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The Wyoming Republican party will no longer recognize Liz Cheney as a member of the GOP in a rebuke over her vote to impeach Donald Trump over his role in the 6 January insurrection.

The vote by the state party central committee followed votes by local GOP officials in about one-third of Wyomings 23 counties to no longer recognize Cheney as a Republican.

The vote is the groups second formal rebuke for her criticism of Trump. In February, the Wyoming GOP central committee voted overwhelmingly to censure Cheney, Wyomings lone US representative.

Cheney has described her vote to impeach Trump as an act of conscience in defense of the constitution. Trump incited the mob and lit the flame of that days events, Cheney said after the attack.

It was laughable for anybody to suggest Cheney isnt a conservative Republican, said Cheneys spokesperson, Jeremy Adler, on Monday.

She is bound by her oath to the constitution. Sadly, a portion of the Wyoming GOP leadership has abandoned that fundamental principle and instead allowed themselves to be held hostage to the lies of a dangerous and irrational man, Adler added.

Cheney is now facing at least four Republican opponents in the 2022 primary, including the Cheyenne attorney Harriet Hageman, whom Trump has endorsed. Hageman in a statement called the latest state GOP central committee vote fitting, the Casper Star-Tribune reported.

Liz Cheney stopped recognizing what Wyomingites care about a long time ago. When she launched her war against President Trump, she completely broke with where we are as a state, Hageman said.

In May, Republicans in Washington DC removed Cheney from a top congressional GOP leadership position after she continued to criticize Trumps false claims that voter fraud cost him re-election.

Cheney had survived an earlier attempt to remove her as chairwoman of the House Republican conference, a role that shapes GOP messaging in the chamber.

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Wyoming Republican party stops recognizing Liz Cheney as member - The Guardian

There arent a lot of things you can count on in this life, but one thing on which you definitely, 100% always can is Republicans rallying around the absolute worst members of society. Whether its an unsympathetic teen who killed two people, a colleague who proudly harasses school shooting survivors, or a Supreme Court justice accused of attempted rape, the GOP just loves to go to bat for these people. So naturally, their new pet cause is Steve Bannon, the indicted former Trump adviser who is literally still trying to overturn the results of the 2020 election.

In the wake of the Friday news that a grand jury had charged Bannon for refusing to appear for a deposition with January 6 investigators and refusing to turn over requested documentsneither of which is in dispute!Republican lawmakers have flown to the mans defense, claiming, amazingly, that hes a victim of a zealous Department of Justice and vowing to get revenge against the people who have wronged him.

Now that Democrats have started these politically-motivated indictments for Contempt of Congress, I look forward to seeing their reactions when we keep that same energy as we take back the House next year! Rep. Lauren Boebert tweeted on Saturday, as though theres a single, solitary thing that Republicans do thats not politically motivated. For years, Democrats baselessly accused President Trump of weaponizing the DOJ. In reality, it is the Left that has been weaponizing the DOJ the ENTIRE TIME - from the false Russia Hoax to the Soviet-style prosecution of political opponents, Rep. Elise Stefanikclaimed, apparently forgetting that Donald Trump desperately tried to get the DOJ to prosecute, among others, Hillary Clinton, James Comey, Barack Obama, and Joe Biden. Matt Gaetz, who knows a little something about potential indictments, tweeted the hashtag #TeamBannon alongside a photo of the two of them on a tarmac near Air Force One.

Meanwhile, Rep. Jim Jordan suggested that Republicans will seek retribution for Bannon if they take over the House in 2022, claiming that Biden aides can expect to receive an avalanche of frivolous subpoenas. Joe Biden has evicerated [sic] Executive Privilege, Jordan wrote on Twitter. There are a lot of Republicans eager to hear testimony from Ron Klain and Jake Sullivan when we take back the House. Obviously, Jordan did not mention that Klain and Sullivan do not have information concerning the violent attack on the Capitol that took place last January, nor did he note that Congress is strictly interested in what Bannon might have discussed with Trump in regard to the insurrection, and not legitimate government business. Bannonis viewed as a key witness for the January 6 select committee because he reportedly had conversations with Trump in the weeks leading up to the Capitol attack, was present in the war room of Trump allies as the insurrection went down, andtoldpodcast listeners on January 5, All hell is going to break loose tomorrow. In September, Bannonsaidthat hetoldTrump before the insurrection that he needed to kill [the Biden] administration in the crib early on. In short, the House committee said in itsreportputting forward a contempt resolution against him, Mr. Bannon appears to have played a multi-faceted role in the events of January 6th, and the American people are entitled to hear his first-hand testimony regarding his actions.

For his part, Trump released a characteristically insane, historically inaccurate statement on Sunday, saying, This Country has perhaps never done to anyone what they have done to Steve Bannon and they are looking to do it to others, also. (The people imprisoned in Japanese internment camps would probably like a word. And enslaved people too. Oh, and the ones who died while someone was publicly claiming COVID-19 was no big deal.)

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Unhinged Republicans Threaten Retribution Over Bannon Indictment - Vanity Fair

Now that Republicans have won control of the Executive Mansion and the House of Delegates, will they be able to roll back some of the new environmental regulations approved by Democrats over the last two years?

The Virginia Clean Economy Act was a landmark piece of legislation for Democrats in 2020. It called for massive investments in offshore wind and zero carbon emissions by 2050. Now that Republicans will be controlling the administration and the House of Delegates, Steve Haner at the Thomas Jefferson Institute says the Clean Economy Act may require some cleaning up.

"The Clean Economy Act is definitely something that people want to revisit and amend," Haner explains. "Whether they want to repeal it outright that's another question. But amendments for sure, and I think the amendments can get through the House."

But the House is only half the story at the General Assembly. Democrats are still in control of the Senate, although they'll no longer have a lieutenant governor to break ties. Senator George Barker is a Democrat from Fairfax County who says Democrats may be able to prevent efforts to gut the Clean Economy Act from ever reaching the Senate floor.

"If the bill, a bill, does come over backing down on some of the climate change types of things from the House, and it's certainly possible it will," Barker says. "I think we have the ability to deal with it in the Senate and box it up and it'll probably never get to the floor and have the bill basically defeated in the committee."

That would be the Senate Commerce and Labor Committee, which has 12 Democrats and only three Republicans.

This report, provided byVirginia Public Radio, was made possible with support from theVirginia Education Association.

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Now that Republicans control the House of Delegates, will the Clean Economy Act be revisited? - WVTF

Republicans are more likely to move to blue states if there are no mask or vaccine mandates (Getty)

Where you live and whom you vote for have never been more closely tied. Mapped election results over the past few decades show the red middle has grown redder and the blue coasts bluer.

But when it comes to settling down in another partys territory, a report by apartment-listing site Zumper shows registered Republicans are more liberal about living among Democrats than the other way around with one caveat.

To conduct the survey, Zumper asked 1,500 people from across the country, Would you move to an area that did not match your political leaning?

Democrats were less inclined than Republicans to lay down roots among people on the other end of the politician spectrum, as 40 percent said they would not move to a red area and only 27 percent said they would.

Republicans, however, were game to mix with the left, with 43 percent of GOP voters saying they would move to an area that did not match their politics and 36 percent saying they would not.

Jeff Andrews, report author and data analyst at Zumper, said Republicans openness to liberal enclaves makes more sense if you split them into two camps upper-middle-class and wealthy constituents who prize low regulation in one, and low-income, rural voters who favor identity politics in the other.

A wealthy Republican who works in finance might prefer to live in New York City, despite its blue leaning, Andrews said, pointing to job location and the perks of living in a cultural hub as factors. Plus, higher earners could afford to relocate.

The lasting popularity of Manhattans Metropolitan Republican Club speaks to that cohorts existence. Just last month, the group sold out its 118th annual dinner honoring Forbes Editor-in-Chief Steve Forbes with the Ronald Reagan Award in celebration of the 40th anniversary of the Reagan Tax Cuts.

The Silk Stocking District on the Upper East Side is also routinely the top-donating area to Republican campaigns.

Similarly, in San Francisco, where just over 6 percent of voters are registered as Republicans, some ballots were cast for Donald Trump in 2016. The votes were concentrated in the citys richest areas Pacific Heights and Sea Cliff, among them, the San Francisco examiner reported.

In New York, there are likewise Republican pockets within the cities tight-knit communities, such as Brooklyns Hasidic and Russian Jewish enclaves. Brighton and Manhattan Beach elected a Republican City Council member this year for the first time this century.

Still, Republican openness to relocation knows some bounds, the report found. For many, Covid-19 protocols were a critical catch.

While 86 percent of Democrats said they would move to an area with a mask mandate, less than half of Republicans said the same. Aversions to vaccine mandates held similar sway. Just over one-third of Republicans said they would move somewhere that had vaccination requirements; 82 percent of Democrats said they would.

Considering the strict vaccine mandates for certain jobs and venues in San Francisco, Los Angeles and New York, it seems unlikely that the three cities will see an influx of Republicans anytime soon.

Contact Suzannah Cavanaugh

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Republicans game to live in blue states unless theres a Covid mandate - The Real Deal

Although former President Donald Trump maintains a strong hold over his base, not all Republicans are making plans that do not depend on him. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images hide caption

Although former President Donald Trump maintains a strong hold over his base, not all Republicans are making plans that do not depend on him.

Let's assume you have spent at least a few minutes this week thinking about former President Donald Trump or something he has said or done. So ask yourself: Did anything seem different? Was it the same thought process with the same attitude as when you thought of him, say, two weeks ago?

You may not have noticed any difference. Or it may seem too subtle to measure or describe. Trump has been such an enormous force and phenomenon on our political landscape that a small change in his salience or trajectory may not be perceptible right away. Both have evolved over time and continue to evolve.

If, on the other hand, you sensed something in the air, it may have been more than the belated arrival of autumn after the summer's lingering heat.

Consider this: November brought the first election in six years that was neither directly nor indirectly a referendum on Donald Trump. The big story of the night was Virginia and the huge rural and Republican turnout for businessman Glenn Youngkin, who, after the GOP primary, had done all he decently could to separate himself from the former president and run on his own.

Trump immediately attributed the victory to "my base," and indeed most of Youngkin's voters had surely been Trump's voters first. But this month, they turned out for another, distinctly different model of Republicanism and Trump's minimal involvement did not seem to matter that much.

What's more, Youngkin won because he far exceeded Trump's showing in the pivotal Virginia suburbs where Democrats had been dominating in recent elections at all levels.

In New Jersey, Democratic turnout was nothing short of embarrassing and the incumbent governor, Phil Murphy, nearly lost. Republican turnout was dandy, especially outside the urban-suburban corridor from metro Philadelphia to metro New York.

But here again, Trump had not been a major factor in the race, despite being a frequent presence in the state that is home to his Bedminster golf club. Jack Ciattarelli, the Republican who nearly won, had spoken at a "Stop the Steal" rally in 2020. But in June, he billed himself as "an Abraham Lincoln Republican" after defeating two primary rivals who ran on Trump's false claims about the 2020 election.

In short, both parties were left to contemplate how well Republicans ran without Trump being either on the ballot or in office, while Democrats found it hard to hold the gains they had been making in the suburbs in the Trump years. Those gains had been the key to the Democrats' capturing the House in 2018 and the White House in 2020.

It does not take much imagination to add that the suburbs are likely to be the key battleground again next year, when the stakes will be control of the House and Senate and 36 governorships.

The New Jersey result also prompted a crack from the Garden State's last Republican governor, Chris Christie. A presidential candidate himself in 2016, and considered by some a prospect for 2024, Christie couldn't resist noting that he had been reelected as New Jersey's governor (in 2013) with "60% of the vote" whereas when Trump sought a second term, "he lost to Joe Biden."

One might have expected more sympathy from Christie, whose long history with Trump included prepping him for the debates with then-candidate Biden in the fall of 2020.

None of this should be interpreted to mean the period of "the Trump years" is approaching an end. For all we know, it has not yet reached its halfway point.

But the era has been nothing if not dynamic, with big swings up and down for the former president's popularity while he was in office and since. And while his approval sank to its all-time low (34%) in the Gallup Poll after the Jan. 6 rioters breached the Capitol, Trump has nevertheless defended that incident in his recent statements.

Just this week he released a statement saying: "The real insurrection happened on November 3rd, the Presidential Election, not on January 6th which was a day of protesting the Fake Election results."

As has often been his pattern, Trump does not dispute facts, he substitutes a complete counterfactual scenario (once famously described as "alternative facts") that he prefers to reality.

In this most recent instance, he was responding to the flurry of subpoenas issued by the House panel investigating the events of Jan. 6 and their connection to Trump's White House. The subpoenas cover many of Trump's inner circle, including his last chief of staff, Mark Meadows, and Trump's 2016 campaign strategist Steve Bannon both of whom have already refused to comply. On Friday, Bannon was indicted by a federal grand jury for contempt of Congress.

Whatever the committee may eventually find and report, a lengthy process that highlights a parade of non-cooperative witnesses who defy lawful subpoenas does not convey an impression of innocence.

There is no question that the former president remains the leading figure in the Republican Party, and arguably the most dominant personality on the American political stage. His only rival in that regard is the current president of the United States, who does not seem interested in competing for "most dominant personality" and that is putting it mildly.

With 26 months to go before the 2024 primaries begin, there is consensus that if Trump chooses to run again he will "clear the field" and reclaim his party's presidential nomination. At this moment, the party's nomination appears to be up to him not the party.

But one message to emerge from this month's developments is that not all Republicans are accepting the current terms of their marriage to the former president. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has urged Trump to stay out of the party's primaries in 2022. Alaska Republican Sen. Lisa Murkowski has defied the former president (whom she had voted to remove from office in the second impeachment trial) by running for reelection despite his decrees against her.

Sen. Rick Scott of Florida, the chairman of the Republicans' Senate campaign committee for 2022, has indicated the party should focus on economic issues, education concerns and Biden's travails. When asked about Trump's insistence on having GOP candidates in 2022 promote his claims about 2020, Scott says, "Americans are focused on the future" and adds: "We're not going to talk about the last election."

On the same day as Scott's interview, Axios co-founder Jim VandeHei, published a piece reporting on Republicans who were "slowly but surely charting a post-Trump ideology and platform."

These are, for now, straws in the wind. Among those he calls "my base," Trump remains the Alpha Male he has always cast himself to be.

No one commands his legions quite the way he does.

All acknowledge he brought new energy and millions of new voters to the Republican cause. He largely remade the federal judiciary in the image of the conservative Federalist Society. He cut taxes.

But he also lost the House, the Senate and the White House in the course of just one term. No president in either party had done that after such a short time in office since Herbert Hoover did so nearly a century ago.

Moreover, in the next year, as Youngkin goes from "new kid in town" to "favorite get" for conservative media and the adjudication of Jan. 6 drags on everywhere else, Rick Scott's advice for his party's candidates is likely to look better and better.

Excerpt from:
Without Trump, Republicans showed unexpected strength on the ballot - NPR