoman of the state party. Then its taking clear steps to improve that brand, to tell people that we as California Republicans care about their daily struggles with healthcare, immigration policies, schools and economic opportunities.

GOP leaders have seenthe 2018 election as a potentialRepublican spring, a time when years of hard work helping Republicans win seats on city councils, county commissions and local school boards would begin to bear fruit in bigger races.

Despite their low numbers in Sacramento and Californias congressional delegation, Republicans have done well in local government races.As of earlier this year,Republicans accounted for 42% of elected city officeholders in California and Democrats accounted for 46%, according to data compiled by politicalconsulting firm GrassrootsLab. In the California Legislature, Republicans account for 32% of lawmakers and Democrats account for 68%.

Posts on city councils and county boards are nonpartisan. Candidates running for the Legislature, Congress and statewide office have their political party listed on the ballot, and that canbe a major obstacle in a deep-blue state.

Republican political consultant Matt Rexroad, who is a Yolo County supervisor and represents a Democratic-leaning district, said local governmentelections favor candidates with deep roots in their communities. Voters tend to back people they know.

Theyre largely student body president contests,Rexroad said of local elections. People are far more likely to trust the PTA president than somebody running on a pure policy agenda.

Former Rancho Cucamonga City Councilman Marc Steinorth parlayed his local political success into a seat in the California Assembly, an example of the bottom-up political strategy championedby Brulte.Steinorth, who owned an advertising firm and a string of pizza parlors in his community, campaigned door-to-door on issues such asjob creation, affordable housing and cutting through governmentbureaucracy.Hes won two straight Assembly elections in a district that includes San Bernardino and Redlands and where Democrats had a 7-percentage-pointedge in voter registration as of November.

I think that its easy for us to define everything based on party lines when were talking about the national level. But when were dealing with issues on a very local level, it really comes down to where are you on the policies, Steinorth said.Where are you on the issues, and are you caring about your community.

Despite Steinorths success, making the leap from city council to the Legislature or Congress hasproven to bedifficult for Republicansin all but the most deep-red parts of the state.

Brulte admits it could take time for the partyslocal strategy to pay off.

The Republican Party in California did not get in trouble in one election, Brulte said. It has been a multi-decade decline, and its going to take more than one or two elections for us to climb back.

It will be a steep climb if they do.For the first time in 2014, more voters in California were registered as nonpartisans or with third parties than as Republicans.

Republican political consultant Steve Schmidt said the GOPs declining voter registration numbers in California spell doom for the partys future prospects in the state.

Institutionally, its a third-party entity, said Schmidt, who worked for President George W. Bushs 2004 reelection campaign and helped run the 2008 presidential campaign of Republican Sen. John McCain. Youll see an independent candidate elected [governor] before you see a Republican elected again.

If that happens, it wont be for Republicans lack of trying, Brulte said.The partys No. 1 priority in 2018 is to elect a Republican governor, he said.

We believe there will be one or two very strong candidates on our side, Brulte added, but he declined to say whom they might be. Weve spent a significant amount of money seeing if there is a path for a Republican to win statewide, and we believe there is.

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The path to victory could depend on finding aRepublican candidate who cancoalesce GOP supportand appeal to independents and moderates. That person must also survivea primary election battle againstthe Democratic heavyweights already in the race, including Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and state Treasurer John Chiang.

So far no well-knownRepublicans havestepped forward to run for Californias top post. San Diego Mayor Kevin Faulconer, thought by many to be the GOPs best shot at the office, has said repeatedly that he wont run. Ashley Swearengin, the former Fresno mayor who lost her bid for state controller in 2014, has also said shes not interested.

If you dont field credible and competitive statewide candidates, for some of the offices at least, I think the voters start to take that as a concession. And thats a dangerous place to be in the minds of the electorate, said Rob Stutzman, a Republican strategist and former spokesman for Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.

Theres also aseries of potential obstacles for Republicans that hassprung out of Trumps victory. Experts say the Trump White Housecould distract California Democrats from pressing battles back home, but it could alsoenergize the progressive resistance enough to deterRepublican candidates and donors.

And with Trump now the leader of the national party, it could be more difficult for GOP members of Congress to distance themselves from the president, as many California Republicansdid in the November election.

Progressive activists haveshowed up at thedistrict offices of Republican members of Congressto protest votes on Trumps cabinet appointments and plans to repeal the Affordable Care Act. If the liberal uprising lasts,it could knock Republicans off kilter.

Whatever Trumps impact on California Republicans, its unlikely to be direct, saidTammy Frisby, a research fellow at Stanford UniversitysHoover Institution. Republicans running for statewide and legislative offices should have no problem distancing themselves from the president, Frisby adds, but having Trump in the White House could be dangerous for them if either side feels that the presidents policies could leave California Republicans vulnerable in 2018.

Whether a Trump problem for California Republicans is real or not, it could be a self-fulfilling prophecy if good candidates dont run and big donors dont give, she said.

Mike Osborn, chairman of the Ventura County Republican Party, believes that Trumps election may actually work to the advantage of California Republicans. With the Democratic Party so focused on the Trump administration, and the need to protect Democratic U.S. senators up for reelection in 2018,the GOP could land some significant victories, he said.

I think its going to be pulling a lot of big [Democratic] money out of California, Osborn said.

In the early days of Trumps presidency, as Democratic leaders across the statefocused on the White House, top Republicans have done anything but. Last week, it appeared, the Democrats began to take notice.

Im tired of talking about Donald Trump, Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon(D-Paramount) told a gathering of California newspaper publishers. If Hillary Clinton had gotten elected president of the United States, we would have started the year with 2.5 million children in California living in poverty. If Hillary Clinton had been elected president of the United States, we would have started the year with crumbling roads.

Mike Madrid, a Sacramento Republican consultant, quickly seized on Rendons comments, congratulating Assembly GOP Leader Chad Mayes for forcing Democrats to finally address poverty in California.

Mayes response was onethat state Republicans are likely to keep in their back pocket as they attempt to win back their stature in the Golden State:Im thankful were going to focus on the problems right here in [California].

phil.willon@latimes.com

christine.maiduc@latimes.com

For more on California politics, follow @philwillon and@cmaiduc.

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Can the California Republican Party bounce back in 2018? Here's the chairman's game plan - Los Angeles Times