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The January 6 hearings have two basic functions. The first is to reveal, to the degree it is possible, as much as can be uncovered about Donald Trumps efforts to negate the 2020 election result and remain in office. The second is to expose the allies who are, in one way or another, complicit in his crime. On both counts, the committee is delivering.

Tuesdays hearings produced numerous revelations. Cassidy Hutchinson, an aide to chief of staff Mark Meadows and a first- or secondhand witness to the coup attempt, deepened Trumps complicity in the insurrection. She testified that Trump instructed Meadows to call Roger Stone and Michael Flynn, two aides who were connected to the Proud Boys and the Oath Keepers, the main paramilitary organizations that directed the violence; that Trump, after being told his supporters were bringing weapons to his rally, told the Secret Service to remove the metal detectors because theyre not here to hurt me; and that Trump was so desperate to join the march on the Capitol that he actually assaulted a Secret Service agent when he was denied on security grounds.

At this point, even with the hearings in progress, it seems safe to rate this as the greatest political scandal in American history. This is true when measured by its depth (the lengths the perpetrators were willing to go extended to the violent overthrow of the U.S. government) as well as its breadth (the guilty parties included elected officials, lawyers, foot soldiers, and, of course, the president of the United States).

It is all the more striking, then, that the Republican Party stance was, and is, that none of this should be investigated. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell opposed the formation of the commission. (After careful consideration, Ive made the decision to oppose the House Democrats slanted and unbalanced proposal for another commission to study the events of January 6th, he announced on the Senate floor last year.) House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy appointed a collection of Trump lackeys. When House Speaker Nancy Pelosi refused to seat two of them Jims Jordan and Banks on the grounds that they were personally implicated in the investigation, McCarthy ordered his entire caucus to boycott the hearings.

Republicans have responded to the stream of revelations by dismissing them as boring and partisan. Their party-controlled media have either ignored the hearings, engaged in frantic whataboutism, or supplied talking points to distract from the damning news. They have turned against the only members of their party willing to participate in the hearings, branding them as traitors.

This in turn has sent a message to every staffer privy to the coup who is contemplating the choice to share what they know or stick to the omert. The future in Republican politics belongs to those who do not betray Trump. They may not be required to pledge open obedience to him, but silence is far safer for their careers as Republicans than testifying against Trump is. Republicans could have made cooperating with the committee the safe choice. Instead, they have made it dangerous.

Republicans probably justify all this as simple partisan logic. If you are able to conceive of events only in terms of political benefit, then the function of the hearings is to hurt Republicans; therefore, the Republican task is to engage in damage control.

But this is precisely the kind of rank partisanship that carried most of the party along with Trump through, and past, his reelection campaign. It brought him within a fraction of a percent of the vote of winning a second term and let his postelection coup attempt come harrowingly close, at minimum, to provoking a violent crisis.

After Trump refused to accept the election outcome, a Republican aide infamously said, What is the downside for humoring him for this little bit of time? It was an astonishing quote even then. January 6 revealed how dangerous that mentality is. The partys response to the hearings reveals that this mentality has not changed.

Irregular musings from the center left.

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Republicans Are Trying to Cover Up Greatest Political Scandal in U.S. History - New York Magazine

At a stately house in Washingtons diplomatic quarter, Never Trump luminaries gathered on Saturday for one of the citys more exclusive book parties, where many of the capitals elite political journalists rubbed elbows with the Republican operatives who broke with the former president often at great risks to their careers and sanity.

Over spreads of sushi, flatbread pizzas and endless cups of vodka sodas, the crowd of 100 or so traded gossip and discussed Why We Did It, the wrenchingly personal and at times flamethrowing new memoir by Tim Miller, a former Republican insider who was once a rising star with access to the highest levels of power inside the G.O.P.

Over the course of about a decade, Miller gradually broke not only with the Trump-aligned forces that steadily took over the Republican Party beginning with Sarah Palins vice-presidential run, but also the so-called establishment of the party. These normal Republicans who made up his network of friends and colleagues, he says, were the not-as-ideological adults in the room you hear so much about.

So why, as the books title asks, did he do it?

Partially atonement, partially a genuine sense that despite living through all this for six to seven years, I still didnt quite understand why my former friends and colleagues and I kept going along with it, Miller said in an interview as he took an Acela between New York and Washington.

When we spoke, Miller was on his way to the Politics and Prose bookstore in the leafy Cleveland Park neighborhood of northwest Washington. The store happens to be on the same block as Comet Ping Pong, a beloved pizza parlor that was stormed by a confused gunman in 2016 in search of a phantom child sex ring amplified online by some of the very people associated with Trumps rise.

The new book is marbled with pearls of wisdom, observations on human psychology and entire chapters of harsh self-reflection that only an insider like Miller who by all accounts is a supremely talented opposition researcher and communications strategist who had a direct hand in everything from planting hit pieces on various politicians in Breitbart to knifing rivals could pull off.

At one point, my editor told me to take off the hair shirt, Miller said, because there was too much culpa in his mea culpa.

The editor, Eric Nelson, runs Broadside, the conservative imprint of Harper Collins, making him an especially apt partner for the project. Nelson has turned conservative intramural skirmishes into a cottage industry, working with other prominent figures in Never Trump circles like Amanda Carpenter and Ben Howe, while also landing books from hardcore MAGA luminaries.

On his way out of the mainstream G.O.P. class, Miller blew up every bridge he had built over his years in Washington, fled to Oakland and adopted a daughter, Toulouse, with his husband.

Friends say that Miller walked off a cliff into a future that could mean ostracism and threats to his mental health and physical safety. His book, which chronicles his relationships with the Republicans he left behind, tries to unpack why he did what he did and why they did what they did.

Not a lot of people have been both brave and successful, said Juleanna Glover, a public affairs consultant and former press secretary for Vice President Dick Cheney who hosted the party last weekend. Her home has become a refuge of sorts for various causes over the years, from Syrian refugees to Americans taken hostage in Russia.

Glovers soiree was an especially revealing moment not only because of the exclusive company, but also because it revealed just how small the world of serious Republican strategists who rejected Trump really is.

There was Sarah Longwell, a close Miller ally who was the mastermind behind Republican Voters Against Trump, one of a constellation of anti-Trump groups that spent millions helping Democrats in key swing states like Georgia in 2020.

Jeremy Adler, a top communications adviser to Representative Liz Cheney, glided down the stairs with Sam Cornale, the executive director of the Democratic National Committee, while Andrew Bates, a White House deputy press secretary, found a quiet corner to field one of the hundreds of pings he gets each day from the Washington press corps.

Many of the capitals most plugged-in reporters were there too, including Ryan Lizza and Alex Thompson of Politicos Beltway insider Playbook franchise; Josh Dawsey, a former Politico reporter and scoop machine now at The Washington Post; and Mark Leibovich, a longtime New York Times writer who is now at The Atlantic. Leibovich wrote a 2013 book about such scenes called This Town, a title that has become an arch metonym of sorts for all things Washington.

There, too, was Marcus Brauchli, the former Washington Post and Wall Street Journal editor who now directs Donald Grahams overseas investments in journalism projects, along with Neera Tanden, the Twitter-happy staff secretary in the Biden White House and a frequent guest at Washington parties.

On the central question the book seeks to answer, Miller reaches no firm, one-ring-to-rule-them-all conclusion to explain the mystery of why some Republican operatives stuck with Trump and those Miller sees as the G.O.P.s new MAGA overlords, while a few others, like him, bowed out.

Nor was there any single Eureka moment when he decided he could no longer compromise his values by working for politicians he despised, he said. But he noted that Republicans from marginalized groups, such as the L.G.B.T.Q. community, seemed more likely to be offended by Trumps boorish behavior than others.

For Miller, leaving the Republican establishment was a zigzagging personal journey of fits and starts. He worked for Ken Cuccinelli, the Republican nominee for governor of Virginia in 2013, despite Cuccinellis opposition to same-sex marriage and his defense of the states anti-sodomy law.

And in early 2017, while doing what he calls corporate P.R. skulduggery to make ends meet, Miller took on as a client Scott Pruitt, the administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, who later resigned under a series of ethics investigations.

Feeling deeply ashamed of his own actions, those experiences landed Miller in therapy, which he says helped unlock the emotional self-awareness to write the book and again feel at peace with his decisions.

The book is as much a warning as it is a searing exploration of his own self-loathing. By most indications, Trump seems to be preparing for another presidential run in 2024, and the same pathologies that drove Miller out of the Republican power centers he once ran in have only grown more cancerous, in his estimation.

Maybe, he said, I should have called the book Why Are We Still Doing It?

The Supreme Court today narrowed the sweep of its landmark 2020 decision declaring that much of eastern Oklahoma falls within Indian reservation lands, allowing state authorities to prosecute non-Indians who commit crimes against Indians on the reservations.

Blake

Is there anything you think were missing? Anything you want to see more of? Wed love to hear from you. Email us at onpolitics@nytimes.com.

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A Republican Insider Studies His Burned Bridges and a Combustible G.O.P. - The New York Times

I believe in the conservatism of Sen. Barry Goldwater, Sen. Robert Taft, President Reagan, and others like them. These men will always carry a reverential attachment for me. But Donald Trump is not one of these men.

I cheered when Richard Nixon beat Hubert Humphrey for the presidency in 1968. But I also nodded my head when John Dean testified against Nixon during the Senate Watergate hearings in 1973. I believe in constitutional governance. Principles and character are tested in moments of temptation, and President Nixon succumbed to the temptations of power.

I'm frustrated that this standard does not apply to Donald Trump. Many of my conservative friends are unmoved by the January 6 hearings, calling Liz Cheney a "traitor" and dismissing the hearings as a "witch hunt." This has gone beyond mistrust and skepticism. This is willful blindness to the effacement of our democracy and our Republican Party. Trump has perverted the Constitution and the Republican Party. And by the looks of our Nevada primary last week, authoritarianism continues to challenge our democratic processes, and our state's GOP is letting this go unpunished.

Donald Trump is trying to reclaim his ascendancy through his surrogates. He is trying to replace those who know and speak the truth about his deliberate plot to overthrow the government of the United States. And he's been hard at work building a list of those replacements in our state.

The party is lost, indistinct, and not what I signed up for many years ago. In Nevada's GOP primary election, U.S. Senate candidate Adam Laxalt, secretary of state candidate Jim Marchant, and gubernatorial candidate Joe Lombardo advanced to the general election in November. But don't be fooled. To call them Republicans is almost a misnomer.

These are not conservative candidates. These are not even politicians. These are the conspiratorialist soldiers of Donald Trump. If you don't know these names, learn them quickly.

Most alarming is Marchant's advancement. He is one of Trump's most loyal election deniers who was part of the alternate slate of electors the Nevada GOP offered in a bid to overturn the 2020 election. Marchant has fruitlessly made claims, with no evidence, that the election was stolen and has said that he would not have certified the election.

Moreover, he plans to abandon electronic voting machines in favor of hand-counted ballots. This process would cause the "tiniest of counties to miss the statutory deadline for canvassing their results," according to The Washington Post. As secretary of state, he would have authority over enforcing election processes and supervising local officials. That's like making Colonel Sanders the spokesperson for Beyond Meat.

As a Trump campaign co-chair, Adam Laxalt was responsible for the numerous presidential election challenges evaluated in state courts. These claims were so devoid of evidence that they were struck down 25 times by Nevada courts.

Sheriff Joe Lombardo also echoes false claims about the 2020 election. He told reporters that he saw no fraud in the 2020 election but refused to acknowledge its general legitimacy.

These conspiratorialists have littered the ballot and turned the Nevada GOP into a mockery. The Nevada Independent reported that "16 candidates in about a third of state legislative primaries have publicly cast doubt on the election process, or expressed their support for the 'Big Lie.'"

Many of these candidates have advanced to the general election, and we need to be more alert to these dangers.

I'm still a conservative. I believe in low taxes, personal liberty, and the strengthening of American diplomacy.

I'm sure many of you share my frustrations with politics right now. But Joe Biden won the 2020 election. It's time to move on, and these finger-pointer candidates are only looking in the rearview mirror. Electing these candidates will not fix our gas prices, high grocery bills, or mortgage rates. They are too busy trying to cast doubt on our election process and undercut our democracy to care about you or me. These are not public servants. These are not candidates worthy of elected office.

While I'm hoping to sound the alarm on these candidates, it's not time to be cynical. It's time to define what it means to be a Republican. If that means voting for a Democrat in November, so be it.

Lansford Levitt is an attorney and a lifelong Republican who lives in Reno.

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Real conservatives need to help some Republicans get real The Nevada Independent - The Nevada Independent

Welcome to The Heart of the Primaries, Republican Edition

June 30, 2022

In this issue: Takeaways from Tuesdays primaries and Liz Cheney tells voters how they can change party affiliation ahead of WY primary

Colorado, Illinois, Oklahoma, and Utah held statewide primaries on Tuesday. New York held primaries for statewide offices and state House districts, and Mississippi and South Carolina held primary runoffs. The results below were current as of Wednesday morning.

Illinois 15th District: Rep. Mary Miller defeated Rep. Rodney Davis 58% to 42%. Three forecasters rate the general election as Safe or Solid Republican.

Davis has represented Illinois 13th Congressional District since 2013, and Miller has represented the 15th since 2021. According to data from Daily Kos, 28% of the new 15th Districts population comes from the old 13th District (which Davis represents), and 31% comes from the old 15th District (which Miller represents).

Davis is one of eight House members who sought re-election and lost this year. Another, Marie Newman (D), lost in Illinois 6th on Tuesday in another incumbent-vs.-incumbent primary. Four primaries featuring multiple incumbents have taken place so far, and two are upcoming.

Illinois Governor: Darren Bailey defeated five other candidates with 57% of the vote. Jesse Sullivan was second with 16%. Richard Irvin finished third with 15%. Three forecasters rate the general election as Likely or Solid Democratic. Gov. J.B. Pritzker (D) is running for re-election.

Bailey is a farmer and was elected to the Illinois Senate in 2020. Sullivan is a venture capitalist who has not previously held political office. Irvin is an attorney and mayor of Aurora, the states second-largest city. Bailey received $9 million in contributions from businessman Richard Uihlein. Hedge fund manager Ken Griffin donated $50 million to Irvin.

Colorado U.S. Senate: Joe ODea defeated Ron Hanks 55.5% to 45.5%. Three forecasters rate the general election as Likely or Solid Democratic. Sen. Michael Bennet (D) is running for re-election.

Key issues in the race included abortion and the 2020 election. ODea said he did not support overturning Roe v. Wade or total abortion bans, while Hanks supported a total abortion ban. ODea said he did not believe the 2020 election was stolen and that Republicans should focus on issues, while Hanks said he believed former President Donald Trump (R) won the 2020 election.

See below to read about Democratic involvement in this and the Illinois gubernatorial race.

Mississippis 4th District primary runoff: Mike Ezell defeated incumbent Steven Palazzo 54%-46%. Three forecasters rate the general election as Safe or Solid Republican.

All five candidates who lost in the June 7 primary endorsed Ezell, who was elected Jackson County sheriff in 2014. Palazzo was first elected to the U.S. House in 2010.

Palazzo is under a House Ethics Committee investigation over allegations that he converted campaign funds to pay personal expenses. Palazzo has denied wrongdoing.

U.S. Senate

Oklahoma U.S. Senate special primary: Markwayne Mullin and T.W. Shannon advanced to an Aug. 23 runoff. Mullin received 44% of the vote and Shannon received 18%. Ten candidates ran in the primary. The special election will fill the remainder of retiring incumbent Sen. Jim Inhofes (R) term.

U.S. House

Colorados 8th District: Barbara Kirkmeyer defeated three other candidates with 41% of the vote. Jan Kulmann finished second with 23%. Colorado gained an eighth congressional district after the 2020 census. Three forecasters rate the general election as a Toss-up.

Mississippis 3rd District primary runoff: Incumbent Michael Guest defeated Michael Cassidy 66% to 34%. Three forecasters rate the general election as Safe or Solid Republican.

State executives

Colorado Secretary of State: Pam Anderson won with 44% of the vote. Mike ODonnell finished second with 29% and Tina Peters third with 27%. Anderson views the 2020 presidential election results as legitimate, while Peters and ODonnell deny their legitimacy. Peters was indicted on charges stemming from an election tampering investigation, where she has denied wrongdoing. Republicans won each election for this office from 1962 to 2018, when Sec. of State Jean Griswold (D) defeated Wayne Williams (R).

Oklahoma Attorney General: Gentner Drummond defeated incumbent John OConnor 51% to 49%. No Democratic candidates filed to run. Drummond faces Lynda Steele (L) in the general election.

The Associated Press discussed ODeas Senate primary win in context of the Supreme Courts decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Womens Health Organization:

The abortion debate consumed the nation this week, but there was no race where it mattered more than Colorados Republican primary for the U.S. Senate, where businessman Joe ODea became one of the only abortion-rights-supporting Republican in the nation to win a statewide primary this year.

ODea beat back a stiff challenge from state Rep. Ron Hanks, a Trump loyalist who opposed abortion with no exceptions for rape, incest or the life of the mother.

ODea will face Democratic Sen. Michael Bennet in November, and if he wins, he would become just the third Senate Republican and the only male to support abortion rights.

He said he backs a ban on late-term abortions and government funding of abortions but that the decision to terminate a pregnancy in the initial months is between a person and their God.

Democrats had spent at least $2.5 million on ads designed to boost ODeas opponent by promoting, among other things, that he was too conservative for backing a complete abortion ban.

The Hill wrote about results in Illinois and Colorados primaries where Democrats sought to influence outcomes:

Ahead of Tuesdays primaries, Democrats made clear what kind of Republicans they hoped to run against in November, pouring money into ads boosting far-right candidates with shaky general election prospects.

That strategy ultimately paid off in the GOP primary for Illinois governor, where Trumps endorsed candidate, state Sen. Darren Bailey, notched a win over a more moderate Republican, former Aurora Mayor Richard Irvin.

Still, it wasnt an across-the-board success for Democrats.

In Colorado, Republican Heidi Ganahl beat out Greg Lopez in the GOP gubernatorial primary despite Democratic-aligned groups spending big to tout Lopezs conservative credentials.

The same is true in the Colorado GOP Senate primary, where Democrats were hoping to boost conservative state Rep. Ron Hanks over businessman Joe ODea, a more moderate Republican. ODea ultimately clinched the nomination to take on Sen. Michael Bennet (D-Colo.).

Democrats still have the incumbent advantage in both the Colorado Senate and gubernatorial race. But the failed efforts to lift up hard-line conservatives in the primaries show the limits of money in politics.

The Washington Examiner wrote that Trump-endorsed candidates victories in Illinois worsens Republicans general election prospects in the state:

Illinois Republicans are under the thumb of insular, combative populists after state Sen. Darren Bailey and Rep. Mary Miller won primaries for governor and Congress, respectively, over appealing conservative pragmatists who would have improved their partys midterm election prospects in this deep blue state.

Bailey was endorsed by former President Donald Trump. Miller, who captured the nomination in Illinoiss newly configured 15th Congressional District, was endorsed by the former president and the Club for Growth, an influential conservative advocacy group based in Washington. So neither qualifies as anti-establishment outsiders.

But Baileys victory over Aurora Mayor Richard Irvin, who is black, in the race for the gubernatorial nod and Millers defeat of incumbent Rep. Rodney Davis in a House primary forced by redistricting marked the coronation of the Trump-aligned, MAGA wing of the party atop the Illinois GOP.

The Chicago Sun-Times Mark Brown said some factors could benefit Bailey:

Now to win a second term, Pritzker must defeat Bailey, a downstate farmer who gained notoriety as a first term state senator by challenging the governors COVID-19 restrictions.

Conventional wisdom says Pritzker will do so, marking him as a heavy favorite for November in a Democrat-dominated state that for decades has been hospitable to only moderate Republicans in statewide races.

Bailey is a conservatives conservative who looks like a candidate from the 1950s with the political beliefs to match and boasts the support of former President Donald Trump, who lost this state by 17 percentage points twice 944,714 votes in 2016 and 1,025,024 in 2020. Baileys path to victory is not readily apparent.

But thats why elections probably should come with the same disclaimer as the stock market: Past performance is no guarantee of future results.

Working in Baileys favor is the expectation this will be a big Republican year nationally with the usual mid-term presidential backlash compounded by high inflation and gas prices and a worrisome war in Ukraine.

Throw in the fact Democratic voters often dont turn out in off-year elections and you start to see why Illinois Democrats better not take anything for granted against Bailey.

The figures below were current as of Wednesday morning. Click here for more information on defeated incumbents.

At least six state legislatorsone Democrat and five Republicanslost in primaries on June 28. Including those results, 121 state legislative incumbents have lost in primaries this year. This number will likely increase: 50 primaries featuring incumbents remain uncalled and 20 in New York will not be held until August.

Across the 26 states that have held state legislative primaries so far this year, 4.6% of incumbents running for re-election have lost, continuing an elevated rate of incumbent primary defeats compared to recent election cycles.

Of the 26 states that have held primaries so far, eight had Democratic trifectas, 15 had Republican trifectas, and three had divided governments, with Democrats controlling the governorship and Republicans controlling both legislative chambers. Across these 26 states, there are 3,337 seats up for election, 54% of the nationwide total.

According to The New York Times, U.S. Rep. Liz Cheney sent mailers to Democrats telling voters how they can change their party affiliation ahead of Wyomings primaries. Cheney also includes that information on her campaign website. Voters must be registered Republicans to vote in the states GOP primary, and they may change their affiliation on primary day or ahead of time.

Cheney is one of two Republicans on the nine-member select committee investigating the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol breach and has been a vocal critic of Trump, who endorsed challenger Harriet Hageman in the At-Large Congressional District primary.

Hagemans campaign manager, Carly Miller, said, Liz Cheney promised she wouldnt encourage Democrats to raid the Republican primary, but then again, she also swore to faithfully represent Wyoming and she broke that promise too.

Cheney said in February she would not organize an effort to ask Democrats to change their affiliation.

Cheney said last week, I encourage everyone with principles who loves our country to exercise their right to vote. And, damn right, I will continue to give every voter in Wyoming a list of all the key rules for casting ballots in our state.

According to The New York Times Reid J. Epstein, It is fairly typical for moderate Wyoming Republicans to recruit Democrats to switch parties ahead of primaries it was key to Gov. Mark Gordons victory over a primary field that included Ms. Hageman in 2018.

University of Wyoming political science professor Jim King wrote that independents, not Democrats, would play a key role in the GOP primary: In [a] UW 2020 election survey, majorities of Wyoming independents rated Trumps presidential performance negatively, did not vote for Trump in the presidential election and were confident that the votes in the presidential election were counted accurately. These people are much more likely to support Cheney than Hageman in the Republican primary.

Wyomings primaries are Aug. 16.

State Sen. Matt Dolan, who placed third in the Ohio U.S. Senate primary in May, has launched Ohio Matters PAC. Dolans immediate goal is helping Republicans win majorities in Congress.

Dolan said, If were going to continue to just focus on the past, were going to fail as Republicans.

Politicos Natalie Allison wrote, Dolan was the only candidate on a debate stage of five in March to raise his hand when the moderator asked if, for the betterment of the Republican Party, it was time for Trump to stop talking about the last presidential election.

J.D. Vance won the Senate primary and had Trumps endorsement.

On June 25, the Alabama Republican Party declared the District 27 state Senate GOP primary a tie and announced the race will be decided by lota game of chance.

Incumbent Tom Whatleys campaign had contested the primary results, which showed him trailing Auburn City Council member Jay Hovey by one vote. The Alabama Republican Party Candidate Committee heard testimony and declared that a provisional ballot that had been rejected should count as a vote for Whatley, creating the tie.

The Alabama Law Enforcement Agency (ALEA) said that Patsy Kenney, the voter who cast the provisional ballot in question, hadnt completed the paperwork needed to get an Alabama drivers license and complete her voter registration.

Hovey said, Certainly every vote is important and its unfortunate if anyone is mistaken that they are registered to vote. But if the proper, legal process isnt followed to register, a person shouldnt be allowed to cast a ballot to be considered. On June 29, Hovey formally requested that the party reconsider their original decision to count Kenneys vote.

Whatley said that [Kenneys] ballot was the most scrutinized ballot in Alabama this year. He added, The decision to count [the ballot] was correct. Win or lose the coin toss, helping a constituent like Mrs. Kenney have her ballot counted was the correct thing to do and I am glad to have served her as her state senator.

The state party said, The Alabama Republican Party has the authority to pick its nominee in the event of a tied primary. In this case, the ALGOP Candidate Committee voted in favor of having Chairman John Wahl resolve this tie by lot, the method used for such situations in a general election, as outlined in Alabama Code 17-12-23.

Brian Lyman wrote in the Montgomery Advertiser that Hoveys understanding was that scheduling conflicts meant it [the coin toss] could not take place until after the Fourth of July holiday weekend.

The winner will face Sherri Reese (D) in the general election on November 8. Well update you on the result in a future edition.

Arizona holds primaries on Aug. 2. Weve crunched some numbers to see how competitive the primaries will be compared to recent election cycles.

Notes on how these figures were calculated:

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Heart of the Primaries 2022, Republicans-Issue 29 Ballotpedia News - Ballotpedia News

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MSNBC's Jason Johnson speaks to Wisconsin Lieutenant Governor Mandela Barnes about a recent decision by the state Supreme Court that allows the Republican controlled legislature to indefinitely block dozens of political appointments made by the Governor.July 2, 2022

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Read more from the original source:
How Republicans use the unfair advantage they gave themselves in Wisconsin - MSNBC