Archive for the ‘Republicans’ Category

Republicans in position to reshape federal bench – SFGate

Mary Clare Jalonick, Associated Press

Republicans in position to reshape federal bench

WASHINGTON (AP) Republicans have put President Donald Trump's Supreme Court nominee on the bench, and they're now in a position to fill dozens more federal judgeships and reshape some of the nation's highest courts.

Democrats have few ways to stop them.

The Republican opportunity comes with the GOP in control of Congress and the White House, about 120 vacancies in federal district and appeals courts to be filled and after years of partisan fights over judicial nominations.

Frustrated by Republican obstruction in 2013, then-majority Democrats changed Senate rules so judicial nominations for those trial and appeals courts are filibuster-proof, meaning it takes only 51 votes, a simple majority in the 100-member Senate, for confirmation.

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Today, Senate Republicans hold 52 seats.

The Democratic rules change did not apply to Supreme Court nominations. But Senate Republicans are now in the majority, and they changed the rules in similar fashion this month to confirm federal Judge Neil Gorsuch to the high court over Democratic opposition. As a result, the GOP can almost guarantee confirmation of future Supreme Court justices, as well, if there are more openings with Trump in office and Republicans are in the majority.

"The Trump administration does have an opportunity to really put its mark on the future of the federal judiciary," says Leonard Leo, the executive vice president of the conservative Federalist Society and an adviser to Trump on the Gorsuch nomination.

Reflecting a conservative judicial philosophy, Leo says the unusual number of vacancies that Trump is inheriting could reorient the courts of appeals, in particular, "in a way that better reflects the traditional judicial role, which is interpreting the law according to its text and placing a premium on the Constitution's limits on government power."

That philosophy was a priority for the late Justice Antonin Scalia, whom Gorsuch replaced, and Trump has said he wants the federal judiciary to reflect those values.

There are currently 20 vacancies in the federal appeals courts, which are one step below the Supreme Court, and roughly 100 more in district courts, where cases are originally tried. Former President Barack Obama had around half that number of vacancies when he took office in 2009. Of the current vacancies, 49 are considered judicial emergencies, a designation based on how many court filings are in the district and how long the seat has been open.

As the White House has focused on the Gorsuch nomination, Trump has so far only nominated one lower-court judge, Amul R. Thapar, a friend of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, for the 6th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals.

Republican senators say they hope to see more nominations soon from the White House.

"We've heard from them and we're talking to them," says Texas Sen. John Cornyn, a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee and the No. 2 Republican leader.

The number of vacancies is a monumental opportunity for conservatives looking to exert more influence on a judiciary that they see as too liberal and activist. But it also could work to Republicans' disadvantage. Democrats can't stop the process, but they can delay it, and they still can call for procedural votes that will delay other Senate business when Republicans are trying to confirm each individual judge.

If they do that, says Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Charles Grassley, R-Iowa, "we'll have more vacancies than we have now."

Democrats haven't signaled a strategy for lower court judges, but partisan tension over the judiciary is at a peak after McConnell blocked Obama's nominee for Scalia's seat, federal Judge Merrick Garland, then changed the Senate rules to avert a Democratic filibuster of Gorsuch this month. They're also frustrated that Senate Republicans confirmed very few of Obama's picks once the GOP regained control of the Senate in 2015.

Also unclear is whether the traditional practice will persist in which both senators from a state, regardless of party, consult with the White House on a nominee and then have to approve of the nominee for the Senate Judiciary Committee to move forward. Grassley said this month he is committed to honoring the practice, but said "there are always some exceptions."

Of Democratic senators working with the White House, Grassley says "it ought to be pretty easy" in states that have at least one Republican senator. But there are multiple vacancies in states with two Democrats, including eight district court openings in New York and six in California.

In Texas, which has two Republican senators, there are two appeals court vacancies and 11 district court vacancies. Sens. John Cornyn and Ted Cruz are continuing their practice of creating and consulting with a bipartisan panel of leading state attorneys to help identify the most qualified candidates for those jobs.

Sen. Lindsay Graham, R-S.C., a committee member, says he thinks the future of the bipartisan process is "the real fight" going forward. He says he hopes it doesn't change.

"I think there's a lot of desire to keep that power within the Senate," he said.

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Republicans in position to reshape federal bench - SFGate

Why Republicans Don’t Fear a Shutdown, But Should – Roll Call

For many Republicans, its a fairly simple calculation: there was a supposedly catastrophic government shutdown in 2013 and the GOP gained 13 House seats a year later. So whats the big deal if the government shuts down again?

With another funding deadline on the horizon, selective memory loss could have negative consequences for the Republican Party if there is another government shutdown.

Any recollection about the Oct. 1-16, 2013 shutdown as a political positive for the GOP is misguided, at best.

According to a Washington Post/ABC News survey taken in the aftermath, 81 percent of adults disapproved of the shutdown while just 17 percent approved. In addition, 53 percent blamed Republicans, compared to 29 percent who blamed President Barack Obama and 15 percent who blamed both sides equally. And that was at a time of divided partisan government.

But arguably the biggest reason why Republicans didnt suffer at the ballot box was because of a gift from the Obama White House. The rollout of HealthCare.gov was an unmitigated disaster and turned the national conversation away from Republicans on the Hill and toward President Obama, a polarizing piece of legislation, a realized perceptions of government ineptitude.

Republicans gained seats in 2014 as a continued backlash against the Democrats, not because it was an endorsement of Republicans shutting down the government.

This time around, there is more risk for the GOP because of the party controls the White House and Congress. But there is a deeper issue at play on the Republican side.

A key motivator to preventing a government shutdown and its potential political consequences is a fear of a backlash in the next elections. But over half of the Republicans on the Hill dont fear being in the minority.

Members elected since 2010 have never experienced life in the minority. Its easy to say you care about principle over politics without an understanding of what its like to not control what legislation comes to the floor, committee agendas, and even investigations. If more Republicans had experience in the minority, it would probably be easier to get difficult legislation passed.

But Democrats should get over-confident about the political fallout from a government shutdown.

According to a recent April 12-18 poll by Quinnipiac University, 38 percent of registered voters would blame Republicans in Congress for a shutdown, but 32 percent would blame Democrats in Congress, so voters are letting the minority party completely off the hook. Fifteen percent of registered voters would blame President Trump.

There is another reason why Democrats might not stand to gain as much from another shutdown: voters arent that excited about government.

According to the 2016 exit polls, just 6 percent of voters said they were enthusiastic (and another 24 percent said they were satisfied) with the federal government. In contrast, a majority of voters were either dissatisfied (46 percent) or angry (23 percent) with the federal government.

If voters dont hold government in high regard, its unlikely there will be a widespread backlash against it temporarily ceasing operation. That doesnt mean Republicans are in the clear, particularly if a shutdown is extended and people stop receiving critical benefits and services.

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Why Republicans Don't Fear a Shutdown, But Should - Roll Call

Top of Iowa Republicans’ 2018 agenda: Tax reform – The Gazette: Eastern Iowa Breaking News and Headlines

Apr 24, 2017 at 6:00 am | Print View

DES MOINES What will Iowa Republicans do for an encore?

Given complete state lawmaking control by voters in the 2016 election, Republicans used the recently completed 2017 session of the Iowa Legislature to enact several significant, conservative laws.

Over the course of roughly four months, Republicans enacted measures that dramatically reshaped laws regarding gun and abortion regulations, distracted driving enforcement, the amount of compensation workers can receive from lawsuits and the way public employees bargain for wages and benefits, just to name a few.

But Republicans arent done yet.

They will return in 2018 with more on their agenda and at least one more year of that same unfettered lawmaking control, albeit likely with a new governor.

Statehouse Republicans seem to agree the top priority will be to lower taxes, most likely on working Iowans incomes.

I think probably, realistically, the next step to continue to make Iowa competitive is comprehensive tax reform, said Kim Reynolds, who is Iowas lieutenant governor but soon will step into the chief executives role when Gov. Terry Branstad resigns to become U.S. ambassador to China.

You look at a lot of states, thats where theyre really focusing on, Reynolds said. So I think that really needs to be the next thing that we need to look at to keep Iowa competitive.

Republicans wanted to tackle tax reform immediately under their newfound authority with a GOP governor and majorities in the House and Senate, they have complete lawmaking control for the first time in two decades.

Tax reform hopes

But the state budget did not cooperate. Lawmakers were forced to cut from the current fiscal years spending and wound up with less state money than they expected to be available for the coming fiscal year, which starts July 1. Any tax cut would have removed revenue from an already-shrinking budget pie.

In other words, Republicans hoped to cut taxes this year, but they couldnt afford it.

To me, the biggest disappointment is we werent able to do major tax reform, said Senate President Jack Whitver, R-Ankeny. Thats something weve been talking about for six or seven years. ... Im disappointed that didnt happen, but Im hopeful that we can put forward a really good plan and come back next session and really make a big difference on taxes in this state.

One of Whitvers colleagues in the Senate already has introduced such a plan.

Sen. Randy Feenstra, R-Hull, chairman of the Senates tax policy committee, has unveiled a reform plan that would cut taxes to the tune of $500 million over the next five years, reduce the number of income brackets and phase out federal deductibility.

Feenstra acknowledged the money is too tight to implement his proposal now, but he hopes it gets a chance next year.

We believe that how you grow the economy is to lower rates. Once you lower rates, that should drive an economy, injecting more revenue coming into the state, Feenstra said. So, that is the whole goal. I fully believe that next year is the best opportunity to go down that path of comprehensive tax reform.

Budget spoiler again?

But just as a tight budget spoiled any hope of significant tax reform this year, the same could happen next year.

Everything is going to depend on the revenue picture, and that is totally unpredictable at this point, said Rep. Guy Vander Linden, R-Oskaloosa, chairman of the Houses tax policy committee.

The tax reform conversation also might include a debate about tax credits and incentives. Democrats accuse tax relief programs of causing most of the states budget problems. Although Republicans do not necessarily agree, they have indicated a willingness to re-examine those programs.

School choice

Republicans say they also will try in 2018 to tackle another conservative agenda item that was thwarted this year by the tight budget: school choice programs.

Rep. Walt Rogers, R-Cedar Falls, chairman of the House education committee, said he plans to study school choice programs which generally allow parents to use taxpayer funds in some fashion to help their children enroll at a nonpublic school and will present his findings and recommendations during next years session.

Over the interim, thats one of the things I want to do, is dig down deeper into educational savings accounts: Is it really a beneficial thing for states to try? Rogers said. That will guide me on how much I come back next year with a will to do something.

Democrats worry that any funding to such programs takes money from public schools.

Sen. Rick Bertrand, R-Sioux City, nonetheless said he thinks it is time Iowa expands its school choice programs.

This will create mobility and portability for Iowa students. Its good for Iowa, Bertrand said. If we dont set up the funding next year, at the least, we need to set up the infrastructure that puts Iowa on course for education spending accounts.

School Funding

Just as with tax reform, most any new school choice program will require new funding. And that means legislators will need a healthier state budget to work with.

Another potentially costly solution that was put on the shelf this year was the states complicated formula for funding K-12 public schools. For years, various school districts have complained the formula is antiquated and in need of an update. Some rural districts say they are devoting a larger percentage of their funding to transportation, leaving less money for the classroom. Other districts are frustrated with an inability to spend as much per pupil as neighboring districts because of restrictions in the funding formula.

The Senate this year passed what would have been a solution, but the proposal was not considered by the House in large part because of the funding it required.

Rogers said the school funding formula is another issue legislators will attempt to address next year.

All of those things are going to be on the table, Rogers said, if theres any revenue to play with.

abortion restrictions

Republicans this year landed a big conservative victory in passing legislation that bans abortions after 20 weeks and requires an ultrasound and three-day waiting period before an abortion is performed.

But some Republicans say they hope next year to pass even stronger anti-abortion regulations.

Bertrand said he will encourage Republicans to support a proposal to either define life as beginning at fertilization known as a personhood measure or a ban on abortions just one week after fertilization.

Bertrand said the latter would make exceptions for artificial fertilization techniques, life-threatening issues for the mother and pregnancies that are the result of incest or rape.

Bertrand acknowledged opponents likely would challenge such a law in the courts but said he is ready to see that legal debate play out.

We are in a position that we can challenge the courts, Bertrand said. No doubt about it, this one-week (proposal) is about saving babies, but its also about sending this back to the (U.S.) Supreme Court where this horrific thing started.

Other Issues

Other issues that may return to Republicans legislative plate in 2018:

l Traffic enforcement cameras: The Senate passed a package of new restrictions, but the House did not take up the bill in part because some Republicans there say they will be satisfied only with a total ban on traffic cameras.

l Constitutional carry: Gun rights advocates scored a huge victory this year with passage of sweeping legislation that loosened gun restrictions and implemented a stand your ground measure in Iowa.

Now Rep. Matt Windschitl, R-Missouri Valley, says he will explore the possibility of eliminating the requirement that gun owners possess a permit.

Rod Boshart of The Gazette contributed to this report.

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Top of Iowa Republicans' 2018 agenda: Tax reform - The Gazette: Eastern Iowa Breaking News and Headlines

Mango tells Republicans he’ll seek gubernatorial nomination – New Castle News

HARRISBURG, Pa. (AP) A suburban Pittsburgh health care systems consultant and political newcomer is expected to announce he's running for the Republican nomination for Pennsylvania governor in 2018.

Party officials say they've heard in recent days from Paul Mango and his campaign that he'll make an official announcement May. A Mango spokesman isn't confirming Mango's decision to run, but says Mango is planning an announcement in mid-May about the governor's race.

Mango has hired veteran campaign staff and is touring the state, meeting with GOP activists and others.

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Democratic Gov. Tom Wolf is running for a second four-year term.

Republican state Sen. Scott Wagner of York County is also seeking the GOP nomination to challenge Wolf's re-election bid. State House Speaker Mike Turzai has told Republican Party officials that he's considering running.

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Mango tells Republicans he'll seek gubernatorial nomination - New Castle News

Republicans, Democrats, and Schooling: What the Public Thinks – American Enterprise Institute

Key Points

Read the full PDF.

Introduction

Whatever else he may be, President Donald Trump has proved to be a remarkably polarizing figure. Thus far, he has shown little inclination or ability to sway centrists. In particular, the support for his domestic agenda, ranging from health care to his proposed budget, has mostly amounted to a subset of the Republican coalition.

Therefore, assessing baseline trust in Republican and Democratic leadership is useful when contemplating the prospects for Trump proposals. This is certainly true when it comes to education, as Trump has boldly declared his support for federal school choice legislation and named Betsy DeVos, an impassioned school choice advocate, to serve as US secretary of education.

During the nomination process, DeVos was harshly critiqued by Democrats, teacher union leaders, journalists, and even late-night comics. DeVos ultimately edged into office on a 50-50 vote, when Vice President Mike Pence tipped the tie in her favor, but this was just an early look at how heated the debate became around Trumps education efforts.

Trumps proposed skinny budget, which called for cutting $9.2 billion in federal education spending, encountered fierce criticism. The New York Times editorial board stated the budget would impose pain for pains sake,1 and Senator Bernie Sanders decried it as morally repugnant.2 The debate is hardly surprising given that Trump has already sketched out some controversial changes to federal education policy. These include plans to promote school choice, sharply reduce federal education spending, alter Washingtons approach to regulating for-profit colleges, and revamp Obama-era directives on civil rights enforcement.

All of this raises timely questions: How does the public feel about Republicans and Democrats when it comes to education? Which party has the upper hand in the publics mind, and how has that evolved over the past two decades?

As Republicans pursue Trumps exceptionally sharp-edged education agenda, just how deep a reservoir of public support are they drawing on? Especially given the backlash against many Obama-era education initiatives (most famously, the Common Core) and steady support for school choice, is public sentiment on education perhaps more favorable to Republicans than it may have once been?

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Notes

Excerpt from:
Republicans, Democrats, and Schooling: What the Public Thinks - American Enterprise Institute