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The Republican floundering in D.C. is the all-too-public machinations of a party still trying to organize and develop policy while holding the reins of power. Our president and, by default, leader of the party was elected without a developed set of policy details, leaving the GOP without a detailed bicameral governing agenda, a unified message or even a common set of priorities. The resulting chaos is painful to watch.

Why does a party that won and won decisively need to organize? Let us remember, as recently as last October, after the year-long GOP presidential primary when an outsider won, it seemed obvious that the GOP needed a reset.

Unfortunately, the need to unify Republicans remains; winning only exasperated the problem. We are a party held together by redistricting, the overreach and united opposition to the Obama administration, and a handful of policy hangovers from our time in the minority. Republicans are torn between the pragmatism of Reagan and the conservatism of Reagan both sides clinging to the realities and myths of the last president that united the GOP.

The modern GOP is scarred by primaries, litmus tests and outside groups that discourage deal making, where chairmen, senior statesmen and leaders lose elections over the mere suggestion of cutting a deal. Members are shamed if they direct federal funds to their congressional districts, yet lose in primaries for not doing enough for their constituents. We have either too many conservatives or not enough depending on where you fall on the spectrum.

The current coalition of congressional Republicans is a ragtag group, elected as individuals on a variety of platforms and priorities. The conservative revolution that saw the Republican Study Committee grow from 20 members to over 170 in a decade, fell short of 218; it then split itself in two with the birth of the Freedom Caucus.

Meanwhile, the Tuesday Group that almost disappeared reemerged as a counterpoint to the far right. Sprinkle in a handful of old bulls with decades of pragmatic seniority and parliamentary know-how and a couple of libertarians and you have the coalition that makes up the Republicans in Congress.

At the root of the post-Reagan conservative movement that grew during the late 90s and blossomed in the 2010 election, is a core belief that bad process makes bad policy. It is the anger at the process that is the root of the earmark ban, the original opposition to ObamaCare, and ultimately the Trump victory.

The process is the swamp. So stop bad process; dont repeat it. Acting as if Democrats do not exist and insisting on the use of reconciliation to take on healthcare and tax reform only highlight the divides in the GOP. Of all groups, the GOP should know a partisan process will not make good law, permanent law, or conservative law; it is the very process we ran against for the last several cycles.

Moving Republicans from a coalition in the majority to a governing majority will take time, something we may not have. However, a good first step would be to start moving regular bills in regular order. If the public has to watch our infighting, expand the debate and trust the legislative process. The tyranny of the minority needs to be tested, and should be tested on the House and Senate floor, not in primaries.

Sure, there will be losers, but it might also bring structure and unity to a majority in need of both.

Brian Wild is the policy director with Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, a law firm based in Washington, D.C. He was senior advisor to the Speaker of the House John BoehnerJohn BoehnerRepublican donor sues GOP for fraud over ObamaCare repeal failure Boehner on Trump tweets: He gets 'into a pissing match with a skunk' every day Boehner predicts GOP will 'never' repeal, replace ObamaCare MORE and served as deputy assistant for legislative affairs to Vice President Dick Cheney.

The views expressed by contributors are their own and not the views of The Hill.

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How Republicans can bring order out of the GOP's chaos - The Hill (blog)

Republicans kicked off a monthlong respite from the drama surrounding national politics in Washington D.C. this week, only to return home to more chaos and anger from local constituents who elected them to office.

Just as Democrats faced the newly founded Tea Party protesters during the 2009 summer recess, GOP lawmakers were swarmed with major demonstrations immediately after heading back to their hometowns, mostly due to their agenda on health care.

Related: The GOP attempts to repeal Obamacare yet again after failing 70 times

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Voters flocked to the first town halls scheduled for Republican representatives since the majority left Washington Friday afternoon, demanding an end to the partys efforts torepealformer President Barack Obamas landmark health care initiative, the Affordable Care Act.

Things got ugly very quick.

One protestor attending a town hall in California with Representative Doug LaMalfawho voted in favor of replacing Obamacare with the GOPs widely opposed American Health Care Actwished for his death while holding a sign that read Lackey for the Rich!

May you die in pain!He shouted at the Republican congressman.

Others dressed as The Wizard of Ozs infamous Wicked Witch of the West to protest LaMalfas support for legislation that even President Donald Trump reportedly described as meanduring a Republican luncheon at the White House.

SenatorCory Gardneralso took a beating from his local voters in Colorado, one of whomdemanded to know why on Earththe conservative voted consistently to repeal Obamacare.

Seven years ago, when I ran for Congress, I said that I would vote to repeal and replace Obamacare, and Im going to continue to live up to the promise I made,Gardner said. The crowd responded with shouting and boos, sharply rejecting his suggestion that his party will continue to attempt to dismantle the health care bill.

In most photos from local reporters and Twitter users circulating social media during Republican town halls nationwide, protesters can be seen holding signs that read in bold letters RESIGN, One Term Onlyand other scathing messages calling forthe removal of elected officials currently holding office.

Meanwhile, videos from inside the events show locals appearing dumbfounded and frustrated by Republicans responses as to their stalled agenda six months into holding power in both houses, and their policieson issues such ashealth care and the environment.

I appreciate the enormous challenges and difficulties you face as a member of Congress,one man tells LaMalfa in a video from his town hall Monday night. However, along with many Americans and backed by scientific consensus, I am convinced that rapid climate change caused primarily by the combustion of fossil fuels is the most significant issue facing this country.

I do not buy into the idea that man-made activity, such as fossil fuels, affects climate change,the congressman responded, before being drowned out by audience members banging their heads in frustration and berating him out with boos.

Even for conservative lawmakers Republican voters, the wish to carry on from repealing Obamacare could be well warranted: Newsweek found at least 70 attempts by the GOP to repeal, diminish or otherwise reduce the legislation since it came into law in 2010.

Several Republicans who expressed uncertainty about the upcoming monthlong trip back home have yet to schedule town halls. That isnt to say the entire party is hiding behind closed doors: Georgia representativeBuddy Carterhas scheduled at least nine town hall meetings during his vacation.

Just five days into what was supposed to be the longest annual holiday for lawmakers nationwide has instead turned into hell for some. And it may only just be beginning.

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Furious Voters Wish Death and Unemployment on Republicans in Nationwide Recess Demonstrations - Newsweek

When West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice stood next to President Trump during a campaign rally in Huntington, W.Va., on Thursday to announce that he was switching parties and becoming a Republican, it was a historic moment for the GOP.

Justice's decision gives Republicans control of 34 governorships tying a record set nearly a century ago. Democrats hold just 15 governorships. (Alaska's governor is an independent). Republicans now hold so-called trifectas control of a governor's mansion and both chambers of a state legislature in 26 states (including Nebraska's non-partisan unicameral legislature which is effectively controlled by Republicans). Democrats have just six such trifectas. That's in addition to Republicans' complete control of the federal government.

And unlike their D.C. cousins, Republicans in statehouses across the country can point to conservative policy accomplishments this year, such as adding new restrictions on abortion, expanding gun rights, weakening private and public sector labor unions and expanding school voucher programs.

But a constellation of forces means that this level of Republican dominance in the states is brittle and in danger of shattering.

Large playing field, unpopular president

Perhaps the biggest reason Republicans are vulnerable is because of the extent of their past successes at the state level. Republicans are defending 27 of the 38 governors' seats that are up election between now and November 2018. And 14 of those 27 seats will be vacant including large, important states such as Florida, Michigan and Ohio mostly due to term limits.

While it's too early to tell how many races will be truly competitive, it's likely Republicans will face plenty of headwinds. State-level elections have become increasingly nationalized over the past two decades and the president's popularity can have a major impact on voter enthusiasm and turnout especially a challenge with a president as polarizing and unpopular as President Trump currently is.

Infighting and overreach

Years in power have also created problems for state-level Republicans. In Kansas, an overly ambitious plan to cut taxes orchestrated by Gov. Sam Brownback (who's been nominated to a State Department post in the Trump administration) starved the state of funds for its schools and other services. Kansas Republicans wound up bitterly divided over the issue and earlier this year, a moderate faction sided with Democrats to override Brownback's veto and rescind the tax cuts.

Similarly, a series of tax cuts in oil-dependent Oklahoma left the state poorly prepared for a downturn in energy prices. Republican lawmakers were forced to swallow their opposition and vote for tax hikes in order to keep the state solvent.

With Democrats all but vanquished in several Republican-dominated states, intra-Republican disputes have taken center stage. In Texas, Republicans are divided between a business-friendly faction that prioritizes low taxes and less regulation and social conservatives eager to pass the most conservative legislation possible, such as a bill limiting transgender access to bathrooms. Earlier this year, Florida Gov. Rick Scott was running campaign-style ads against fellow Republicans in the legislature over a dispute about economic development funds.

A combination of voters unhappy with the governing party's track record and internal party rifts that will play out in primary elections, sometimes leading to extreme or unqualified candidates, could weigh down Republican candidates up and down the ballot over the next year.

The maps and the courts

After the Republican wave election in 2010, victorious GOP state lawmakers took advantage of that year's decennial redistricting to further entrench their power, especially in swing states such as Wisconsin and North Carolina.

Republican-drawn legislative and congressional district maps in North Carolina, Texas, Virginia, Georgia and Alabama are already in federal court because of concerns about racial gerrymandering and North Carolina has already been ordered to redraw some of its districts.

But an even greater existential threat to Republican dominance at the state level comes from one of the most important Supreme Court cases of this fall's docket. Arguments in Gill vs. Whitford could determine whether Republican lawmakers in Wisconsin were allowed to take partisanship into account when drawing legislative boundaries. The Republican maps in Wisconsin were so formidably drawn that the GOP won 60 of 99 seats in the Wisconsin House even as Democrats drew more votes statewide in 2012 and 2014.

While both parties use partisan gerrymandering to their advantage, Republicans' dominance at the state level means the GOP has far more on the line from a Supreme Court decision.

Can Democrats capitalize?

The flip side of Republicans' dominance is the weakness of state-level Democrats. Going into the 2010 midterm elections, Democrats had full control of 17 states compared to Republicans' 10 states. Democrats acknowledge they've let their state parties wither and need to focus on rebuilding.

As former President Barack Obama told NPR's Steve Inskeep after the 2016 election, "you've got a situation where there are not only entire states but also big chunks of states where, if we're not showing up, if we're not in there making an argument, then we're going to lose."

But Democrats have a long way to go. A much touted effort to recruit candidates for this year's Virginia's House of Delegates elections has substantially increased the number of districts Democrats are competing in from 39 in 2015 to 67 today but that still leaves 33 districts where the party was unable to find a candidate to run.

Still, while Democrats haven't won any of the special U.S. House elections so far this year, they've significantly improved their margins even in deeply Republican districts suggesting that Democratic voters are highly motivated.

More evidence of enthusiasm comes from the latest Quinnipiac poll that has 52 percent of voters saying they prefer that Democrats control Congress compared to 38 percent for Republicans. Given the GOP edge in congressional and state legislative districts, Democrats will probably need popular sentiment to sway far in their favor if they are to have a hope of regaining power.

It's still 15 months until Election Day 2018 and plenty can still happen. But based on the landscape, it's hard to see how Republicans can maintain their current level of dominance.

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In The States, Republicans Have Never Been So Dominant Or Vulnerable - KUNC

Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.) said Tuesday that he is unlikely to support a "clean" measure to increase the nation's debt limit.

Cole, like many other House Republicans, wants to include spending cuts or other language that would reduce government spending in any measure raising the government's borrowing limit.

"Most Republicans want to do something to lower the trajectory of the debt," Cole said on MSNBC's "Morning Joe." "I mean, a clean debt ceiling hike is like having a credit card and saying 'I've reached my limit, I'm just going to change the limit higher without changing any of my spending habits.'"

"That's a tough sell to Republicans," he added. "Democrats seem to be fine with that, but I think most of my colleagues aren't."

Democrats have warned that they will not accept spending cuts tied to the debt ceiling bill.

Since Democrats could filibuster a bill in the Senate, this gives the minority plenty of leverage in the upcoming fight.

Congress faces a Sept. 29 deadline for lifting the ceiling. If it does not, markets are likely to suffer and the government could shut down and risk defaulting on its debt.

Cole said that he wants a measure raising the debt ceiling to include policiesthat would aim to reform government spending and debt.

"This idea we can go on spending interminably and just simply raise the debt ceiling every time sooner or later the credit markets are going to make that impossible to do," Cole said. "So let's reassure them and show them we're serious about lowering the deficits and eventually the long-term debt."

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GOP lawmaker: House Republicans not likely to back clean debt ceiling hike - The Hill

From AP/REX/Shutterstock.

Donald Trump, despite his most recent tweets, is as unpopular as ever, even among his own supporters. After 200 days in office, the president has little to boast about, and a major F.B.I. investigation hanging over his head. And Republican lawmakers, back in their home districts for the August recess, are facing tough questions about why, with complete control of Congress, they have mostly failed to pass any meaningful legislation. This is the third time in 100 years weve had this alignment of government that weve got to get it done or else I [am] really worried our country will continue down a bad path, House Speaker Paul Ryan warned in Wisconsin this week.

With Septembers debt-ceiling vote looming over Congress, things may get worse before they get better. But for the White House, the honeymoon is already over. Senate Republicansmany of whom are not up for reelection until 2020, or even 2022are growing more defiant of the president with every passing week, with at least a half-dozen lawmakers actively thwarting his agenda. Last month, Senators Susan Collins and Lisa Murkowski both defied the administrations numerous attempts to pass a health-care bill through Congress, citing the effect repealing Obamacare would have on their constituents. I didnt come here to represent the Republican Party. I am representing my constituents and the state of Alaska, Murkowski reportedly said to Trumps face. In the final minutes of Mitch McConnells dramatic, last-ditch attempt to pass a skinny repeal bill, Senator John McCain joined them, crushing the administrations hopes with a simple thumbs-down sign.

The presidents insistence that Congress return to the drawing board have mostly fallen on deaf ears. Other admonishments have been rejected entirely. As far as Im concerned, they shot their wad on health care and thats the way it is, Utah Senator Orrin Hatchone of the chambers oldest members and third in line to the presidencyrecently told Politico. On Fox News Sunday, he groused that it would be miraculous if the administration could achieve any of the lower tax rates they are promising. And on Twitter he blasted Trump for banning transgender people from the U.S. military.

As the president finds himself increasingly isolated, several outspoken Republicans have grown bolder. Nebraskas Ben Sasse, a longtime Trump critic since before the election, frequently denounces Trumps Twitter habits and once, when asked to describe Trump in a word, could only manage current president. Jeff Flake has gone further, publishing a book calling Trumps platform free of significant thought and condemning his politics as xenophobic. Much of the grandstanding can be chalked up to early 2020 jockeying, with a handful of potential candidates preparing themselves for the possibility that Trump may not run againor may not even be president at allwhen the next election rolls around.

The path to impeachment runs through the House, still a more Trump-friendly stronghold. But if he does find himself forced out over scandal, it will be in large part because Senate Republicans decided to stop giving the president cover. Senator Richard Burr, chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, has already signaled his growing impatience with the Trump White Houses frequent delays in handing over pertinent information. (Special counsel Robert Muellers own investigation, which is running parallel to Burrs, recently impaneled a grand jury.) And then there is Senator Chuck Grassley, the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee and a three-decade veteran of Congress, who surprised his colleagues by ramping up his own committees efforts to investigate and subpoena the Trumpworld denizens involved in the Russia investigation, as well as the firing of former F.B.I. director James Comey. Grassley has already gone after high-profile members of Trumps inner circle, promising to summon Donald Trump Jr. and Paul Manafort to probe their connections to Russian agents. They may be new to town, but they surely recognize what Chuck Grassleys reputation is, the senator told, referring himself in the third person. And if they dont know it, theyve been told, I bet, a hundred times, he added. I think Ive got a pretty good reputation for being what I call an equal-opportunity overseer.

Even the presidents defenders seem to be distancing themselves of late. Honestly, I enjoy the fact that Congress, the Senate in particular, is charting a course and developing legislation and, lets face it, leading on all of these issues, Senator Bob Corker told CNN on Monday, When my members in the committee say, Well, we have no one here from the administration to weigh in on this, I say, Be careful what you ask for. Its pretty nice the way things are.

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Republicans Have Reached a Tipping Point with Trump - Vanity Fair