Archive for the ‘Republicans’ Category

Why it matters that Republicans are abandoning their ACA attacks – MSNBC

When Florida Sen. Rick Scott unveiled a controversial policy agenda in February, the Republican leader was unrestrained in its ambitions. Scotts far-right fantasy touched on everything from abortion rights to school vouchers, tax hikes on the poor to lies about election administration. Even Social Security and Medicare would be jeopardized by the senators plan.

But Scotts 31-page document left one obvious thing out: The GOP senators blueprint didnt say anything about repealing or replacing the Affordable Care Act.

About a month later, Sen. Ron Johnson briefly suggested he wanted to put ACA repeal back on the table. The Wisconsin Republican is generally proud of his ideas, but in this instance, he scrambled to walk it back.

The developments served as a reminder: The politics of Obamacare have changed dramatically. Indeed, as Axios reported, the GOP is continuing to back off its earlier stances on the Affordable Care Act.

Republicans in tight congressional races are going silent on health care, scrubbing campaign websites of anti-abortion language and in some cases distancing themselves from past criticisms of the Affordable Care Act.... Its a marked contrast to vulnerable Democrats, whove been campaigning nonstop on enshrining abortion rights and the Inflation Reduction Acts health care provisions.

The article highlighted a variety of recent examples, including Nevadas Adam Laxalt: When the Republican ran for state attorney general in 2018, attacking the health care reform law was a central part of his candidacy. Four years later, Laxalt is running for the U.S. Senate; his pitch to voters is silent on the ACA; his website makes no mention of the law; and his spokesperson no longer wants to talk about his position.

There are plenty of things Republicans want to talk about this campaign season. The Affordable Care Act isnt one of them.

In the not-too-distant past, this wouldve been tough to predict. Indeed, for those of us who covered the political fight over the Affordable Care Act closely, this day seemed highly implausible. Before Barack Obama signed the reform package into law, Republicans condemned it as an economy-destroying attack on free enterprise and the American way of life. After the ACA became law, Republicans spent years not only denouncing the reforms, but also voting several dozen times to repeal it.

Now, even many conservative Republicans have moved on in part because Obamacare is working so effectively, and in part because Democrats used the issue to great effect in the 2018 midterms, en route to taking back the House.

But just because GOP officials and candidates have shifted their focus away from the ACA doesnt mean the substantive debate is over. Axios report added that Republicans willingness to distance themselves from their earlier condemnations begs the bigger question of what the GOPs health care agenda will look like if the party flips control of one or both houses of Congress.

Putting aside the misuse of begs the question, the underlying point matters. The Republican Party spent much of the past decade with a single message related to health care policy: Repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act. The GOP has not only dropped that goal, its also hoping voters forget that the party ever pursued such a regressive policy in the first place.

But the question for the electorate hasnt changed: What exactly would Republicans do on health care policy if put in positions of power?

Steve Benen is a producer for "The Rachel Maddow Show," the editor of MaddowBlog and an MSNBC political contributor. He's also the bestselling author of "The Impostors: How Republicans Quit Governing and Seized American Politics."

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Why it matters that Republicans are abandoning their ACA attacks - MSNBC

Why It’ll Be Tough for Republicans to Cancel Student Debt Cancellation – The American Prospect

Republicans are so incensed with President Bidens student loan forgiveness that they want to go to court to block it. That seems like political suicide to me, and if they want to actively align with debt collectors and label themselves as the Gimme Some Money party to 43 million student borrowers, let them go ahead.

The main legal hurdle Republicans face to their dream of immiserating student debtors is the concept of standing. A potential plaintiff has to be harmed by the cancellation of student debt in order to sue the federal government over it. And standing is going to be hard to come by, for a variety of reasons.

While Republicans figure out a way around that roadblock, the Biden administration can do a couple of things to bulletproof their policy. First, they can use the section of the law that more robustly conveys cancellation authority, rather than a shortcut tied to the pandemic. Second, they can extinguish the one likely group that could be granted standing, simplifying the student lending process at the same time. And third, they can rapidly implement debt forgiveness, because every borrower who gets $10,000 or $20,000 in relief, and every story publicizing it, will make it that much harder politically to overturn it.

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The standing question is harder than it may sound, and Republicans know it. Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX), who desperately wants to short-circuit a better life for college students and their families who are swimming in debt, explained on his podcast how much of a hurdle it will be. As a general matter, just being a taxpayer is not sufficient for the courts to conclude you have standing to challenge an expenditure of funds You have to find someone who was harmed by the expenditure of funds.

Recipients of student debt relief are, quite obviously, not being harmed at all. State education programs could be affected, but its hard to see how that would be in a negative way. The most authoritative investigation into this, from a Virginia Law Review article, found that nobody would have standing under current precedent.

Cruz postulated that a current student could sue by saying debt cancellation would lead to higher tuition rates. But he then said that would be far down the causal chain and wouldnt reflect a legitimate injury. Another option is finding someone just above the means test for eligibility, who makes more than $125,000 a year, and is being denied the debt relief. But aside from not being a particularly sympathetic plaintiff, winning on that argument wouldnt necessarily end debt relief so much as it would open it up to everyone. It could also effectively invalidate means testing across a whole length of policies, and Republicans probably dont want to risk that. Even Cruz said that its not at all clear a court would buy that argument.

The biggest candidates for standing are the student loan servicers, the for-profit companies contracted to handle day-to-day operations on the loans, such as collecting payments. It sounds straightforward that the servicers would be injured by having fewer loans to manage.

The main legal hurdle Republicans face to their dream of immiserating student debtors is the concept of standing.

But there are a few problems with that notion. First, the contracts with the government do not guarantee that any one servicer will get a defined number of loans. Since the payment pause at the beginning of the pandemic (which also denied student loan servicers fees and other remuneration but did not draw a lawsuit), several servicers have dropped out of the federal student loan program, so its not even necessarily the case that the remaining servicers will have fewer loans to service. And servicers are in the midst of renegotiating their loans with the federal government, and would be unlikely to pick a fight with the entity theyre bartering with for a good deal.

But even if, with all of that, a servicer sues over the debt relief program, its unlikely that their suit, if successful, would invalidate the forgiveness. As a federal contractor, they would likely have to sue for lost compensation, under the Contract Disputes Act. That suit would go through the Court of Federal Claims, and while appeals could route to the Supreme Court, and they are certainly fond of making up their own rules, the likely outcome even if the servicer wins would be a monetary payout, not the reversal of debt forgiveness.

Conservative groups are certainly looking to find someone to sue, and despite these long odds, that should be taken seriously. Trump has stacked the judiciary with hack judges who ignore the lawsuggesting a need for broader strategies. In particular, the administration can make some choices to make opposition more difficult, both legally and practically speaking.

Fordham University law professor Jed Shugerman has carved out a starring role for himself as the liberal fretter that debt cancellation will be overturned. Shugerman, a nominal supporter of the program, says that the Biden team based the debt relief on the wrong executive authorities, and that the opposition will probably prevail in a lawsuit if they dont change course. I dont agree that conservatives will automatically win a legal case, but Shugerman does have a point about the statutory authority.

The Justice Departments Office of Legal Counsel legally blessed student debt cancellation through authority from the HEROES Act, a 2003 law that allows the Education Department to assist student borrowers during a national emergency if they were placed in a worse position financially. (The Education Department general counsel report uses the same authority.) This was the authority that the Trump administration used to pause payments, and since it worked for them, its somewhat logical for the OLC to use it for debt cancellation.

But several years ago, the Prospect laid out how the Education Department can use compromise and settlement authority under the Higher Education Act of 1965 to alter the terms of federally issued student debt at their discretion. That seems like a more robust authority for the current action, Shugerman surmises, and I agree. The national emergency has waned, and the courts have not allowed COVID as an excuse to extend things like the eviction moratorium or the vaccine mandate for all employers. The placed in a worse position clause could also prove a bit dicey: Borrowers might have to prove through past bank balances that COVID hurt them financially.

Compromise and settlement authority is just a better way to deliver broad-based relief of this type, that fits better with the administrations rhetoric on why theyre engaging in this. That should serve as the legal basis.

To guard against the student loan servicers having standing to sue, the government could just allow those contracts to expire or even buy their way out of the contracts, as I suggested over a year ago. We have an agency called the IRS that is perfectly capable of billing and collecting monthly student loan payments. And student loan servicers are actually terrible at their job, actively harming students by steering them into bad programs, misapplying payments, imposing illegal fees and penalties, and dozens of other violations. In addition to wiping away all that, you remove the biggest threat to standing. Removing the servicers is unlikely to happen overnight, but it should be the direction for the student loan program.

Finally, the legal threat to debt forgiveness makes implementing the forgiveness as fast as possible even more critical. Every story of someone receiving their cancellation will build momentum for a program that makes it tougher politically to dislodge. It wont necessarily deter the Supreme Court if theyre determined to make student borrowers suffer, but it will ensure that a major price is paid for that decision, not unlike what were seeing now with the Dobbs decision. The Court would likely have to break a lot of precedent around standing and executive deference to reinstate student debt; the more thats canceled first, the more painful that decision will be.

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Why It'll Be Tough for Republicans to Cancel Student Debt Cancellation - The American Prospect

More Republicans Are Running Away From Mastriano as He Digs In on Election-Fraud Lies – Vanity Fair

Josh Shapiro, the Democratic nominee in Pennsylvanias gubernatorial race, received backing from eight GOP figures this week in his race against State Senator Doug Mastriano, a far-right Republican backed by Donald Trump who has touched off tensions within the GOP around where the party should be headed without Trump in office. This weeks endorsements came just less than two months after an additional nine current and former Pennsylvania Republican officials threw their support behind Shapiro, the states attorney general.

James Schultz, a former associate White House counsel under Trump, explained his support for Shapiro in a Monday op-ed for Philadelphia magazine, noting that Mastriano led a baseless campaign to overturn Pennsylvanias 2020 election results. Because some in our state GOP leadership have put self-preservation over principled conservatism, were stuck with a conspiracy theorist candidate, wrote Schultz. But by no means must we stick by Doug Mastriano. Im a proud Republican. Im backing Josh Shapiro. In a statement, Shapiro promised to continue bringing Republicans and Democrats together if elected, adding that he was proud to receive the endorsement of these Republican leaders who are putting our commonwealth ahead of partisan politics in order to come together and move Pennsylvania forward.

Other names on Shapiros new roster of Republican supporters include Michael Chertoff, the former secretary of homeland security during George W. Bushs second term; David Heckler, a former district attorney; Mario Civera, the former Delaware County Council chairman; and four former state lawmakers. Like Schultz, Chertoff singled out Mastrianos voter-fraud conspiracy theories in his endorsement of Shapiro. Although I am a long-standing Republican, I am deeply troubled by Doug Mastrianos embrace of dangerous extremism, Chertoff told the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, urging Americans to support candidates who will defend our democracy, no matter which party they claim. Josh Shapiro, on the other hand, is a staunch defender of our democratic institutions and will lead Pennsylvania with honor and integrity, Chertoff added. I am proud to support his campaign for governor.

Mastrianos controversial views go beyond just the 2020 election. The winner of a 2019 special election for State Senate, Mastriano has called legal abortion a barbaric holocaust and argued that the separation of church and state, as outlined in the US Constitution, is a myth. Reuters also recently reported that Mastriano donned a Confederate uniform in a 2014 faculty photo at the Army War College.

Mastriano, a retired military officer, was put on the MAGA map in March 2020 while live streaming Facebook diatribes against COVID-19 lockdowns, according to The New York Times. A video he took in April of that year ended up amassing more than 850,000 views. Several months later, Mastriano propelled himself into Trumps orbit after attending aStop the Steal rally in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and he eventually partook in an alternate-elector plot designed to subvert Joe Bidens win in the 2020 election.

After Republicans in the State Senate rebuked the scheme, Mastriano warned them of his influence amongst their voting bloc. I have more followers on Facebook alone than all 49 other senators combined, he said during an appearance on a local conservative podcast, per the Times. That any colleague or fellow Republican would think that it would be a good idea to throw me under the bus with that kind of reachI mean, theyre just not very smart people. Since launching his gubernatorial campaign, Mastriano has by and large shunned mainstream outlets, relying almost exclusively on social media platformsincluding Gab, a far-right site that he recently distanced himself fromand friendly media figures to promote his candidacy.

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More Republicans Are Running Away From Mastriano as He Digs In on Election-Fraud Lies - Vanity Fair

Explore The Ways Republicans Or Democrats Could Win The Midterms – FiveThirtyEight

FiveThirtyEights Senate and House forecasts are based on myriad factors, with changes in one race often influencing odds in another. To see just how much individual races can change the forecast, first try picking different winners in key Senate races (or feel free to skip ahead to key races in the House!).class='footnote-text'> But beware, the choices you make in the Senate affect the House, and vice versa.

Based on FiveThirtyEights current forecast

Based on FiveThirtyEights current forecast

Based on FiveThirtyEights current forecast

Based on FiveThirtyEights current forecast

Based on FiveThirtyEights current forecast

Based on FiveThirtyEights current forecast

Republicans win both chambers

Republicans win both chambers

Republicans win the SenateDemocrats win the House

Republicans win SenateDemocrats win House

Democrats win the SenateRepublicans win the House

Democrats win SenateRepublicans win House

Democrats win both chambers

Democrats win both chambers

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Explore The Ways Republicans Or Democrats Could Win The Midterms - FiveThirtyEight

OPINION: Affirmative action for Republicans – The Richmond Observer

Yesterday, the John Locke Foundations Carolina Journal wrote a piece bemoaning the lack of Republican professors at UNC-Chapel Hill. Of course, the implication is that conservatives dont have voices on college campuses. The other implication is that universities should hire more conservatives. And I thought they opposed affirmative action.

The study, conducted by a conservative web site called The College Fix, says that professors at Carolina are 16 times more likely to be registered as Democrats than as Republicans. According to their report, in the departments they examined, the school has 204 Democrats, 13 Republicans, and 67 unaffiliated professors. They couldnt identify the party registration of another 121 faculty members.

First, nothing is more common these days than conservatives whining that theyve been slighted. The GOP has morphed from Reagans Party of Ideas into Trumps party of resentment. If Republicans were a sitcom figure they would be Ralph Kramden or Archie Bunker. Everybody is out to get them and they yearn for the good old days that exist only when looking backwards through rose-colored glasses.

Second, of course most academics and intellectuals are more liberal. Conservatives have spent the last three decades denying science and empirical knowledge. They are just now coming around to believing in the reality of climate change, though many are still in denial. Even George H. W. Bush said the supply-side nonsense that holds tax cuts pay for themselves is little more than voodoo economics. They have embraced their anti-intellectual bent and wear ignorance on their sleeves, bragging about their lack of education and denigrating the value of liberal arts degrees.

To put it another way, about 50% of Republican primary voters still support Donald Trump. Enough said.

Third, conservatives and Republicans with college degrees tend to be more interested in making money than research or teaching. They are perfectly happy to take the benefits of a higher education degree and put it to work for themselves, but they are less interested in putting that degree to work helping other people. Of course in their minds, making money is helping other people through the all-powerful free market. Its the Randian rationalization that their self-interest is in the best interest of society as a whole. So why would they accept less money in academia when they could make far more in the world of business?

Finally, conservatives are, by nature, averse to change and much, if not most, of the research in universities and academia is about uncovering new ideas and introducing them to the world. William F. Buckley famously described a conservative as someone who stands athwart history yelling Stop! That philosophy stands in stark contrast to the people in academia who are exclaiming Eureka! Those people are searching for innovative concepts that can improve the world or, at least, our understanding of it.

Nothing illustrates conservatives antithesis to academic change more than the debate over history right now. Republicans, the political wing of the conservative movement, desperately want to hang onto the narrative weve told ourselves about the country for the past 250 years. Progressives want a more honest telling of our national story, especially where race is concerned.

Conservatives prefer a tidy image of benevolent, brilliant men who came together to construct a virtually infallible constitution and founded a country based on virtues and universal truths. While they are correct that the men who wrote the Constitution and started the fledgling republic on a continent largely unexplored by Europeans had high ideals, the reality is much more messy and many of those same men failed to live up to the standards they expressed. The conservative story really doesnt hold up very well under the scrutiny of scholarship.

Republicans like to crow that Democrats were the party of segregation and Jim Crow. To a point they are correct, but, back then, Democrats, especially in the South, were the conservative party. In the 1890s, they opposed Fusion politics, a coalition of Republicans and progressives that included African Americans and small farmers who demanded more corporate regulation, higher taxes, investments in public education, and better access to the polls, among other things. When Fusion won the state in the mid-1890s, a Democratic backlash led to the disenfranchisement of Black voters and the beginning of the one-party South.

But thats not where history ended. And its not where politics ended, either. Politics were much more nuanced than the polarized parties of today. National parties had far less influence than state ones in the first half of the 20th century and even into the latter half, with liberal Republicans up north and conservative Democrats down South.

With the introduction of the New Deal under Franklin Roosevelt and the integration of the armed forces under Harry Truman, conservative Democrats in the South began leaving the Democratic Party, first as Dixiecrats and then, at the urging of Goldwater and Nixon, as Republicans. By 1968, the GOP in the South became the party for disgruntled White voters who resented Lyndon Johnson for signing the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965. Combined, the two laws ended segregation and made African Americans a voting force in the South for the first time in the 20th century. It also began the resentment and victimization that defines the Republican Party today and led to the nomination of Donald Trump as GOP standard bearer.

But for Republicans, history stopped when Democrats were the party of White supremacy and Republicans were the party of voting rights. Thats why, I shit you not, the John Locke Foundation is making a movie about the Wilmington Massacre thats a captivating, fast-paced love story. The fiction they put on screen is the same fiction they believe today.

That Republicans make up a small percentage of intellectuals and academics is really not surprising at all. They dont want change or progress. They are vested in their desire to turn back the clock despite all of the evidence that the advances weve seen since the New Deal and Great Society have made our country more fair and equitable. They are an anti-intellectual party while academia is an intellectual institution.

Thomas Mills is the founder and publisher of PoliticsNC.com. Before beginning PoliticsNC, Mills spent 20 years as a political and public affairs consultant. Republished from PoliticsNC.com.

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OPINION: Affirmative action for Republicans - The Richmond Observer