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David A. Graham: Mitch McConnells Potemkin trial

Trump still doesnt inspire the same level of cultish devotion among Republican officeholders as he does among Republican voters. Time and again during his political career, he has said or done something that has appalled, mortified, or scandalized GOP politicians: There was the Access Hollywood tape in October 2016. There was the week in May 2017 when he fired FBI Director James Comey, then shared classified material with Russian leaders. There was his obsequious appearance with Vladimir Putin in Helsinki in July 2018. Each time, the initial reaction has been horror and even condemnation from Republican officials, followedwithin a few short daysby acquiescence and acceptance.

This happened twice during the impeachment drama. In the early stages of the scandal, Republicans criticized Trumps call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. Senator Lindsey Graham said hed be very disturbed if Trump had engaged in a quid pro quo. But eventually the GOP settled down, and Graham now says the quid pro quo is perfectly fine.

The second example arrived this week. After news of former National Security Adviser John Boltons book, which confirmed the factual case alleged by House Democrats, Republican senators seemed to be reeling. Senator Angus King, a Maine independent who caucuses with the Democrats, and is apparently very naive, predicted that as many as 10 Republicans would vote to hear witnesses. Reports said that McConnell didnt have the votes to block witnesses. Now, of course, it seems obvious that witnesses are out, leaving things right where they were before the Bolton revelations.

Why is it that these moments bend but never break Republican support? This is politics, and the simplest answer is probably political. Vulnerable senators like Cory Gardner of Colorado and Martha McSally of Arizona are risking their seats by lining up behind Trump. Both face tough races in November. Gardner will likely run against the popular former governor John Hickenlooper. McSally lost an election last November, was appointed to fill another Senate seat, and is struggling against the Democratic challenger, Mark Kelly.

Yet its not clear that going against Trump would help either Gardner or McSally, and the opposite is more likely. Candidates occasionally try to run away from presidents of their own party who are unpopular in their state, and it almost never works. Such a maneuver is unlikely to win over Democrats and moderates who dislike Trumpespecially for first-termers like Gardner and McSally, who dont have a long-standing relationship with voterswhile it might alienate Republican voters the senators desperately need to hold.

In 2010, for example, some moderate Democrats attempted to distance themselves from Barack Obama, and they were almost entirely swept out of office. Then again, other Democrats tried to stay close to Obama, and many of them were swept out of office too.

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Republicans Are Prepared to Go Down With Trump - The Atlantic

Former Illinois Rep. Joe WalshJoe WalshWeld warns of Republican Party split, Democratic takeover of Senate GOP spokeswoman likens Sanders rise to Trump: 'You shouldn't just brush off a side' Trump allies to barnstorm Iowa for caucuses MORE (R) said Tuesday that he does not believe President TrumpDonald John TrumpButtigieg says Iowa 'shocked the nation' in caucus night speech Sanders predicts he'll do 'very, very well' as Iowa continues to wait for results Trump campaign slams Iowa Democratic caucuses amid reporting inconsistencies MORE can be defeated in a GOP primary.

Walsh tweeted a string of messages following Trump's overwhelming win in the Iowa caucuses, calling for a new political movement for conservatives such as him, while blasting the modern-day Republican Party as a "cult."

"I spoke in front of 3,000 Iowa Republicans last night. It was like a MAGA rally. I told them we needed a President who doesnt lie all the time. The crowd booed me. I told them we needed a President who wasnt indecent & cruel. The crowd booed me," Walsh tweeted.

"Afterwards, I realized again that my Republican Party isnt a Party, its a cult. I realized again that nobody can beat Trump in a Republican primary. And most importantly and most sadly, I realized again that I dont belong in this party. I have no home in this party," he continued.

"And I realized again that something new needs to begin. Whether its a political party, or a movement, I dont know. But there needs to be a home for conservatives who are decent, principled, and respectful. Conservatives who embrace all Gods children, acknowledge thatclimate change is real, get serious about our debt, abide by our Constitution, and tell the truth. I hope to be a part of this new party. This new movement. But job #1 in 2020 is to stop Trump," Walsh concluded.

I spoke in front of 3,000 Iowa Republicans last night. It was like a MAGA rally. I told them we needed a President who doesnt lie all the time. The crowd booed me. I told them we needed a President who wasnt indecent & cruel. The crowd booed me. 1/

to stop Trump. Lets make sure Trump is defeated in 2020, then we get back to respectfully debating issues. Instead of talking about Trump everyday. Lets put aside our differences on certain issues now and understand that Trump is the single greatest threat to this Republic. 9/

Walsh was one of two GOP candidates, the other being former Massachusetts Gov. Bill WeldWilliam (Bill) WeldTrump wins Iowa GOP caucuses Weld warns of Republican Party split, Democratic takeover of Senate Advocacy group launches tour to encourage religious voters to vote against Trump MORE (R), who competed and lost to Trump in Iowa's GOP primary Monday night.

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Joe Walsh: I've realized 'nobody can beat Trump in a Republican primary' | TheHill - The Hill

Presidents have been impeached, but none have been removed from office due to impeachment. Confusing? Here's how. USA TODAY

Until Trump, I found something to like or respect about most politicians I encountered, even those I strongly disagreed with. That's no longer true.

Back in 1999, I spent a long day tooling around Iowa with Lamar Alexander. At the time of our travels in a Winnebago,accompanied by a couple of aides and a press corps consisting of me and an AP photographer, he was a former Tennessee governor and a presidential candidate trying to compete with the rock star campaign of George W. Bush.

What I remember most from that day was a dramatic back story that, to my puzzlement, he did notmention in his pitch to voters. President Bill Clinton had been impeached by the House and tried in the Senate in a consuming saga of sex, lies and investigations. Voters seemed ready for someone of, as they say, unimpeachable character. Enter Alexander, at least theoretically.

Who would be more perfect for the moment than a man who had taken over a state amid a gubernatorial pardon-selling scandal so seriousthat he was sworn in three days earlyin a secret 1979 ceremony, to cut short outgoing Gov. Ray Blantons corruption spree? So sensational they made a movie about it, called Marie, in which a lawyer (and future senator) named Fred Thompson played himself?The obvious narrative was that Alexander knew how to restore trust in government he had already done it in Tennessee.

Alexander never became president, but in 2002, he was elected to his first of three terms in the Senate. He was known in Washington for pragmaticbipartisanship a senator who quit leadership in 2011 so he could work across the aisle more often, and who made good on thatmost recentlyin partnership with Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash.,on education and health policy.

Now Alexander's just another Republican cowering at the prospect of crossing President Donald Trump, one of the many people I dont recognize despite having covered and followed them for years or even decades.

Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolinais another. We first met on Sen. John McCains 2000 presidential campaign, when Graham and Thompson were all in with the McCain brand of straight talk, rebellious independence and cross-party relationships.

Sens. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn., and Patty Murray, D-Wash.,on Capitol Hill in Washington on Jan. 21, 2015.(Photo: Susan Walsh/AP)

Theres also Floridas Marco Rubio, who wasinstrumental (with Graham) in getting a landmark bipartisan immigration bill through the Senate in 2013. Alaskas Lisa Murkowski, whose primary loss to a Tea Party candidate in 2010, and subsequent win as a write-incandidate, should have meantshed never owe her party anything, and who played key roles in bipartisan negotiations I wrote about in The Art of the Political Deal.Theres even Susan Collins, who with her moderate Maine colleague Olympia Snowewas so notorious in conservative circles for occasionally going her own way, she evinced disgustfrom an Arizonan fed up with both McCain and "those two women who vote with the Democrats all the time."

Feeling like a jilted lover: Trump impeachment inspired the Senate I loved to commit institutional suicide

These politicians are now strangers to me. Their whole party is untethered not just from reality and its own history, but also from the Constitution itself. I found three pocket copies of it in a drawer the other day and was reminded of how well Ive gotten to know it these past few years. After this, there will be no way to take seriously any GOP argument that relies on the original intent of the Constitution.

I have no doubt many Republicanswill try to deploy it, especially in defense of gun rights. But I ask you, what has changed more since the 18thcentury,the existence of foreign powers whod love to weaken us and the potential for a president who has no problem selling us out, or easily available weapons of war ina country of 329million?

Theres no contest. The Founders never could have foreseen the inventionof semiautomatic weapons or the millions now in private hands. But they well understood "the dangers fromforeign force and influence" and warned about them repeatedly in the Constitutionand in Federalist Papers Nos.2, 3, 4 and 68, for a start.

They also were all too familiar with "the misconduct of public men," asAlexander Hamilton put it inFederalist 65, which is why the Constitution includes an impeachment option.

A lost decade: From Scott Brown to Donald Trump, can Democrats recover from the traumas of the 2010s?

For the 40 years I have written about politics, there hasbeensomething to like or respect about nearly every politician I've encountered.Even when I passionately disagreed with someone on tax or gun or war policy, there was always at least one thing: They welcomed immigrants, wanted to save the planetor were willing to defy elements of their own partyto seek a "grand bargain" on taxes and spending. Maybe they were dishonest and had to resign in disgrace, but not before creatingthe Environmental Protection Agency and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration.

Lately, the Founders have also been top of mind. Many of the most prominent owned slaves, and it's hard to get past that, even considering their times. But they also laid what they hoped was a permanent foundation for an aspirational nation striving toward its ideals. They clearly anticipatedand feared someone like Trump, and tried to give usthe remedies and protectionswe'd need.

Those safeguardshave failed. Let's hope the union the framers envisioned doesn't fail, as well.

Jill Lawrence is the commentary editor of USA TODAY and author of"The Art of the Political Deal:How Congress Beat the Odds and Broke Through Gridlock."Follow her on Twitter:@JillDLawrence

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I used to cover Republicans who are cowering to Trump. I don't recognize them now. - USA TODAY

More than 100 people crammed into the second floor of The Tavern in Centennial to cheer President Donald Trump through his election-year State of the Union Address.

It wasn't just a chance to find allies in a blue-tinged state. It was catharsis on the verge of an expected acquittal in Trump's U.S. Senate trial, and the disarray of Democrats' first caucus in Iowa only added to the jubilation.

"We've got a big election coming up. Look at what the competition's doing. The competition's really proving themselves to be kind of nuts," said Kristina Cook, chair of the Denver Republican Party. "We're watching the impeachment debacle, we're watching what's happening in Iowa.

"I think this is our year to really show the American people what being a Republican is all about -- about the hope, about the opportunity."

The reserved room quickly filled to capacity, with frustrated attendees turned away at the stairs. Upstairs, political candidates circulated while attendees traded pins and hats and posed with a cardboard Trump cutout.

"I think there's more at stake this year than there has been in previous years," said Kris Webster, a health care professional from Centennial, before the address. She was most looking forward to hearing from Trump on his health care proposals.

"I have to say that I have felt strongly about presidents we've had in the past, but not nearly as strong as I have about this candidate, and I think it's because of the impact he's having on American," Webster said.

Trumps approval rating is 94 percent among Republicans nationwide. And its climbed to 49 percent overall, its highest level ever in Gallup polling -- the most polarized presidential approval rating in the surveys history.

Trump drew strong applause as he talked about a rebuilt military, renegotiated trade deals, and he laid out his support for paid family leave and "the American worker."

While the address laid out some health care priorities shared by Democrats, the party's attendees drew a cleared line. Trump's warnings of socialized medicine drew boos that morphed into one of several U-S-A chants.

A brief on-camera shot of Sen. Cory Gardner also drew a few excited whispers.

An extended segment on immigration enforcement, in which Trump singled out crimes committed by immigrants, drew some of the strongest applause of the night. "Hancock sucks!" someone shouted, a reference to Mayor Michael Hancock and the city of Denver's policies.

Later in the speech, a riff on gun rights drew uproarious cheers. The president's plan to go to the moon wasn't quite as popular, though it drew applause. And when Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi tore up a copy of the speech behind Trump at the end of the address, they fumed.

As they streamed out, attendees said they felt assured of Trump's re-election victory.

"I cried, the whole thing. I thought it was eloquent, beautiful, I thought he killed it," said Jennifer Wallen of Centennial. "I honestly think that Donald Trump is maybe touched by God. He's bringing back America, and he's doing it for all Americans, even though some are resisting."

What they weren't so sure about: Could he ever win Colorado?

Some said it was impossible in a blue-tinged state, but Casper Stockham of Aurora said the state party needed to get organized and reach out to minority voters. The crowd on Tuesday night skewed white and older; Stockham, a candidate to challenge U.S. Rep. Jason Crow, is black.

"It's definitely possible. They're trying, but they're not trying hard enough. They're not going into the inner cities, they're not going into Aurora, and that's a mistake," Stockham said. "Donald Trump doesn't leave any votes on the table, and neither should they."

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Colorado Republicans Cheered Trump's Immigration And Health Care Lines At State Of The Union Watch Party - Colorado Public Radio

Conservative groups are trying to peddle conspiracy claims of voter fraud to undermine an election that doesnt even involve Republicans.

Judicial Watch, a conservative advocacy group, put out a report on Monday claiming that Eight Iowa counties have more voter registrations than citizens old enough to register.

Iowa Secretary of State Paul Pate, who is a pro-voter-ID law conservative, refuted the claim on Twitter and linked to Iowas own numbers debunking Judicial Watchs report.

My office has told this organization, and others who have made similar claims, that their data regarding Iowa is deeply flawed and their false claims erode voter confidence in elections, Pate said in a statement. They should stop this misinformation campaign immediately and quit trying to disenfranchise Iowa voters.

Regardless, Judicial Watchs claim has gone massively viral in the right-wing internet community. The president of Judicial Watch, Tom Fitton, went viral with his tweet of the report, picking up over 6,000 retweets. Fitton also put out his own statement on Monday night in which he stood by his debunked claims of voter fraud.

But it was right-wing internet personality Charlie Kirk and Fox News host Sean Hannity who ensured that Judicial Watchs disinformation reached peak virality. Hannitys tweet of the report was retweeted almost 2,000 times by his 4.5 million followers, and Kirks tweet of the information without any citation was retweeted over 40,000 times to his 15 million followers.

Judicial Watch has a long track record of pushing incorrect information, including a false voter fraud claim in 2017. The group has also pushed other baseless hoaxes, including one about ISIS setting up a terrorist camp in Mexico and a lie about the Department of Justice organizing protests against George Zimmerman, the man who murdered Trayvon Martin.

But voter fraud is a recurring myth favored by right-wingers, and no amount of tsk-tsking and Pinocchio tests from factcheckers have been able to curb its popularity. Julia Carie Wong, a reporter at the Guardian, pointed out that right-wing disinformation sourced to Judicial Watchs report was traveling much further online than Iowa states efforts to debunk it.

Technology companies are failing to stymie the disinfos spread as well. Natalie Martinez, a researcher at MoveOn, noticed that Facebook was letting Judicial Watch advertise its false report, despite the company claiming to have tighter standards that bar pages from advertising false information.

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Republicans Are Spreading Voter Fraud Disinformation in an Election They're Not Even Running In - Mother Jones