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September 30, 2022

National Journal reports [i]n 2020, Republicans depended on candidates of color, women, and veterans to claw back House seats. The party is looking to them to deliver again this cycle.

NJ: In fact, candidates and operatives credit the shift towards diversity largely to two white men: McCarthy and NRCC Chair Tom Emmer. McCarthy and Emmer have made it a priority to recruit candidates that look like their districts. Theyve relied on House members to help them figure out who would be a good fit..

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Republicans count on candidates of color to expand the House map

National Journal

By Mini Racker

September 30, 2022

https://www.nationaljournal.com/s/718981/republicans-count-on-candidates-of-color-to-expand-the-house-map/?unlock=T3JRIAC8ANTTLO6K

On Wednesday, as Hurricane Ian bore down on the Florida district Anna Paulina Luna is likely to represent next year, she remained down the street from one of the last few open gas stations in the county.

A lot of my constituents could not leave, she said. And so I stayed.

Luna sees herself as a normal person trying to represent other normal people in Congress. Part of that has to do with her identity as a mixed-race Hispanic American. Growing up, she didnt consider it unusual that her dad spoke Spanish or that the elote man sold street corn alongside the local ice cream man.

But running for office, she began to realize how unique her perspective was. She was raised by a single mother. As a child, she had firsthand experience with the crime that disproportionately affects low-income minority communities; she recalled once seeing a man slumped over his steering wheel at an intersection and later overhearing her dad saying the man had been shot.

[My Hispanic identity] makes me a lot more passionate in regards to fighting to really correct this stereotype thats been put on to Hispanicsthat all Hispanics are quote-unquote illegal, she said. I actually get ticked off when I see that, because its not true. But then I also feel that immigrants are being used. If youre gonna come here, come here the correct way, cause youre gonna get hurt in the process.

In 2020, Republicans depended on candidates of color, women, and veterans to claw back House seats. The party is looking to them to deliver again this cycle.

Republicans doubling down on recruiting diverse, unique, interesting candidates was the biggest single game-changer in 2020, said Targeted Victory Vice President Sam Oh, who works with several nonwhite members of Congress. It shows candidates matter and every seat can be up for grabs. Their ability to raise money compared to what you would think is the kind of more prototypical or classic, traditional Republican candidate is a game-changer.

Now, the list of GOP congressional nominees of color is even longer. It includes at least 32 Latinos, 23 Black Americans, 12 Asian Americans, and three Native Americans.

Nineteen of them are running in districts The Cook Political Report deems competitive. Half a dozen of those are freshmen seeking reelection. One newcomer, John Gibbs, ousted a more moderate Republican in Michigans 3rd District. The other dozen represent GOP pick-up opportunities, positioning House Republicans to increase diversity in their ranks.

If you look at Juan Ciscomani in Arizona, Allan Fung in Rhode Island, George Logan in ConnecticutI mean, those candidates are putting those seats on the map for Republicans, Oh said. If you called me about Rhode Island or Connecticut five months ago, I wouldnt have thought those were serious deals. But were spending money there. That just shows the field is pretty expansive.

Party leaders are pouring some of the biggest sums into districts where people of color have become the partys nominees. A recent tally found that the Kevin McCarthy-aligned Congressional Leadership Fund has spent the most in general-election independent expenditures in Indianas 1st District, where Republicans see promise in Air Force veteran Jennifer-Ruth Green. Green, like other nonwhite Republicans, wants to be judged by her accomplishments rather than the color of her skin. But when it comes to deflecting Democratic attacks, her identity as an African American and Asian American woman doesnt hurt.

Part of this is [that] its not about what people campaign on, its what the voters perceive, said Greens general consultant, Tim Edson. Theres a lot of voters used to only white men running for office. And [Green] has a white man running against her in a very diverse district. Theres something to be said when voters look around and see hes trying to attack her as against this group or against that group. Shes a very accomplished minority woman.

I just think it makes it a little harder for people like [her Democratic opponent] Frank Mrvan to run that playbook, Edson continued. People are like, No, this is actually somebody that I can vote for and its a vote I can feel good about.

Democrats have encountered minefields when theyve tried to paint other Republicans of color negatively. In the competitive race in Californias 45th District, Democrat Jay Chen was forced on defense after he suggested Rep. Michelle Steel needs an interpreter. Despite the fact that Chen, like Steel, is Asian American, he received heavy criticism after her campaign labeled the comment as racist.

Luna said that she has faced ignorant comments on the campaign trail, with one journalist suggesting she looked too white to be Hispanic.

Theres certain things that we understand culturally, but Im not going to go around with a sombrero on my head and say Arriba! she said, noting that many Americans still have a lot to learn when it comes to talking about mixed-race candidates.

She also mentioned how, on the night of the Republican primary, her Democratic opponent said Luna wants to support supreme extreme ideas.

I thought about that, and was like, This is kind of interesting branding that theyre using, because when youre talking about fast food, its kind of a joke. You have the extreme chipotle taco at Taco Bell and all that, she said. And then I looked it up, and [Extreme Supreme] was actually a brand of guacamole. And this came shortly after Jill Biden made the comment about Hispanics being unique as breakfast tacos.

In addition to their ability to defang criticisms from Democrats and the media, Republicans of color can reach voters that other Republicans cant.

[Green has] been working hard at that outreach, whether its visiting small businesses, going to churches, just going out to community events where often you might not have Republicans, Edson said. Where they feel out of place and dont think they can go in and be effective advocates for themselves, shes at ease. This is her community and its a place where shes comfortable campaigning.

Other Black Republicans also suggested that they can help stretch the partys tent.

My journey in the political realm is an example of what our country offers, said Gibbs, echoing the American-Dream messaging diverse new members rode to Congress in 2020. My grandparents were sharecroppers in the South, and my parents didnt go to college. But both my sisters and myself all have masters degrees.

Voters will come up and ask me, How do we get more Black folks in the Republican Party? he added.

What I can add to our party is basically the eyes of a Black Republican, said Army veteran Wesley Hunt. Because thats just inherently different from a white persons perspective; it just is.

Unlike Green and Gibbs, Hunt doesnt face a competitive race in November. Instead, he faced most of the competition in a crowded GOP primary in Texass 38th, a deep-red majority-white district near Houston.

Nine white guys and me running in our Republican primary, he said.

At one campaign event, a young man approached Hunt and asked if hed speak to his grandfather on the phone. When Hunt agreed, the older man sounded teary.

Wesley, Im 82 years old, Hunt recalled him saying. I used to be a very racist person and bigoted person against Black people. And youre the first Black person Ive ever voted for, because you share my same values. And Im sorry, about maybe the way Ive treated Black people in the past, but not only have you given the world hope, you have given me hope in myself that I can overcome my racism.

That kind of story is what I hear more often than not, Hunt added.

Hunt won his 10-way primary with 55 percent of the vote. If all goes as expected, hell head to Congress next year. He said he does not plan to try to join the Congressional Black Caucus due to the expectation that he would back certain legislation.

Given where the Democrats are right now, I just dont see that as a possibility, he said.

Congressional Republicans, on the other hand, have welcomed him.

When Im on the Hill, I hear every single time, Im really glad youre running. We absolutely need more people of color in our partywe both need it and we want it, because we want to look like America.

Who tells him that?

White men, Hunt said. I dont want to say any names because I dont want to make them feel uncomfortable. But Im glad that they felt comfortable with telling me that. Thats a good thing.

In fact, candidates and operatives credit the shift towards diversity largely to two white men: McCarthy and NRCC Chair Tom Emmer. McCarthy and Emmer have made it a priority to recruit candidates that look like their districts. Theyve relied on House members to help them figure out who would be a good fit, instead of just depending on consultants as some Republicans did in the past.

They do a good job, Gibbs said. Theyre starting with a small pool, so its a little bit tricky. Theres not a whole lot of Black Republicans out there to begin with.

Originally posted here:
National Journal: Republicans count on candidates of color to expand the House map - National Republican Congressional Committee

The midterms are only six weeks away, and Republicans keep trying to find a midterm issue to run on. Since the fall of Roe v. Wade in June, anti-abortion messaging has become an election liability; South Carolinas Republican senator, Lindsey Graham, tried to regain control of the narrative by introducing a 15-week abortion ban, but few of his Republican colleagues would (or could) get on board. Same-sex marriage, which recently hit a new approval rating of 71 percent, is another culture-war talking point off the table. And then theres the absolute third rail that Republican Senate candidates like (most recently) Blake Masters and Don Bolduc cant stop talking aboutprivatizing Social Security and Medicareeven though that, too, is wildly unpopular. Republicans seem to be in disarray.

The platforms of this Republican Party arent just unpopularoften, they seem nonexistent. This shouldnt come as a surprise. Policy wasnt a focus of Donald Trumps presidency; tweeting was. In 2020, Republicans didnt write a new policy platform at all. But now, two policy-less years later, Republicans find themselves in an unenviable position: They need to figure out how to win a midterm with little in the way of an agenda, and not much Trump. Can the party of Trump win without Trump?

What does the GOP stand for? Even Tucker Carlson cant answer that. In a segment praising the newly elected, far-right Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni (or Girlbossolini), the Fox News juggernaut told his viewers on Monday, House Republicans just spelled out what theyre running onits a document called the Commitment to America Have you heard of it? No, you probably havent. You probably havent read it. Nobody really cares. Why? Because there is nothing real in it. Congratulations House Republicans: Youve lost Tucker Carlson.

To read the rest, subscribe to The Atlantic.

Read the rest here:
Republicans Keep Trying to Change the Subject - The Atlantic

PHOTO ILLUSTRATION BY FIVETHIRTYEIGHT / GETTY IMAGES

The last few weeks have been tumultuous for the issues of climate change and immigration. Record-setting summer temperatures, historic floods and devastating hurricanes have raised the stakes for the climate-change provisions contained within the Inflation Reduction Act. Meanwhile, Republican governors in Florida and Texas have attracted media attention for paying to transport migrants and asylum seekers to liberal areas of the country.

These two issues arent obviously linked, but they have one major commonality: They rank among the most partisan in the United States. Those on the left care a great deal about climate change, while those on the right are more likely to identify immigration and border security as an important issue.

In light of recent developments in both these areas, we decided to focus the fifth wave of our FiveThirtyEight/Ipsos poll on climate change and immigration. Using Ipsoss KnowledgePanel, weve been asking the same group of about 2,000 Americans what they feel are the countrys most important issues. In our latest poll, inflation or increasing costs, crime or gun violence and political extremism or polarization continued to appear on Americans list of most important issues, as theyve ranked among the top three in each wave of our survey since we began polling in late April. But climate change (20 percent) and immigration (19 percent) were next in our most recent wave, as the chart below shows.

Few issues had a wider partisan split than climate change or immigration. Overall, 36 percent of Democrats and just 5 percent of Republicans ranked climate change as a top issue facing the country. Conversely, 38 percent of Republicans and 6 percent of Democrats cited immigration as a top concern. This split has appeared consistently across all five waves: In each, 21 percent to 36 percent of Democrats have named climate change as a top issue, and 32 percent to 38 percent of Republicans have said the same of immigration.

When it comes to climate change, Americans are divided by party on more than simply its importance. When asked how much of climate change is caused by humans, 88 percent of Democrats and just 35 percent of Republicans said that it was entirely or mostly caused by humans, with independents between the two at 65 percent. When asked whether the U.S. should pass regulations related to climate change that were more strict, less strict or about as strict as they are today, 76 percent of Democrats, 43 percent of independents and only 17 percent of Republicans wanted stricter regulations.

And when asked to choose between two approaches to dealing with climate change, 89 percent of Democrats and 68 percent of independents supported prioritizing changes today that would reduce the effects of climate change before they happen, while 57 percent of Republicans preferred adjusting to climate change as its happening to minimize disruptions to daily life. Willie Yelverton, a 50-year-old Black man from Pennsylvania who identified as a Democrat, told us that even seemingly mundane changes would be important to reducing the impact of climate change. [The government will] need to institute standard issue tax breaks for reusable materials, he said. Therell have to be bans on goods that dont have a path to be recycled and or reused going forward. Those are small line items, but its a very tough pill to swallow.

However, we did find more agreement across party lines when it came to legislative action to address climate change. We asked Americans whether they supported three climate-change measures included in the Inflation Reduction Act, which became law last month (we asked this without referring to the Inflation Reduction Act by name). As the chart below indicates, Americans across the political spectrum were at least somewhat receptive to them.

Overall, more than 60 percent backed each of the three proposals, which included an increased emphasis on developing and using alternative energy sources, increased government regulation on corporations carbon emissions and giving tax credits to corporations that reduce carbon emissions. This included a majority of Democrats, Republicans and independents, too, save for increasing government regulation of business carbon emissions although a plurality of Republicans still backed this idea (47 percent). Despite decently strong support for these proposals, Americans were largely unfamiliar with the Inflation Reduction Act, with only 38 percent stating that they were very or somewhat familiar with it.

We also found that, regardless of party, a respondents concern about climate change related to whether he or she had experienced unusual climate events. Republicans displayed a striking worry gap based on experience: Forty-six percent of those who had encountered extreme weather in the past five years said they were worried about climate change, compared with just 17 percent who hadnt (a gap 8 percentage points larger than the one seen among Democrats, who already had a majority of respondents express worry about climate change independent of their experiences). A 61-year-old man from Florida who identified as a person of color and a Republican said he had recently experienced an extreme weather event, noting particular concern over the obvious destruction of natural resources due to excessive heat, diminished water reserves and unusual number of heat domes impacting climate across multiple continents.

With the media spotlight hovering over immigration, partisan divides toward immigration should also come as little surprise. When we asked if rules surrounding legal immigration should become more strict, less strict or remain about the same, a plurality of Republicans (43 percent) preferred stricter rules, while 36 percent preferred the status quo, and 12 percent backed looser regulations (the remainder didnt know or skipped the question). By comparison, only 11 percent of Democrats favored more restrictive rules, with 73 percent split evenly between wanting things to remain about the same or become less strict.

Meanwhile, Republicans were more unified on the issue of illegal immigration, as 78 percent said they wanted stricter rules toward those entering the country without proper authorization, compared to just 24 percent of Democrats who said the same. Michael Ritchie, a 27-year-old white man from Texas who identified as a conservative-libertarian independent, told us he wanted the government to incentivize legal immigration and disincentivize immigrants entering the country without legal permission. I don't think there can ever be enough boots on the ground, per se, to completely secure the border, he said. But creating new policies or revamping immigration policies that would keep people from coming here simply for free rides or anything like that, but also make it easier for people to come here legally.

That aligns with another finding in our poll: Among the 1 in 5 respondents who named immigration as a top issue facing the country, 95 percent said undocumented immigration was a bigger issue for the country, compared with just 1 percent who said legal immigration. The federal government abandoned its duty to protect our borders. The flow of immigration outside the proper process is a symptom that anything can cross it without control, said a 41-year-old Hispanic man from New York who identified as Republican.

And unlike the policy ideas to tackle climate change, Americans were more split on the best ways to address immigration concerns. When we asked whether respondents supported or opposed five immigration-related proposals, the only one that received majority support was the U.S. accepting more refugees from Ukraine.

But as weve seen in other polls, Americans view refugees differently based on where theyre from, as only 45 percent overall wanted to accept more refugees from Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Republicans were far and away most supportive of expanding the border wall between the U.S. and Mexico (80 percent) and further restricting the number of visas given out (62 percent), while solid majorities of Democrats opposed these ideas (75 percent and 60 percent, respectively). Outside of supporting an increase in Ukrainian refugees and opposing the building of a border wall between the U.S. and Canada, independents were split pretty evenly on these proposals.

Of course, its not as if these issues stand apart from each other. A 24-year-old multiracial woman from California who identified as a Democrat said, [Climate change] will have such a large impact on Americas future, yet its turned into a political issue with so much disinformation being spread. People are refusing to make the changes necessary to reverse climate change because of politicians who tell them lies. Others tied immigration to issues such as health care. Illegal immigration is a burden on the health care, judicial, education, etc. systems in the U.S. Even legal immigration hurts the U.S. with overpopulation, said a 63-year-old white man from New York who identified as a Republican.

And how these issues motivate or persuade voters to back one party or the other will be of vital importance when voters go to the polls in November. With fewer than six weeks until the midterms, 46 percent of respondents told us they were certain or almost certain to vote, up from 42 percent back in the first wave in the spring. And among those likely voters, Democrats and Republicans are about evenly split on the generic ballot, with 41 percent saying that they plan to vote for a Democrat and 40 percent planning to vote for a Republican (which is within the margin of error). Still, 17 percent of likely voters told us they intended to vote for a third-party option or didn't know how they planned to vote.

Based on their highly partisan nature in todays political environment, climate change and immigration may not immediately jump out as issues that help undecided voters make up their minds. But well get a firmer answer to this question next month, when we take a closer look at which issues voters are thinking about the most when they cast their ballots.

Art direction by Dan Dao. Copy editing by Maya Sweedler. Story editing by Santul Nerkar.

Original post:
Do Democrats And Republicans Agree On Anything About Climate Change And Immigration? - FiveThirtyEight

WAMPSVILLE, N.Y. (WSYR-TV) They dont agree on much, but Democrats agree with Republicans and Conservatives in Madison County about stopping a former prosecutor charged with a drug overdose from being elected to a judge position.

The Democratic Committee of Madison County made what it calls a highly unusual move in endorsing the same candidate endorsed by the Republican and Conservative committees: Rhonda Youngs.

Youngs is being promoted as a write-in candidate against Bradley Moses, whose name will appear on the ballot.

Moses lost his job as an assistant district attorney in Madison County as a result of the alleged drug overdose in August.

The Madison County Sheriffs Office released toxicology reports that show Moses has fentanyl in his system, after claiming he thought he was doing cocaine.

Moses is still an active candidate, the only name listed on the ballot, for Madison County Court Judge.

Some things are more important than party affiliation, and the ethics and integrity of our court system is one of them, said Madison County Democratic Chair Liz Moran in a statement. The Madison County Democrats are breaking from tradition to support Rhonda Youngs for County Judge because it is the right thing to do. Brad Moses is clearly unfit to serve, and we will work hard to turn out Democrats and voters from every other party to write in Rhonda Youngs name on their ballots and elect the first female County Judge in Madison County history.

Political insiders worry voters wont be aware theyll have to write in Youngs name.

After posting a statement denying using illegal drugs, Moses has since re-activated his campaign website.

In a letter to the Madison County District Attorney, Moses defense attorney calls him an active candidate.

The attorney requested the DA to investigate the Madison County Sheriffs Office and accuses the sheriff of releasing information about the case for political reasons. The DA tells NewsChannel 9 the allegations appear meritless, but the information will be relayed to the judge who will assign a special prosecutor to the Moses case.

See the article here:
Democrats helping Republicans to stop judge candidate accused of overdose - WSYR

Big money maker.

The words of a Vanderbilt University Medical Center doctor in regards to the transgender surgeries the hospital performs on minors were shocking in their honesty. The only thing more horrifying than child mutilation in service to ideology is child mutilation in service to mammon. Hearing it admitted from the podium in a public lecture only made it worse. Forget making prostitution legal; the sale of human flesh is more profitable this way.

Matt Walshs recent report on the pediatric transgender clinic at the medical facilities associated with the prestigious Middle Tennessee school has already made waves in the state and across the country, as it should. Republican Governor Bill Lee has called for an investigation of VUMC, and the states House Republican Caucus chairman and majority leader have also promised to ban gender-affirming treatment for minors. But the Tennessee General Assembly wont be back in session until January, more than three months from now. In the meantime, some have already wondered if a condemnation of gender-affirming treatment for minors would be tacit approval of gender-approving treatment for adults. At any rate, its hard not to wonder if, like so many other scandals, this will blow over before the root of the problem is addressed.

Vanderbilt is not Tennessees only problem school. As one of the more liberal institutions in the state, in part thanks to its proximity to Nashville, it has always been at odds with broader Tennessees conservative tendencies. But out in the east, on the public dollar, similar tensions are brewing.

The University of Tennessee has several campuses across the state. While perhaps less prestigious than Vanderbilt, to a native Tennessean it is often the top choice of college, in part due to the appeal of its legendary football program and the license to trash talk Alabama and Florida. In the laundry list of radicalized universities, it is not near the top. Schools in a Southern, deeply red state just dont spring to mind when we envision diversity, equity, and inclusion boards. But, like so many other institutions, UT has become a breeding ground for activism in recent years, and perhaps more fervently so because of its location.

Shortly after the death of George Floyd in 2020, UT required every school and administrative unit to produce its own Diversity Action Plan. The effect of these plans, reported by journalist John Sailer, was overhauled curricula across the universitynot just once, but periodically, to reflect adherence to changing mores. The Haslam School of Business, named for the former Republican governor, promised to reassess its curriculum for issues related to social justice, equity, and the elimination of bias. The college of education, health, and human sciences required at least 75 percent of its instructors to revise their syllabi annually to reflect increased self-knowledge of these progressive issues. The school of social work introduced a new minor, Social Justice, and promised to adopt critical race theory as a framework.

Unlike Vanderbilt, however, the University of Tennessee is not presided over by the creator of the Diversity and Inclusion Advisory Board at the University of Chicagos school of public policy. UTs president is a man named Randy Boyd, a native of Knoxville and an alumnus of the school he now directs. A professed conservative, Boyd ran in the Republican primary for governor of Tennessee in 2018. He was endorsed by the former governor, Bill Haslam, and countless party members, andthough he ultimately took second place to Leewas regarded as the establishment protege.

The university is going leftward under Boyds leadership, and perhaps it is only for lack of attention. Still, last October had to have raised some eyebrows. After fundraising for a state senator who had proposed a ban on gay marriage, Boyd, it seemed, could not take the heat. Boyd pulled his support for the candidate, apologized, and (since that is never enough) committed the states university to the cause to cover his own backside. Boyd vowed UT would raise its campus pride index score and promised to advocate for LGBTQ-friendly policies on the legislative level.

Boyd also stood by silently as the university hurriedly rescinded admission to a varsity cheer captain within days after a video surfaced of her using a racial slur in high school, several years prior.

The university takes seriously our commitment to fostering a Volunteer community that values equity, inclusion, and that promotes respect for all people, the official account tweeted after the incident.

Of course, like every other state school, the University of Tennessee is also beholden to those who hold its purse stringsin this case, a litany of Republicans in the Tennessee General Assembly and Republican governor Bill Lee. Of the 99 members in the state House, 72 were Republicans in the last session; of the 33 state Senate seats, 27 were Republicans. While most seats are up for reelection in November, if history holds true, the Republican supermajority will remain.

So why is this happening in such a red state? Its a question not enough of us are asking. It is the rights perennial problem that it assumes leftward movement is irreversible; that, as the name suggests, progressivism must only progress. But the traditional wing of Tennessee has poweror rather, unbelievable access to it, if it didnt lack the political will to use it. For all the talk about the culture war on the right, it seems the politicians are only willing to take action when it doesnt ruffle feathers. Perhaps, too, the prestige of the university still subdues otherwise bold minds. But it should not, not today.

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For Governor Lees part, he has made improving education a top issue for his governorship, and has increased the states education budget significantly since he was elected in 2018. Lee has also introduced a new program at the University of Tennessee, under Boyds leadership, to promote American civic education and, if the marketing is true, to combat anti-Americanism. Boyd, accordingly, assembled a bipartisan board which includes Phil Bredesen, the former Democratic governor of Tennessee, and the leftist historian Jon Meacham.

As a research university with a wide-reaching hospital system in Middle Tennessee, Vanderbilts impact, though smaller than that of UT, is much more lasting, as Walshs reporting details. Though private, the university still receives a good deal of state dollars through research grants. They are also eligible for a share of more than $463 million the state has budgeted for student scholarships in 2022-23. To make those resources contingent on a certain kind of behavior is well within the job description of a state legislature.

A leftward shift may be endemic at American universities today, but not because Tennessee, and similar red states, have lacked power to curb it.

Read more from the original source:
Tennessee Republicans Can Stop the Insanity - The American Conservative