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House Republicans are pressing the National Institutes of Health (NIH) for answers after the agency funded research experiments they say could result in a "supercharged" monkeypox virus.

In a letter to acting NIH Director Lawrence Tabak, House Energy and Commerce Committee Chair Cathy McMorris Rodgers, R-Wash., and two subcommittee chairmen are demanding that the agency turn over documents and information regarding a government-funded experiment that reportedly involves swapping monkepox genes with a deadlier version of the virus. The lawmakers want to know whether this project was approved by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) review board tasked with oversight of research involving enhanced pathogens that could potentially cause a pandemic.

This letter is a follow-up to an October 31, 2022, letter to which Republicans say the NIH never responded. GOP lawmakers accused NIH of "stonewalling" in a press release.

"Based on the available information, it appears the project is reasonably anticipated to yield a lab-generated monkeypox virus that is 1,000 times more lethal in mice than the monkeypox virus currently circulating in humans and that transmits as efficiently as the monkeypox virus currently circulating in humans. The risk-benefit ratio indicates potentially serious risks without clear civilian practical applications," the Republicans wrote.

FORMER CDC DIRECTOR SLAMS GAIN-OF-FUNCTION RESEARCH: PROBABLY CAUSED THE GREATEST PANDEMIC IN HISTORY

This image provided by the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) shows a colorized transmission electron micrograph of monkeypox particles (red) found within an infected cell (blue), cultured in the laboratory that was captured and color-enhanced at the NIAID Integrated Research Facility (IRF) in Fort Detrick, Maryland. (NIAID via AP, File)

"Accordingly, this experiment would seem to involve risks reasonably anticipated to create, transfer, or use [potential pandemic pathogens] resulting from the enhancement of a pathogens transmissibility or virulence in humans. Thus, under the circumstances, we are interested in learning whether this experiment was reviewed under the HHS P3CO framework used to review research proposals posing significant biosafety or biosecurity risks."

The project leader is Dr. Bernard Moss, a veteran poxvirus researcher at the U.S. National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases. An article in Science magazine described his efforts to learn the differences between two variants of monkeypox virus: clade 2, the West African variant that caused a global outbreak last year, and clade 1, which is believed to be deadlier and has caused outbreaks in the Democratic Republic of Congo for decades.

Moss' research involves swapping the genes of the two variants, one at a time, to discover whether a specific gene in the clade 1 virus makes it deadlier. The Republicans want to know whether these lab experiments could artificially enhance the clade 2 variant.

AFRICA'S CDC HOPES MPOX VACCINES WILL ARRIVE IN ANOTHER TWO WEEKS, AFTER MONTHS OF SEEKING DOSES

This 1997 image provided by the CDC during an investigation into an outbreak of monkeypox, which took place in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), formerly Zaire, depicts the dorsal surfaces of the hands of a monkeypox case patient, who was displaying the appearance of the characteristic rash during its recuperative stage. (CDC via AP, File)

Such research, known as "gain-of-function," is highly controversial, because it involves extracting viruses from animals to artificially engineer in a laboratory to make them more transmissible and deadly to humans. Proponents say these experiments can help scientists understand the nature of viruses and develop new treatments and vaccines. Skeptics warn that gain-of-function experiments are one lab accident away from causing another global pandemic.

Moss did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

FOX NEWS POLL: MAJORITY SAYS BIDEN TRYING TO COVER UP ORIGINS OF COVID-19

Representative Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R-WA), chair of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, led a letter to acting NIH Director Lawrence Tabak demanding answers on a government-funded project involving a manipulated monkeypox virus. (Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

"Human disease associated with clade 2 or West African monkeypox virus infection is less severe and is associated with less than one percent mortality, whereas clade 1 or Congo Basin monkeypox infection has a 10 percent case fatality rate in unvaccinated persons," the Republicans wrote. "Because of its significantly greater lethality, clade 1 or Congo Basin clade monkeypox viruses are regulated as select agents by the Federal Select Agents Program. Entities that possess, use, or transfer this agent must comply with the HHS Select Agent and Toxin Regulations unless there is an applicable exemption or exclusion.

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"Thus," the letter continues, "under these regulations, it would appear the clade 1 monkeypox virus experiment is a restricted experiment that must be reviewed by the Federal Select Agent Program, and may be further reviewed by the Centers for Disease Control and Preventions (CDCs) Intragovernmental Select Agents and Toxins Technical Advisory Committee (ISATTAC)."

The Republicans want NIH officials and employees to testify about Moss' project and other related matters. They gave NIH an April 13, 2023, deadline to respond to their inquiry.

Link:
House Republicans accuse NIH of 'stonewalling' on 'supercharged monkeypox experiment' - Fox News

Lisa Desjardins: I want to tell our viewers, too, Trump's indictment is not the only heated topic, as we well know Washington. Debate over the role of guns in America is again rising after another deadly elementary school shooting, this time in Nashville, where a 28-year-old former student armed with an AR-15 military style rifle killed six people, three of them nine-year-old children.

Republicans in Washington responded to the tragedy by saying it is too soon to judge. President Biden admitted he believes he has exhausted all of his executive authority to act on gun violence.

But Wednesday evening, in a remarkable moment, the growing tension between the two parties boiled over into the hallways of Congress.

Jamaal Bowman: The solution is not arming teachers.

Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY): We have got guns here to protect us and he does not believe the kids should have somebody to protect them.

Lisa Desjardins: Ashley, I want to talk to you about this first. You had an extraordinary work of journalism that you're part of this week in The Washington Post about the AR-15, the gun that divides us. I want to ask you, why is that gun so politically powerful?

Ashley Parker: Because at this point, as we sort of say, it was a huge -- I should say, it was a huge series of multiple stories across all desks in the newsroom. But it has really become an American icon, which you saw from that video you just played. Everyone has a strong opinion about it. It is incredibly polarizing. Those opinions are incredibly different depending on where you live, what your beliefs system is, whether or not you own one of these weapons.

But it was also -- I mean, it started with a very deliberate marketing campaign by the gun manufacturers. You have to go back to the AR-15 was originally invented as a weapon of war to help our troops in Vietnam. It was not very popular at gun shows. It was sort of -- would be in the back. True gun enthusiasts didn't love it. They thought it was cheap for hunting, not really a sportsman's gun.

And then it has been described as sort of Barbie dolls for men, although men are not the only ones, of course, who have this weapon, but there is tremendous revenue to make in the AR. Because if you buy a handgun, that is kind of the end of it. But you can buy an AR and then you can go back and you can customize it and you trick it out. And so it's sort of like you get the Barbie but then you can get the dream house and then you can get the outfit. So, this is a very deliberate effort that has now become sort of just embedded in the fabric of our nation in how people define who they are and who they aren't.

Lisa Desjardins: Domenico, what's the polling on guns? We had a decade where there was an assault weapon ban in this country. And at that point, that idea was relatively popular. Now, the country is split. Who moved in that? Obviously, people moved more toward gun rights, I suppose. What happened?

Luke Broadwater: Well, we are seeing a couple things happen here when it comes to guns, which is really interesting. I mean, you are seeing more people than ever before be supportive of gun restrictions than we have seen in the past. At the same time, Republicans are headed in the other direction.

So, when you look at -- for example, we did a big poll last year. We talked to gun owners, we talked people writ large on this, and 60-plus percent of people were in favor of an AR-15 ban. The difference was only 40-something percent of independents and 25 percent of Republicans were in favor of that ban. It was really kind of skewed by just how many Democrats were so in favor of an AR-15 ban.

And when you have that kind of split and when you have these districts in the country that are, I would say, maybe three dozen now that are truly competitive districts, when you have that be the case, I mean, when I was covering politics starting out in 2006, I had 129 competitive districts or potentially competitive districts on my list. Now, it is only in the 30s. When you have that, you have way more orthodoxy. And for Republicans, that really means guns as one of the principal issues that they stand from on.

Lisa Desjardins: Mario, what about Democrats? We know that the Democratic base wants more gun legislation, they want more action from President Biden. But he said he has run out of things he can do. But I also don't hear him stumping on this. Is there a reason that we don't hear more from the president on this?

Mario Parker: No. I mean, he has -- we saw him in Monterey Park, California, two weeks, right, two weeks before this latest incident. He has said that he has issued a steady flow of executive orders. And earlier this week, he said, you know what, there is nothing else he can do beyond the executive order. He has to figure out a way to get something done in Congress. And as we just outlined, it is a fraught situation. He pointed to the big money that is involved there, right?

And so we ran some numbers that show that the NRA, for example, spent $16 million in last year's midterms, donated to 257 GOP candidates alone. That's quite a big number, and then spent another $8 million on lobbying as well. So, that is the big money that Democrats and Biden administration are up against.

Lisa Desjardins: Inevitably, this brings us back to our home turf, Congress, Luke. I think a lot of Americans just don't understand why Congress is sort of shouting in the hallways but not actually having real conversation here about it. What is your understanding?

Luke Broadwater: I mean, the parties are so divided on this issue. Even if you could get some kind of consensus around some very minor changes, it is really hard to get the votes to do that with the House now in the hands of Republicans. And you would still need nine Republicans in the Senate to join whatever proposal.

And the party has just embraced the AR-15. I don't know any other way to say it. I mean, it is very common for Republicans to pose for Christmas pictures with their families holding AR-15s. It's like every time there is talk of a ban, sales of the AR-15s go through the roof. I think it's more than one in ten Republicans owns an AR-15. So, we are literally talking about taking the guns from their houses when you start talking about an assault weapons ban.

Lisa Desjardins: Although a ban usually is moving forward. I don't think there's any proposals for -- yes.

Luke Broadwater: Correct. But that is the way they view it, and it activates them.

And so, yes, the parties are so divided. And they did pass some legislation last Congress and almost all the Republican senators who I talked to about in the halls say, we want to see that implemented first before we try to pass anything else.

Lisa Desjardins: Ashley, the NRA has come up here. Mario brought it up. It's not just the NRA anymore, is it, or is it that is motivating this?

Ashley Parker: No, it is not at all. Mario is right about all of those figures, but the NRA, in general, is far weakened, far less of a player than it was a decade ago. But as Domenico was saying, what it really comes down to is this is key orthodoxy in the Republican base. And so it doesn't matter that something might be popular across the nation. These Republicans just feel that they cannot take -- forget about a tough vote, they can barely take any vote for what a lot of people would term common sense gun restrictions and win their party's primary. It comes down to fear from the base and it's also become a political symbol, right?

I mean, Luke was describing the pictures we see of the children with ARs on Christmas cards, but it is also that symbol. Members of Congress are wearing that as lapel pins. They used all where flags. Now, they've added ARs. It is a way to own the libs. It is the closest way to sort of instantly show your political identity.

Domenico Montanaro: I'll say this, though. Politics can be like an aircraft carrier. And sometimes you don't even notice you're on the aircraft carrier, you don't even notice it's turning around when you are on the aircraft carrier because it moves so slowly.

And what we have seen with the NRA, but with the decline of the NRA as well, there have been pro-gun restriction groups that have stepped in like every town, the Giffords Group, and Mike Bloomberg, who is a billionaire New Yorker who ran for president but also has a lot of money to donate to a group like every town, which he has funded.

They have made real differences at the statewide level because when you have politics at the federal level being as split as it is, a lot of these fights of going to the states, and a lot of Democratic groups have kind of gotten hip to some of these strategies that Republican groups have used over the years. And you are starting to see the tide turn somewhat. I'll be really interested in the next 15 and 20 years where we are at then.

Lisa Desjardins: We have just a couple of minutes left, but one last question on gun issue. I wonder is this an issue of, anyone who might know something about this, Republicans just are less familiar with people being harmed by guns and maybe Democrats are less familiar with people who own guns? I mean, is that -- because it seems like people who say, if you know someone who was killed by an AR-15, that is an issue. You don't -- I don't know. Just a theory, everyone is not --

Ashley Parker: Guns at this point have touched every single slice of life, right? Parents, they have been in schools, they have been in churches, they have been in predominately black supermarkets, they have been country music concerts in Las Vegas. It is hard to say that someone cannot imagine a situation they are in where one of these weapons might show up.

Lisa Desjardins: All right. We have just about a minute left. Now, here is a question I am excited to ask to see. We talk about this historic time. Mario and I both agree this is a time we're lucky to be reporters. I want to ask each of you quickly, what adjectives would you choose to describe this time right now?

Domenico Montanaro: Scary, crazy, exciting.

Mario Parker: Extraordinary, exhilarating, critical.

Lisa Desjardins: Nice. Luke? I'll put you on the spot.

Luke Broadwater: I don't know, divisive and fraught.

Ashley Parker: I don't know if deja vu is even an adjective, and I recognize that this is unprecedented, but it all, just having covered Trump since 2015, feels so familiar, every single bit of it.

Lisa Desjardins: I would say, incredible, important, exhausting.

Read more:
Gun debate erupts in halls of Congress between Democratic and ... - PBS

Local efforts mirror the national GOP agenda on parental rights, abortion and gun control despite little chance of success in the Aloha State.

When I first joined the Republican Party in Hawaii, I believed we could be successful despite the national partys agenda by defining our own.

Hawaii needed a credible opposition party, but the national partys individual rights at all costs didnt resonate with Hawaiis, or my own, community-based values.

As House Minority Leader, I tried creating our own path while giving in just enough to keep the broader GOP happy.I left when I realized I was wrong.

This session, the states Republican legislators are proving that national Republican values are alive and well in their local party.

The eight GOP House and Senate members proposals and votes on parental rights, abortion and gun control import the Trump-DeSantis culture wars raging across the country and provide an important reminder that Hawaii Republicans cant dissociate from their national party. And they may not want to.

Parental rights, particularly in education, have become a rallying cry for the right. Across the country, conservatives are pushing these issues atschool board meetings, which are erupting in heated debates and threats of violence.

The most well-known examples are Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis parental bill of rights, also known as the Dont Say Gay bill, and hisIndividual Freedombill. The former bans teachers from discussing gender identity or sexual orientation in the classroom, while the latter bans critical race theory.

While the composition of our Legislature means Republican-led efforts to mirror these bills wont succeed, it hasnt stopped them from trying. Rep. Elijah Piericksclaim thatHouse Bill 877, which would establish an institute for restoration at healing at Richardson School of Law, would promote critical race theory, which is basically racism against white people is the most outrageous. Sen. Brandon Awa and Rep. Diamond Garcias parental rights bills banning instruction on sexual orientation and gender identity are equally offensive.

ButHouse Bill 1393, signed by Reps. Lauren Matsumoto, Garcia and Pierick, may be the most insidious as it establishes a universally applicable, non-specified parent right. The bill defines that as the right of parents to direct the upbringing, education, care, and welfare of their child unless the government proves a compelling interest in restricting that right.

This right would not be limited to a particular educational topic, rather it would allow a parent to exempt their child from most activities unless the government makes a clear case to prevent it.Nearly identical billshave been introduced in Texas, South Carolina, Mississippi, Minnesota and Alabama along with 32 other parental rights bills introduced across the country and in theU.S. Congress.

Gov. Josh Green signedSenate Bill 1, a measure that defends a womans right to choose, into law on March 22. The Democrat-led bill was Hawaiis effort to ensure women and medical professionals are protected following this summers United States Supreme Court decision to overturn Roe vs. Wade.Civil Beat and others have provided excellent descriptions of the bill, so Ill focus on the attempted Republican amendments.

A floor amendment provides alternative language for a bill when its debated on the chamber floor. Republican-introduced amendments are essentially ideological showpieces in the Hawaii Legislature.

During the final debate, both Matsumoto and Garcia introduced amendments that were rejected by the House.Matsumotos amendmentsought to ban a minors ability to consent to abortion services.Garcias amendmentwould have restricted children younger than 16 from consenting to receive abortion services.

Matsumoto and Garcia and every other Republican in the House and Senate voted against Senate Bill 1. Democrat lawmakers Sen. Mike Gabbard and Rep. Sam Kong also voted no.

Parental rights and abortion are purity test issues for socially conservative Republicans. While their decision to highlight their positions through floor amendments are a little surprising, their unanimous no vote on the Democrats abortion bill isnt.

However, I am shocked this session by Republican lawmakers decision to mirror my former partys national positions, particularly as support for stricter gun laws reacheda new highin February amid a wave of mass shootings. While most Republicans dont believe new gun laws are needed, their numbers are dwindling too. Further, Hawaii Republicans depend on non-Republican votes to win, making their introduction of a Stand Your Ground law even more remarkable.

These laws came to the nations attention in 2005 when a jury found George Zimmerman not guilty for fatally shooting unarmed Black teen Trayvon Martin. Citing an increase in violent crimes, the House Minority Caucus legislative package included a bill that would bring Hawaiis self-defense law in line with FloridasStand Your Ground law.

Hawaii RepublicansHouse Bill 636would allow a person who believes they are in immediate danger of significant physical harm to use deadly force even if they know they have a chance to walk away. It operates on the exact same premise that led to Zimmermans acquittal. It didnt receive a hearing this session.

Also notable is Republican lawmakers unanimous decision on Friday to voteagainst a billthat would prohibit the carrying of firearms in certain areas, including schools, movie theaters and government buildings in Hawaii.

While Hawaii has some of thestrictest gun lawsin the nation, the U.S. Supreme Courts2022 rulingthat declared New Yorks concealed carry law unconstitutional could threaten them, andSenate Bill 1230was drafted in response.

To be clear, I do believe that logical people can view decisions about rights as a difficult balancing act.I signed a bill allowing parents to exempt their children from sexual education because I believed that most parents, like mine, would have the closest view of what their child was ready to process.

But Ive since understood that I should have taken a wider perspective. Not every parent is like mine. Laws are tools, and as lawmakers, we should always consider how someone might abuse the tools were putting into their hands. Hawaii Republicans should remember that.

As leading Republican presidential hopefuls, DeSantis and Trump are setting the tone on these culture war issues, and Hawaiis Republicans are following their lead. I know better than most how hard it is to defy the national Republican agenda, but I strongly encourage my former colleagues to do it anyway. Come what may.

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Originally posted here:
Beth Fukumoto: Hawaii Republicans Sound A Lot Like Their ... - Honolulu Civil Beat

One of these things is not like the others,

One of these things just doesnt belong,

Can you tell which thing is not like the others

By the time I finish my song?

The old Muppets song comes to mind when considering the issue of parental rights in the Indiana General Assembly this session. We have heard it over and over in bill after bill.

For instance, parental concerns led to language in House Bill 1635 to separate vaccine records from high school transcripts.

Senate Bill 321 was originally filed and amended last week to require a parent give consent for the student to receive services at a school-based health center. It also requires the parent be present at the time the student receives services.

Senate Bill 12 empowers parents to object to inappropriate materials in schools not just obscenity.

Heck, House Bill 1407 had an entire preamble about parental rights (thought it has died).

The state of Indiana, a political subdivision or other governmental entity of the state of Indiana, a government official, or any other person acting under the color of law shall not infringe on the fundamental right of a parent to direct the upbringing, education, health care, and mental health of the parents child without demonstrating that the infringement (1) is required by a compelling governmental interest of the highest order as long recognized in the history and traditions of the state of Indiana; and (2) as applied to the parent and the child, is narrowly tailored and not otherwise served by a less restrictive means.

But Republicans pushing these bills havent always been consistent. Thats because they are also ignoring or taking away parental choice in several cases.

For instance, under House Bill 1608, a parent who has accepted a childs gender identity must give their explicit consent to change the childs name or pronouns. But the legislation goes on to say that school staff can ignore the request of the parent and cant be disciplined for identifying a student consistent with the students legal name.

But the biggest example of spurning parental choice and rights is Senate Bill 480, which eliminates the right of a parent to direct the medical care of their minor child. But only if the child is transgender.

A parent can still consent to puberty blockers or hormone therapy for another medical diagnosis. But not if the same medications or therapy are used to help their child with gender transition.

In the General Assembly, Indiana lawmakers trust parents to choose their childs school; waive vaccination requirements and consent to all other medical care.

And I have yet to see a good explanation for this contradiction.

When Sen. Tyler Johnson, R-Leo the author of the ban on transgender minor care was asked about parental consent, he said, Im not here to attack parents. We have the medical, moral and legal obligation to protect Hoosier children and thats where Ill leave that at.

Rep. Renee Pack, D-Indianapolis, got to the heart of the matter on the House floor last week, saying Hoosiers are confused by the differing stances. She said there are times when lawmakers want to listen to parents and protect their rights and there are times when we want to say listen to us. We know better than doctors.

I have a daughter myself and believe parental rights are important and should be protected. But it appears that only goes so far. Because parents making informed decisions in consultation with their child and medical professionals are being second-guessed by the state of Indiana.

One could argue a parent who refuses to immunize their children is hurting the child. But I dont see a bill outlawing that decision.

Consistency is key in these types of debates, and Senate Bill 480 doesnt match the parents rights rhetoric.

Niki Kelly is editor-in-chief of indianacapitalchronicle.com, where this commentary first appeared. She has covered Indiana politics and the Indiana Statehouse since 1999 for publications including the Fort Wayne Journal Gazette. Send comments to [emailprotected]

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Niki Kelly: Republicans champion parental rights, except when they ... - The Republic

A formerly well-connected Republican donor was convicted on Friday of enticing teenage girls with gifts, cash and money in exchange for sex.

A federal jury found Anton Tony Lazzaro, 32, guilty of seven counts involving commercial sex acts with five girls aged 15 and 16 in 2020, when he was 30 years old.

The charges carry mandatory minimum sentences of 10 years with a maximum of life in prison.

The jury will return to court on Monday to determine what property the government can seize based on each conviction, the Minneapolis Star Tribune reported.

Lazzaro who contends the charges against him were politically motivated plans to appeal, a spokesperson for his attorneys said in a statement to the Associated Press.

The unusual application of this federal sex trafficking statute to his activities is frighteningly broad, conflating what is nothing more than arguably an act of prostitution with federal sex trafficking, Stacy Bettison said. He believes he has strong grounds for appeal, and he will vigorously seek reversal of his conviction. Mr Lazzaro trusts he will be vindicated.

Lazzaros indictment led to the downfall of Jennifer Carnahan as chair of the Republican party of Minnesota.

His co-defendant, 21-year-old Gisela Castro Medina, who formerly led the University of St Thomass College Republican chapter, pleaded guilty to two counts last year. She testified against Lazzaro.

Prosecutors argued during the trial that Lazzaro enlisted Medina, who he initially paid for sex, to recruit other teenagers preferably minors who were white, small, vulnerable or broken.

He wanted sex, and not just any sex, federal prosecutor Melinda Williams said during closing arguments on Friday. He wanted sex with minor girls under the age of 18. And he had a plan to get it.

Lazarros attorney, Daniel Gerdts, argued that the governments salacious prosecution was based on completely unfounded allegations.

The prosecution clearly disapproves of Mr Lazzaros playboy lifestyle, Gerdts said. And frankly, as the father of three daughters, so do I. The opprobrium is well deserved, but that is not why were here.

Carnahan, the widow of former Minnesota Republican congressman Jim Hagedorn, resigned a week after the charges against Lazzaro were unsealed. She denied knowing about Lazzaros crimes but his arrest prompted outrage among party activists.

Pictures on Lazzaros social media accounts showed him with prominent Republicans, including ex-president Donald Trump and former vice-president Mike Pence. He gave more than $270,000 to Republican campaigns and political committees over the years.

Read more from the original source:
Republican donor convicted of sex trafficking teenage girls - The Guardian US