Archive for the ‘Republicans’ Category

Republicans Think Conservatives Face More Discrimination Than Black People: Poll – Newsweek

Republicans feel conservatives face more discrimination than Black people do in America, according to a recent poll.

In a The Economist/YouGov poll, respondents were presented with several groups and asked: "How much discrimination do the following people face in America today?"

Conservatives was one of those and overall 22 percent polled said a great deal, 27 percent a fair amount, 30 percent not much and 20 percent none at all.

Among Republican respondents, more felt conservatives faced higher levels of discrimination.

Of those, 40 percent said a great deal, 35 percent a fair amount, 17 percent not much and 9 percent none at all.

The poll posed the same question in regard to Black people.

To this, overall 39 percent said a great deal, 29 percent a fair amount, 24 percent not much and 8 percent none at all.

Among Republicans, the numbers were lowerand fell below conservatives in terms of how much discrimination they felt they faced.

Just more than 1 in 10, 14 percent, said a great deal, and 35 percent a fair amount.

Nearly 2 in 5, 39 percent, said not much and 13 percent said none at all.

Republicans also said Asian people, 14 percent a great deal and 36 percent a fair amount, and immigrants, 16 percent a great deal and 33 percent a fair amount, faced lower levels of discrimination than conservatives.

Muslim people, 14 percent a great deal and 44 percent a fair amount, and Jewish people, 16 percent a great deal and 39 percent a fair amount, were also ranked lower in terms of the amount of discrimination Republicans believe they face compared to conservatives.

The polling was conducted among 1,500 U.S. adults, from March 20 to 23.

For the full sample size, the margin of error was plus or minus 2.9 percent.

The results come with issues over racial equity, discrimination and systemic racism continuing to be a focal point in the U.S.

Protests across the nation last year sparked by the killing of George Floyd provoked widespread discussions.

The recent shootings of Asian women in Atlanta also started further conversations over hate crimes.

Discussions have also come to the fore over the issue of white supremacists in the nation.

President Joe Biden has put "advancing racial equity" as one of his priorities since coming into power, signing several executive orders on this matter.

While these issues have been raised, the subject of "cancel culture" has become a familiar talking point for many conservative voices.

In a poll in January, most Republicans said they saw cancel culture as a threat to freedom.

Conservatives have bemoaned this as suppressing their voices in the public realm.

Republican lawmakers have also rallied against this.

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Republicans Think Conservatives Face More Discrimination Than Black People: Poll - Newsweek

Opinion | What Are Republicans So Afraid Of? – The New York Times

As Peters notes,

Those include laws that would require identification for voters and limit the availability of absentee ballots, as well as other policies that Heritage said would secure and strengthen state election systems.

The other side of this effort to restrict the vote is a full-court press against the For the People Act, which would pre-empt most Republican voter-suppression bills. It kind of feels like an all-hands-on-deck moment for the conservative movement, when the movement writ large realizes the sanctity of our elections is paramount and voter distrust is at an all-time high, Jessica Anderson of Heritage Action for America told The Associated Press.

And in a recording of an address to Republican state legislators obtained by the A.P., Senator Ted Cruz of Texas warned that a voter-protection bill would spell the end of the Republican Party as a viable national party. H.R. 1s only objective is to ensure that Democrats can never again lose another election, that they will win and maintain control of the House of Representatives and the Senate and of the state legislatures for the next century, he said.

Some of this is undoubtedly cynical, a brazen attempt to capitalize on the conspiratorial rhetoric of the former president. But some of it is sincere, a genuine belief that the Republican Party will cease to exist if it cannot secure election integrity.

Whats striking about all this is that, far from evidence of Republican decline, the 2020 election is proof of Republican resilience, even strength. Trump won more than 74 million votes last year. He made substantial gains with Hispanic voters reversing more than a decade of Republican decline and improved with Black voters too. He lost, yes, but he left his party in better-than-expected shape in both the House and the Senate.

If Republicans could break themselves of Trump and look at last November with clear eyes, they would see that their fears of demographic eclipse are overblown and that they can compete even thrive in the kinds of high-turnout elections envisioned by voting rights activists.

Indeed, the great irony of the Republican Partys drive to restrict the vote in the name of Trump is that it burdens the exact voters he brought to the polls. Under Trump, the Republican Party swapped some of the most likely voters white college-educated moderates for some of the least likely blue-collar men.

In other words, by killing measures that make voting more open to everyone, Republicans might make their fears of terminal decline a self-fulfilling prophecy.

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Opinion | What Are Republicans So Afraid Of? - The New York Times

Are Republicans trying to sabotage vaccine efforts? | Letters to the Editor | The Daily News – Galveston County Daily News

The Daily News reported all Texans 16 and older are eligible for vaccination next week ("Virtually all Texans will be eligible for vaccines on Monday," The Daily News, March 24). The day before, the newspaper reported half of Galveston County residents aged 16 or older have received at least one COVID-19 shot ("Half of Galveston County residents have received a vaccination," The Daily News, March 23).

While that sounds like good news, one must wonder if we've reached an impasse. A recent poll from NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist found that 47 percent of people who supported former President Donald Trump in the 2020 election say they will not be vaccinated.

Even though their leader received a vaccine, albeit in private, is the Republican game plan to sabotage President Bidens vaccine effort?

Republicans have become so brainwashed from decades of right-wing pundits demonizing Democrats that they're willing to sacrifice themselves and their loved ones to make Bidens vaccination rollout fail.

This is the same group of people who politicized the wearing of masks, supported the insurrection in January and have chosen sides with Russias Putin over their own president. And to this day, they refuse health care because a Democratic president created it.

Republicans have spent a year complaining about lockdowns and losing their freedoms; now with a chance for a return to normalcy, they balk.

Johnny Trlica

Galveston

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Are Republicans trying to sabotage vaccine efforts? | Letters to the Editor | The Daily News - Galveston County Daily News

Why Trump and Republicans Failed to Repeal Obamacare – The Atlantic

Obviously, it is the case that there were not enough conversations about replace, Brian Blase, a conservative health-policy expert who was a top domestic-policy adviser in the Trump White House, told me. Dean Rosen, a GOP leadership aide from the early 2000s who went on to become one of Washingtons most influential health-care strategists, said, There was an intellectual simplicity or an intellectual laziness that, for Republicans in health care, passed for policy development. That bit us in the ass when it came to repeal and replace.

One reason for this laziness was a simple lack of interest. For decades, Republicans had seemed interested in health-care policy only when responding to Democratic policies required it. Republicans do taxes and national security, Brendan Buck, a former GOP leadership aide, quipped in an interview. They dont do health care.

That ambivalence extended to the GOPs networks of advisers and advocates. The cadre of Republican intellectuals who worked on health policy would frequently observe that they had very little company, talking about a wonk gap with their more liberal counterparts. There are about 30 times more people on the left that do health policy than on the right, Blase said.

Another problem was a recognition that forging a GOP consensus on replacement would have been difficult because of internal divisions. Some Republicans wanted mainly to downsize the Affordable Care Act, others to undertake a radical transformation in ways they said would create more of an open, competitive market. Still others just wanted to get rid of Obamas law and didnt especially care what, if anything, took its place.

The homework that hadnt been successful was the work to coalesce around a single plan, a single set of specific legislative items that could be supported by most Republicans, Price told me. Clearly, looking at the history of this issue, this has always been difficult for us because there are so many different perspectives on what should be done and what ought to be the role of the federal government in health care.

The incentive structure in conservative politics didnt help, because it rewarded the ability to generate outrage rather than the ability to deliver changes in policy. Power had been shifting more and more to the partys most extreme and incendiary voices, whose great skill was in landing appearances on Hannity, not providing for their constituents. Never was that more apparent than in 2013, when DeMint, Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, and some House conservatives pushed Republicans into shutting down the government in an attempt to defund the Affordable Care Act that even many conservative Republicans understood had no chance of succeeding.

The failure to grapple with the complexities of American health care and the difficult politics of enacting any kind of change didnt really hurt Republicans until they finally got power in 2017 and, for the first time, had to back up their promises of a superior Obamacare alternative with actual policy. Their solution was to minimize public scrutiny, bypassing normal committee hearings so they could hastily write bills in the leadership offices of House Speaker Paul Ryan and, after that, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell.

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Why Trump and Republicans Failed to Repeal Obamacare - The Atlantic

Texas Republicans begin pursuing new voting restrictions – The Texas Tribune

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Today, Republican lawmakers in Texas will begin attempting to cement more bricks into the wall they hope will shield their hold on power from the state's changing electorate.

After more than 20 years in firm control, the GOP is seeing its dominance of Texas politics slowly slip away, with some once reliable suburbs following big cities into the Democratic party's fold.

This legislative session, Republicans are staging a sweeping legislative campaign to further tighten the state's already restrictive voting rules and raise new barriers for some voters, clamping down in particular on local efforts to make voting easier.

If legislation they have introduced passes, future elections in Texas will look something like this: Voters with disabilities will be required to prove they can't make it to the polls before they can get mail-in ballots. County election officials wont be able to keep polling places open late to give voters like shift workers more time to cast their ballots. Partisan poll watchers will be allowed to record voters who receive help filling out their ballots at a polling place. Drive-thru voting would be outlawed. And local election officials may be forbidden from encouraging Texans to fill out applications to vote by mail, even if they meet the states strict eligibility rules.

Those provisions are in a Senate priority bill that will receive its first committee airing Monday. Senate Bill 7 is part of a broader package of proposals to constrain local initiatives widening voter access in urban areas, made up largely by people of color, that favor Democrats.

The wave of new restrictions would crash up against an emerging Texas electorate that every election cycle includes more and more younger voters and voters of color. They risk compounding the hurdles marginalized people already face making themselves heard at the ballot box.

I think Texans should be really frustrated with their politicians, because it is so obvious that theres a lot of work that needs to be done to put itself in a place where its people are safe with all the challenges we could be expecting to be facing in the modern era, and instead theyre figuring out how to stay in power, said Myrna Prez, director of the voting rights and elections program at the Brennan Center for Justice, which is analyzing and tracking proposed voting restrictions across the country.

Their manipulation has got a shelf life, and I think that's part of the reason why theyre so desperate to do it right now because they see the end. They see whats coming down the road for them.

The months since the presidential election have been roiled by unsuccessful Republican attempts to overturn its outcome by pushing disproven claims of widespread voter fraud, and legislative pushback in state Capitols across the country in light of those defeats. Key states like Georgia and Arizona, which voters of color helped flip into Democrats column last year, are at the center of growing Republican efforts to tighten voting rules or rollback access that could suppress those voters.

Republican maneuvering to change voting rules state by state comes as Democrats in Washington D.C., try to pass a national voting rights bill that would upend key elements of Texas election laws. The wide-ranging legislation, which has passed in the U.S. House but faces stiff GOP opposition in the Senate, would require online voter registration systems and the automatic registration of eligible people who interact with certain government agencies. It would open up mail in voting to any registered voter and ban partisan gerrymandering, among other measures.

Texas remains a red state under complete Republican control, even after seeing the highest turnout in decades in 2020. But last years election continued a trend of waning.

Former president Donald Trumps victory by about 5.6 percentage points was smaller than his nine-point margin four years before, making it the state's closest race for the White House since 1996, when GOP nominee Bob Dole won by 5 points. Democrats continued to drive up their margins in large cities and fast-growing, diversifying suburbs. And while they fell significantly short of their self-imposed expectations to take back the Texas House, Democrats held onto most of their 2018 wins in newly-competitive suburban districts.

Even with the state having some of the strictest voting rules in the country on the books, Gov. Greg Abbott earlier this year aligned Texas with the party's national movement, which has been reenergized by the Republican-pushed myth that the presidential election was stolen. He deemed what he called election integrity an emergency item for the 2021 legislative session. Weeks later, he had backing from the national Republican Party, which echoed Abbotts election integrity designation when it announced a committee to push for changes to state election laws.

But the connection between some GOP proposals and the soundness of Texas elections is tenuous. One proposal would shorten the window for requesting a mail-in ballot. Another would limit eligibility to vote by mail based on a disability to voters who are homebound. One bill would prohibit voters from dropping off absentee ballots in person on Election Day. And in a state without online voter registration, another bill would eliminate the volunteer deputy registrars that counties often use to help Texans register on paper.

Several Republicans have filed or signed onto legislation that would impose limits on early voting hours, with a particular nod toward pulling back on Harris Countys extended hours. Last November, the countys 122 early voting sites stayed open three hours past their usual 7 p.m. closing time for three days, and the county hosted a day of 24-hour voting at eight locations.

In the Senate, Houston Republican Paul Bettencourt filed legislation that would set uniform schedules across the state, limiting poll hours during the first week of early voting from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. and from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m. during the second week.

Bettencourt defended his bill as a starting point to discuss uniform access across the state. But his proposal would result in cuts to early voting, particularly in urban counties like Harris, Dallas and Travis that have recently hosted voting for 12 hours throughout the early voting period.

Im trying to strike a midrange solution, Bettencourt said. Im not trying to disadvantage anybody or create an advantage for anybody. Im trying to come up with a uniform answer.

Other Republicans have explained their bills as efforts to close off opportunities for voting fraud during extended hours, even though there is no evidence that it has occurred under the state's already strict system.

Momma always said nothing good happens after midnight. That includes at polling places, state Rep. Jared Patterson, R-Frisco, posted to Twitter regarding legislation that appears to be aimed at outlawing Harris Countys 24-hour voting initiative. I filed HB 2293 because of irregularities in Harris County polling hours of operation and the opportunity for voter fraud when no one is looking.

In Harris County, elections administrator Isabel Longoria said uniformity was the point in widening access during the November election. Extended hours especially 24-hour voting were meant to accommodate shift workers for whom regular voting hours dont work, including the doctors, construction workers and port workers that came out at midnight. Those ballots were cast under the same conditions and state rules that exist during daytime hours.

Im hoping theyre all here to stay, Longoria said of the countys new initiatives. What we took up in 2020 was about being creative and helping voters.

By the countys account, they worked. One in every 10 of Harris County's in-person early voters cast their ballots at the countys 10 drive-thru polling places. And Black and Hispanic voters cast more than half the ballots counted at both drive-thru sites and during extended hours, according to an analysis by the Harris County elections office. The county estimates Black and Hispanic voters cast 47.5% of the total ballots in the election.

If you total up everyone who did drive-thru voting, everyone who voted after 7 p.m. and everyone who voted by mail, thats 300,000 voters, Longoria said. Number of voter fraud attempts? Truly unknown. Number of Harris County voters who used these methods? 300,000.

Abbott has raised the suggestion that the integrity of elections in 2020 were questioned by the actions of officials in Harris County the states most populous and a Democratically controlled county when they enacted measures like drive-thru voting for the 2020 election and attempted to send applications for mail-in ballots to every registered voter in the county. The governor laid his criticism of Harris County against broader concerns about fraud in the state, but he could not offer specific instances.

Right now I don't know how many or if any elections in the state of Texas in 2020 were altered because of voter fraud, Abbott said. What I can tell you is this, and that is any voter fraud that takes place sow seeds of distrust in the election process.

Though there are documented cases of fraud in Texas, it remains rare. There have been no reports or evidence that there were widespread issues concerning fraud during the 2020 election, and Keith Ingram the chief of elections at the Texas secretary of states office recently told House lawmakers that Texas had an election that was smooth and secure.

Texas Republicans have for many years used concerns about fraud to push voting restrictions, including some that were later found to harm voters of color. One prominent example is the states voter ID law, which requires voters to show one of a handful of allowable photo identification cards before they can cast their ballots. Republicans passed the law claiming it would help prevent voter fraud, even though there was little evidence for the kind of in-person fraud that law purported to prevent.

A federal judge and the U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals considered to be among the countrys most conservative appellate courts found the law disproportionately burdened voters of color who were less likely to have one of the seven forms of identification the state required. The law was eventually rewritten to match temporary rules a judge put in place for the 2016 election in an effort to ease the states requirements.

From our perspective, the most important single issue facing Texas elections is a crisis of voter suppression that has been getting worse over time and brought about ever-tightening restrictions on the right to vote because of mythical concerns about voter fraud, said James Slattery, a senior staff attorney with the Texas Civil Rights Project.

The Republican push for "integrity" also ushered in a botched scouring for noncitizens on the voter rolls in 2019 that instead jeopardized the registrations of nearly 100,000 voters the bulk of whom were likely naturalized citizens. Now, Republicans are trying to write that effort into law.

To question their citizenship and flag them for review, the state compared registered voters to a Texas Department of Public Safety database of people who provided some form of documentation, such as a green card or a work visa, that showed they were not citizens when they obtained driver's licenses or ID cards. But the database was flawed because in between renewals, Texans arent required to notify DPS about changes in citizenship status. That means many of the people on the list could have become citizens and registered to vote without DPS knowing.

One proposal by Bettencourt would mandate proof of citizenship notices be sent to those voters with a demand to provide documentation to keep their registration.

In recent weeks, Bettencourt and other Texas Republicans have used broader language to categorize their proposals as part of an effort to raise trust and faith in the election process and results even though they are among the most prominent voices casting doubt on the system that put them in office.

Deer Park Republican state Rep. Briscoe Cain who has filed legislation to prohibit counties from sending out mail-in applications unless theyre requested by a voter has said he wants to protect the voices of American citizens who are eligible to vote. In November, Cain volunteered with the Trump campaign in Pennsylvania as it attempted to overturn the outcome of the election. The campaign eventually filed a lawsuit to essentially toss the results of that states election. A federal judge instead threw out the lawsuit.

Texans deserve to have trust and confidence in the process and outcome of our elections, Cain previously said in response to questions about his involvement with the Trump campaign.

During the election season, voters faced a similar blur in messaging. The states Republican leadership reprimanded local officials for attempting to proactively send out applications for mail-in ballots raising claims it would facilitate fraud, even as the state GOP sent unsolicited applications to voters urging them to fill them out.

Lets be clear about this: This is a national rollout. Its a national rollout that started before today and its picked up again with this idea that there's widespread fraud everywhere that doesn't exist, state Rep. Garnet Coleman, D-Houston, said at a House Democratic press conference addressing Republicans proposed legislation.

To Coleman, Republican proposals to narrow access to voting based on purported concerns of fraud amounted to veiled racism over the implication that voters of color who exercised their political weight in greater force during the 2020 election are going to cheat.

As a matter of fact, we had to fight harder for it, said Coleman, who is Black. Of course we want integrity in the voting system but we dont want the voting system to work against the voters. And thats what this legislation and this rhetoric does.

Disclosure: The Texas Secretary of State has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

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Texas Republicans begin pursuing new voting restrictions - The Texas Tribune