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America hits peak anti-intellectualism: Majority of Republicans now …

Has America hit peak anti-intellectualism?

Aside from the election of Donald Trump, a businessman born into wealth whose only notable expertise is in reality television, there is now more evidence that the right-wings long game of denigrating U.S. institutions to reshape political discourse is succeeding. A new Pew Research Center poll released on Monday revealed that there is one U.S. institution perceived through a larger partisan divide than even the media: Its college.

For the first time, a majority of Republicans think that colleges and universities have a negative impact on the country. Fifty-eight percent say that colleges are having a negative effect on the way things are going in the country, according to Pew. In other words, the Wall Street banks are more popular with Republican voters than Stanford, Harvard or the University of Akron.

Just two years ago, a majority of Republicans, 54 percent, rated universities effect as positive. As Pew noted, this shift in opinion has occurred across most demographic and ideological groups within the GOP, but in particular the poll found that positive views of colleges among Republicans under the age of 50 sunk by 21 percentage points from 2015 to 2017. While Republican views of colleges and universities remained largely the same throughout much of the Obama administration, 65 percent of self-identified conservatives now say that colleges and universities have a negative impact on the country. Positive views of colleges dropped even among Republicans who hold a college or graduate degree, declining by 11 percentage points during the last two years.

Democrats and independents who lean Democrat, on the other hand, continue to hold a positive attitude toward such institutions, with 72 percent saying they approve of higher education.

Republican politicians in recent years have pushed back on the four-year degree, building upon their long-hyped attack on institutes of higher education as bastions of liberal indoctrination.

Last month, Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, held a hearing titled Free Speech 101: The Assault on the First Amendment on College Campuses. The Wisconsin State Assembly passed a bill last month allowing college administrators to expel students for disrupting college speakers.

Its likely no coincidence that just as conservatives decry the scourge of political correctness on liberal arts campuses, their campaign to undermine the institutions that defend a growing diversity of voices among students and faculty is bearing fruit. Arizona Republicans recently threatened to cut funding by 10 percent from public institutions that offer courses and events that are designed primarily for pupils of a particular ethnic group or advocate solidarity based on ethnicity, race, religion or gender.

Donald Trumps threats to defund the University of California at Berkeley following a February melee in protest of right-wing provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos scheduled appearance harken back to Ronald Reagans 1966 campaign for governor of California, during which he pledgedto clean up the mess at Berkeley caused by a small minority of hippies, radicals and filthy speech advocates. The right has long decried the ivory towers of academia, but now that those ivory towers are increasingly filled with members of marginalized communities, such attacks are beginning to resonate with average Republicans.

Between Election Day last November and April 2017, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) hasdocumented at least 330 incidents of bias on university campuses. More than 135 incidents since the start of the 2016 academic school year, the SPLC reports, have involved recruitment efforts by white supremacists.

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America hits peak anti-intellectualism: Majority of Republicans now ...

Republicans may be reaching their breaking point with Trump

For Republicans on Capitol Hill, Donald Trump may finally have gone too far.

Tuesdays report that Trump asked former FBI Director James Comey to end the criminal investigation into ex-national security adviser Michael Flynn was more than just another embarrassing revelation for a president used to a near-daily barrage of scandal and staff intrigue.

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Republicans are privately beginning to worry that they may one day have to sit in judgment of Trump, or that more damaging information from Comey could force the president to step down. Within hours of Tuesday's report by The New York Times, there was a distinct shift among congressional Republicans, who until now have mostly resisted criticizing Trump, let alone demanding the president be held to account for all he says or does.

House Oversight and Government Reform Committee Chairman Jason Chaffetz (R-Utah) immediately said hes prepared to subpoena the memos that Comey reportedly wrote contemporaneously to document his interactions with Trump. Chaffetz sent a letter to the FBI on Tuesday night asking for any notes, documents or records of Trump and Comeys conversations to be turned over to his panel by May 24.

His request was echoed by AshLee Strong, spokeswoman for House Speaker Paul Ryan: "We need to have all the facts, and it is appropriate for the House Oversight Committee to request this memo."

Comey has also been invited by Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) to testify publicly at a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing to tell his side of the story about his dealings with Trump, Graham said Tuesday, even before this latest story broke.

More Republicans have openly discussed the possibility of a select committee or the appointment of a special prosecutor to look into the Trump-Russia connection. It's still a minority of GOP lawmakers, but Republican leaders are watching closely.

The White House vehemently denied the New York Times report, and Trump has defended his firing of Comey and reported disclosure of classified information to Russian officials.

Not since Octobers Access Hollywood moment when many Republicans believed Trump would have to drop out of the race over his hugely offensive comments about women has the president faced such a serious political threat. Even conservatives from districts that Trump won overwhelmingly in November want to find out what occurred between the president and Comey, no matter how damaging it may be to Trump. This is a dramatic turn for the party that's been whiplashed by Trumps drama since his first day as a candidate in June 2015 yet has still stuck with him.

It is important to get to the bottom of it, said Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.), chairman of the Freedom Caucus. Meadows was last seen celebrating passage of the House GOP health care bill in the Rose Garden with Trump and dozens of his Republican colleagues. We've got one standard, and we need to make sure that applies to everybody.

Top Trump adviser Kellyanne Conway met with the Freedom Caucus on Tuesday night and would not say afterward what they discussed. Meadows insisted the Comey matter did not come up, but he told reporters that he intends, through his role on the Oversight Committee, to help get to the bottom of what happened. And he expects cooperation from the White House.

If this is legitimately something that there was some kind of influence or pressure from Comey doing his work, Im going to be very disappointed," added Rep. Mark Walker (R-N.C.), chairman of the conservative Republican Study Committee.

In private, top Republicans fear that this latest Trump controversy coming just a week after he fired Comey, and only one day after it was revealed that the president revealed highly classified intelligence information during a meeting with Russian officials will overwhelm everything they are trying to do legislatively. Health care, tax reform, building up the Pentagon all of it is potentially threatened by the latest furor.

And if Republicans are paralyzed and cant pass anything despite control of the White House and Congress, how can they justify their majorities when they go before voters next year?

Sen. Lindsay Graham listens as Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse holds up a copy of "The Kremlin Playbook" at a hearing of the Senate Judicary Committee's Subcommittee on Crime and Terrorism on Capitol Hill on May 8. | Getty

I dont think we can just shrug our shoulders and walk away from this one, said a top House Republican, who asked not to be named. I dont know where this goes.

What is most worrying for congressional Republicans is how easy this latest episode is to explain to the public Trump reportedly tried to interfere with a criminal investigation by the FBI but was rebuffed, then fired Comey and thus fodder for endless cable TV coverage. That could spur moderate Republicans in swing districts, already nervous about 2018, to openly break with Trump.

If these allegations are true, its deeply troubling and it certainly opens up a new chapter that all of us have to consider very carefully, said Rep. Carlos Curbelo (R-Fla.) outside the House chamber Tuesday night. "We need to get to the truth as soon as possible. This weekly scandal, this weekly controversy is unhealthy for the country. Its a major distraction for the country and its just bad for the psyche of every American.

I hope Director Comey testifies before Congress as soon as possible, said Rep. Leonard Lance (R-N.J.), who earlier broke with Trump and his own leadership over health care reform legislation.

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"Congress needs to see the Comey memo," Sen. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.) tweeted late Tuesday night.

Rep. Pat Meehan (R-Pa.), a former federal prosecutor, suggested Trumps interactions with Comey threatened the public perception of the Justice Department as an autonomous entity.

This whole process is very difficult because we are seeing the central institution the Justice Department, and the independence of the Justice Department stretched. And people want to have confidence in the independence of [DOJs] activities, Meehan said. Im hoping that throughout this long process, it can get back into a place where there could be confidence in the ability of the institutions to do their work.

Kyle Cheney contributed to this report.

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Republicans may be reaching their breaking point with Trump

Senate Republicans unveil revised healthcare bill | TheHill

Senate Republican leaders on Thursday unveiled a revised version of their bill to repeal and replace ObamaCare as they race toward a high-stakes vote next week.

The measure includes changes intended to winover additional votes, with leadership making concessions aimed at bringing both conservatives and moderates on board. (READ THE BILLHERE.)

But Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnellMitch McConnellSenate energy bill would fan the flames of climate change Graham: 'ObamaCare was designed to collapse' Pence pitches governors on ObamaCare repeal bill MORE (R-Ky.) is facing a tough task in finding enough votes to pass the bill. Sens. Susan CollinsSusan CollinsTrump lawyer heads to Sunday shows to launch full-court defense Sunday shows preview: Senate healthcare debate rages as GOP leaders eye vote New GOP health bill puts centrists in vise MORE (R-Maine) and Rand PaulRand PaulTrump lawyer heads to Sunday shows to launch full-court defense Sunday shows preview: Senate healthcare debate rages as GOP leaders eye vote New GOP health bill puts centrists in vise MORE (R-Ky.) appear to be firmly against the measure, and one other defection would kill the bill.

Importantly, the bill largely keeps the Medicaid sections the same, meaning that deeper cuts to the program will still begin in 2025, and the funds for ObamaCares expansion of Medicaid will still end in 2024.

The changes to Medicaid have emerged as a top concern for moderates such asSens. Rob PortmanRob PortmanPence pitches governors on ObamaCare repeal bill The Hill's 12:30 Report Kasich opposes revised Senate ObamaCare repeal bill MORE (R-Ohio), Shelley Moore CapitoShelley Moore CapitoNew GOP health bill puts centrists in vise Centrist Republicans push back on GOP healthcare bill Five takeaways from the GOP's healthcare reboot MORE (R-W.Va.) and Lisa MurkowskiLisa MurkowskiNew GOP health bill puts centrists in vise Centrist Republicans push back on GOP healthcare bill Five takeaways from the GOP's healthcare reboot MORE (R-Alaska).

The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) found that those Medicaid changes in the original bill would result in 15 million fewer people being enrolled in the program and cut spending by $772 billion over 10 years.

Collins said she still plans tovote against a motion to proceed to the bill, adding thatthe legislation should move through the normal committee process.

"My strong inclination and current intention is to vote no on the motion to proceed," Collinstold reporters after leaving a briefing on thelegislation.

"The only way I'd change my mind is if there's something in the new bill that wasn't discussed or that I didn't fully understand or the CBO estimate comes out and says they fixed the Medicaid cuts, which I don't think that's going to happen."

For the conservatives, the measure includes a version of an amendment from Sens. Ted CruzTed CruzNew GOP health bill puts centrists in vise Insurers warn Cruz provision will 'skyrocket' premiums for sick people Pence pitches governors on ObamaCare repeal bill MORE (R-Texas) and Mike LeeMike LeeIf Republicans have lost Moran, theyve lost the healthcare battle Centrist Republicans push back on GOP healthcare bill Five takeaways from the GOP's healthcare reboot MORE (R-Utah) aimed at allowing insurers to offer plans that do not meet all of ObamaCares regulations,including those protecting people with pre-existing conditions and mandating that plans cover certain services, such as maternity care and mental healthcare.

Conservatives argue the change would allow healthier people to buy cheaper plans, but moderates and many healthcare experts warn that premiums would spike for the sick people remaining in the more generous insuranceplans.

Cruz said he will support the bill so long as the provisions he sees as a priority are not changed in amendment votes on the floor.

"If this is the bill, I will support this bill,"Cruztold reporters after a meeting of GOP senators. "Now, if its amended and we lose the protections that lower premiums, my view could well change."

Senate Republicans had vowed to not change the ObamaCare protections for peoplefrom being charged more based on their health in their bill, which is why the debate over the Cruz-Lee amendment has been heated.

A Senate GOP aide saidThursdayit is possible that the Cruz amendment would not be analyzed by theCBO in time for the vote next week. It is possible the Department of Health and Human Services could provide an alternative analysis.

Lee cautioned that he was not involved in the changes to the proposal, including the amendment, and would have to review the new language before deciding whether to support it.

The bill does include new funding, $70 billion over seven years, aimed at easing costs for those sick people remaining in the ObamaCare plans.

However, the new measure does not boost the generosity of the tax credits, as some moderates wanted. It still replaces ObamaCares tax credits to help people afford insurance with a smaller, scaled-down tax credit that provides less assistance.

The Kaiser Family Foundation found premium costs would increase an average of 74 percent for the most popular healthcare plan, given the reduced assistance in the GOP bill.

The new measure will leave in place two ObamaCare taxes on the wealthy, in a departure from the initial bill.

That original measure lacked the support to pass, as more moderate members pointed to the CBO's finding that 22 million fewer people would have insurance over a decade.

Senate Republicans are now awaiting a new score of the revised legislation from the CBO, which could come early next week.

The new bill does include $45 billion to fight opioid addiction, but moderates such asCapito and Portman who hail from states where the problem is rampanthave said they also want changes to the Medicaid portion of the legislation.

Portman said his position on the bill had not changed, but he did not give a clear answer on whether he'd back his party on the procedural vote.

I'm the same position I've been in. I'm looking at the language, he said.

Capito also said she doesnt know whether shell vote to proceed to the bill.

We have another meeting this afternoon on the Medicaid cuts, she told reporters. I need to really look at it, look at the score; I still have concerns.

Asked if she would vote for the motion to proceed next week, she said, Wait and see.

In a change that could appeal to Murkowski, the bill sets aside 1 percent of the stability funds for states with costs that are 75 percent above the national average, which would benefit high-cost states like Alaska.

This story was updated at 3:15 p.m. Alexander Bolton contributed.

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Senate Republicans unveil revised healthcare bill | TheHill

Crucial week for Republicans’ plan for health care: What you need to know – CNN

Majority Leader Mitch McConnell needs the support of 50 of 52 GOP senators to proceed to a floor debate on the bill, and two senators have already said they will not support that motion. That means just one more GOP senator coming out against the motion to proceed would stop the bill, as written, in its tracks.

Increasing the pressure: GOP leaders have restarted the clock by publicly stating that they'd like a vote (or at least to take the procedural steps toward a vote) next week. The White House is also making its push -- on Twitter, by phone and behind closed doors -- in an effort to net President Donald Trump a major legislative achievement ahead of lawmakers' August recess.

The White House legislative affairs team held meetings on the legislation with Senate leadership "all afternoon" on Friday, a senior White House official said. Trump and Vice President Mike Pence will be making calls throughout the weekend on health care as well, the official said.

McConnell recently announced that the recess would be delayed by at least two weeks, but it still wasn't clear going into the weekend whether the additional time would help the GOP leadership get this legislation through the chamber.

Here's what we know after this week:

The revised legislation also has $45 billion in opioid-treatment funding -- a top request from senators like Rob Portman of Ohio and Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia -- and money for states meant to lower premiums for high-cost enrollees.

In several key areas, though, the new bill remains unchanged.

The new version does not address moderates' concerns about cuts to Medicaid, which the original bill would slash by $772 billion by 2026. That would leave an estimated 15 million fewer people insured by the program.

The Congressional Budget Office is expected to release its score of the revised bill early next week, when the White House will continue its lobbying effort, the senior White House official said.

Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky: "The new bill is the same as the old bill -- except for worse," he said Wednesday. Paul, who reiterated his opposition Thursday, is facing pressure from the White House to support the bill. While on an official trip to Paris, Trump called Paul urging him to vote yes, an aid to Paul told CNN.

The revised Senate bill left Medicaid virtually untouched, meaning the serious concerns of moderates (particularly those in Medicaid-expansion states) were not addressed. And with the Cruz amendment in the bill, all eyes are now on moderates.

Heller is another one to watch. In the past, he has sharply criticized the Senate's version of the bill, and he's recently indicated that he's in lockstep with his state's Republican governor, Brian Sandoval. The state's chief executive this week did not sound enthused with the bill, particularly as it relates to residents in his state covered under the Obamacare-era expansion of Medicaid.

"I'm greatly concerned and very protective of the expansion population," Sandoval told CNN Thursday at the National Governors Association meeting in Rhode Island. "They are living healthier and happier lives as a result of their receiving coverage, and for them to lose that at this point would be very hurtful for them. And it's about people -- this is about people. And 210,000 people in my state."

In addition to these senators, a number of others have remained noncommittal. They include: Murkowski; Jeff Flake of Arizona; Mike Lee of Utah; John Hoeven of North Dakota; Bill Cassidy of Louisiana; Thom Tillis of North Carolina; Ben Sasse of Nebraska; Thad Cochran of Mississippi; Cory Gardner of Colorado; and Todd Young of Indiana.

The President tweeted four times about health care on Friday from France. He said Vice President Mike Pence is "working hard" on it and that he'll have his "pen in hand" to sign a bill into law.

Pence touted the Senate bill -- and stressed his view that the Affordable Care Act is collapsing -- during remarks Friday to a group of about 30 governors at their group's summer meeting.

"Let me be clear: President Trump and I believe the Senate health care bill strengthens and secures Medicaid for the neediest in our society, and this bill puts this vital American program on a path to long-term sustainability," he said, without noting that the bill also cuts Medicaid spending from current projections.

"I understand and appreciate, as the President does, the concerns that many of you have as we talk about Medicaid in the future going forward. Our administration's paid very close attention to this issue," he said.

The President remains focused on getting a deal on health care that's better for the American people, a senior administration adviser told CNN on Friday.

"If they don't get this done now, I don't know when it'll happen," the adviser said. "We've had seven years to create an alternative plan."

CNN's MJ Lee, Lauren Fox, Tami Luhby, Eric Bradner, Liz Landers, Ryan Nobles and Ted Barrett contributed to this report.

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Crucial week for Republicans' plan for health care: What you need to know - CNN

Vulnerable Republicans Just Showed Why Fighting For Trans Rights Is A Political Winner – HuffPost

Democrats in the House had a rare victory this week when an ugly, discriminatory amendment,backed by House Speaker Paul Ryan and pushed by Vice President Mike Pence, failed because 24 Republicans joined every single Democrat in beating it back. It was a pleasant surprise. And theres an important takeaway.

The amendment to the defense spending bill, titled Prohibition of Department of Defense Medical Treatment Related to Gender Transition and offered by Rep. Vicky Hartzler, a Missouri anti-LGBTQ Republican, would have denied medical treatment for gender transition for military personnel and their dependents. Transgender people currently serving in the military have been able to serve openly and receive the necessary medical care for transitioning since June of 2016, after the Obama administration lifted the ban on open service for current members, ending discharges and involuntary separation. Hartzlers amendment was an outright attack on transgender people promoted by the usual nasty band of homophobic, transphobic GOPers in the House whove had a stranglehold on the leadership for years. The amendment was allowed out of committee, and Ryan expected it to pass. Conservativeswerent happy about what happened.

Its a major loss for Pence and the [GOP House] leadership, Matt Thorn, executive director of OutServe-Servicemembers Legal Defense Network (SLDN), one of several groups that were lobbying vigorously against it, told me regarding the narrow 209-214 vote.

And of course, it was a win for trans people. Advocates from the coalition of groups, including the American Military Partner Association, the Human Rights Campaign, the National Center For Transgender Equality and the ACLU, were fully engaged and fought hard, as did Democratic leaders in the House. Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi and Minority Whip Steny Hoyer spoke out, demanding the amendment be removed.They are fighting to rip away the health care of thousands of brave service members. Pelosi said. This cowardly Republican amendment targeting transgender men and women in uniform effectively bans these patriotic Americans from serving their country.

And they actually got the help of Defense Secretary James Mattis. CNN, citing congressional and Pentagon sources, reported that Mattis called Hartzler to pressure her to drop the amendment. (Mattis, citing service chiefs who wanted more time to prepare, had last monthput off for six months a plan to allow new transgender recruits, something advocates werent happy about, though they expect him to follow through.) When that didnt work, Mattis lobbied individual GOP House members to vote against the amendment.

Mattis had far more influence here than the vice president did, Thorn notes.

Thats remarkable. In addition to exposing rifts within the administration, it reflects how, with Donald Trumps approval numbers underwater, the White House has little sway right now among key House members and it reflects how far acceptance of transgender people has come. Most of the 24 GOPers who voted against the amendment, including Representatives Darrell Issa of California, Barbara Comstock of Virginia, and Carlos Curbelo of Florida, are vulnerable, in districts that Democrats will be confidently and aggressively targeting in 2018.

Since the 2016 election, weve heard ad nauseum from a subset of Democratic activists, pundits, and strategists that one reason Trump won is because Democrats are too focused on identity politics, or what Columbia University professor Mark Lilla, in a New York Times piece, derogatorily called a fixation on diversity and identity drama. In an op-ed two weeks ago in the Times, headlined, Back to the Center, Democrats, Mark Penn and Andrew Stein warnedthat Democrats had become mired in transgender bathroom issues, among other things, ignoring white working class voters who feel abandoned. Its the same old mantra, which amounts to a call for pandering to bigotry.

But what happened this week proved, once again, that that kind of thinking isnt just offensive; its bad political strategy. The Democrats stuck together, standing up for whats right but also for their base which is a diverse and large coalition and it was the Republicans who went on the run.

In the face of the danger of a rollback not just on rights for queer people but for all minorities under attack in the Trump era, this showed that standing firm, energizing activists in the base and resisting rather than pandering and caving in is the way to win.

Follow Michelangelo Signorile on Twitter:www.twitter.com/msignorile

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Vulnerable Republicans Just Showed Why Fighting For Trans Rights Is A Political Winner - HuffPost