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Two House Republicans are actively working to torpedo President Trumps effort to separate air traffic control from the federal government, which would deliver a major blow to one of the administrations chief infrastructure priorities.

Reps. Steve Russell (R-Okla.) and Ralph Abraham (R-La.), who say they agree with Trump about the need to modernize the countrys air navigation system, told The Hill on Tuesday that they have been explaining their concerns over the spinoff plan to colleagues, pointing out contentious bill language and trying move skeptical GOP lawmakers into the no column.

House leadership began whipping members last Thursday on a long-term reauthorization of the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA), which includes the privatization plan endorsed by Trump. A similar effort stalled last year amid opposition from both parties and was never brought to the House floor.

Similarly, GOP leaders are unlikely to bring it up this year unless they are confident it has enough votes to pass. A vote has not yet been scheduled, though amendments were due Monday.

They were going to try to run it this week, Russell said in a joint interview with Abraham in the Speakers lobby. We were able to raise enough concern, just by showing [other lawmakers] language in the bill, that when they whipped the bill, they did not have enough votes to put it on the floor.

Its unclear how many Republicans oppose the plan at this point. Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart (R-Fla.), an appropriator, and Todd Rokita (R-Ind.), a member of the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, are among those who have publicly come out against the idea.

Russell said he and Abraham have been lobbying colleagues to vote against the measure during in-office visits and vote series.

Weve not tried to unleash any midnight surprise. Weve been very open and out front on where our positions were, he said. We tried to raise these concerns weeks ago. We had asked for a pause to address some of our issues. We asked the chairman, we asked leadership.

While they are appreciative and understand our concerns, they said, Were going to move on, he added.

Proponentsof the spinoff proposal, meanwhile, are also scrambling to bring over lawmakers to their side.

Transportation Chairman Bill Shuster (R-Pa.) has been trying to whip up support during vote series; his office has been blasting out dear colleague letters and fact sheets about the plan; and Rep. Sam GravesSam GravesHouse Republicans work to torpedo Trumps air traffic control plan White House works to sell House Republicans on Trumps air traffic control plan Crunch time for air traffic control push MORE (R-Mo.), a pilot, has been trying to assuage lawmakers worried about protecting the general aviation (GA) community.

The White House has also been doing outreach on Capitol Hill, which has involved making phone calls and sending high-ranking officials to sell wary members on the proposal.

Lawmakers are up against the clock, as the FAAs legal authority expires at the end of September and the House is scheduled to leave town for the August recess at the end of next week.

There is a lot at stake for supporters of the spinoff plan.

If the full House votes on the legislation, it will be the first time that the majority of the chamber will be going on the record on the issue. A strong vote could send a clear message to the Senate, where lawmakers are moving ahead without the spinoff plan.

But a failure to bring the measure to the floor could doom the effort this year. The lower chamber is seen as Trumps best shot for passing the proposal, as the Senate has remained largely opposed to the idea.

There is a broad range of opposition to the proposal, which would transfer the countrys air navigation system to a private, nonprofit corporation governed by a board of directors while keeping the FAA in charge of safety oversight.

Supporters say it will help speed up long-stalled modernization efforts at the agency, which still uses paper strips to track flights in some towers.

For Abraham, a pilot and rural lawmaker, his main concern is that general aviation users and small airports could loose access to the airspace, face higher fees or be inadequately represented under the spinoff model.

Graves, who voted against the proposal last year, worked with Shuster on legislative changes designed to better support the GA community, such as exempting all GA users from the new entitys fees and ensuring a more diverse makeup on the board.

But Abraham said there was no guarantee that board members would vote to protect GA interests.

They did a little, but not enough to really matter, Abraham said. This is the taxpayers airspace. Were going to take that away and give it to a private corporation?

Russell,who has a military background,said he maintains serious national security concerns about putting a nongovernmental agency in charge of air traffic control and removing it from congressional oversight.

There are a few things that you would never let go: National defense, national intelligence and our national air space, he said.

But Shusters office has emphasized that the federal government would still maintain responsibility over those areas, and pointed out that Defense Secretary James Mattis has even supported the effort.

The new entity will provide a service, nothing more, a backgrounder says.

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House Republicans work to torpedo Trump's air traffic control plan - The Hill

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell's latest bidto salvage the GOP campaign to roll back the Affordable Care Act collapsed Tuesday as centrist Republicans balked at legislation to repeal the healthcare law now and develop an alternative later.

Alaska Sen. Lisa Murkowski became the third GOP lawmaker to reject McConnell's new strategy, making it impossible for Senate Republicans to bring up the plan.

Earlier Tuesday, Maine Sen. Susan Collins and West Virginia Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, said they would not back the "repeal and delay" approach.

I cannot vote to repeal Obamacare without a replacement plan that addresses my concerns and the needs of West Virginians, Capitosaid in a statement.

McConnell on Monday night floated the plan to vote for legislation repealing most of Obamacarenow with a plan to develop an alternative over the next two years.

That strategy, which GOP leaders once championed, was revived after it became clear that McConnell, of Kentucky, could not get enough Republican votes for his bill repealing and replacing large parts of the 2010 law at the same time.

But the "repeal-and-delay" planwould cause even more widespread disruption to the nations healthcare system and throw millions more Americans off the insurance rolls.

An independent analysis of such an approach by the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office earlier this year concluded that it would lead to 32 million more uninsured Americans over the next decade.

That is some 10 million more than predicted under the Senate repeal-and-replace plan that was scuttled Monday night, which was projected to increase the number of uninsured by 22 million by 2026.

At the same time, repealing major planks of Obamacarewithout a replacementwould cause insurance premiums to jump by 20% to 25% next year for Americans who rely on insurance marketplaces, budget analysts concluded.

And premiums would double by 2026, according to the report.

Similar warnings came from across the nations healthcare system earlier this year when Republicans contemplated a straight repeal bill that followed the template of a repeal-and-delay plan that Congress sent President Obama in 2015 and which he subsequently vetoed.

Delaying such a replacement could create unacceptable instability in the insurance market jeopardizing the healthcare of more than 20 million Americans many of whom are cancer patients and cancer survivors with a preexisting condition, Chris Hansen, head of the American Cancer Societys advocacy arm, said in January.

Even many leading Republican senators havevoiced major concerns about repealing the current law without some replacement.

Congress should replace and repeal at the same time, which requires figuring out how to replace it before fully repealing it,Senate health committee chairman Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) said in December.

UPDATES:

10:20 a.m.: This article was updated with Sen. Murkowski's rejection of the new Obamacare repeal plan.

This story originally published at 8:02 a.m.

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McConnell's latest Obamacare repeal plan also collapsing amid more Republican defections - Los Angeles Times

Thats a long way from talk about a large deficit-increasing tax cut, said Ed Lorenzen, of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, a nonpartisan group committed to educating the public on fiscal issues. Im very curious to see how the White House and conservatives who have been advocating for a tax cut react to this.

The budget calls for a $621.5 billion national defense budget for 2018 and $511 billon for nondefense spending. It also calls for at least $203 billion in cuts over a decade in mandatory spending on programs such as Medicare and Social Security.

In that regard, the proposal is a direct rebuke of Mr. Trump, who promised not to touch those entitlement plans.

The budget also recommends repealing parts of the 2010 Dodd-Frank act that ushered in financial regulations after the last recession. And it suggested consolidation of federal work force development programs as a way to generate savings.

House Republicans were optimistic that the plan could become reality. In past years, our proposals had little chance of becoming a reality because we faced a Democratic White House, said Representative Diane Black, Republican of Tennessee and chairwoman of the House Budget Committee. But now with a Republican Congress and a Republican administration, now is the time to put forward a governing document with real solutions to address our biggest challenges.

Despite the differences with Mr. Trumps fiscal vision, Mick Mulvaney, the White House budget director, praised the outline. The administration urges the House Budget Committee, the full House and the Senate to move forward on a pro-growth budget resolution that supports the administrations goals of a strong national defense, fiscal responsibility and sustained economic growth, Mr. Mulvaney said.

But significant challenges await the House budget effort, and the infighting over health care has shown that Republicans are unlikely to reach an agreement easily on difficult pieces of legislation.

On Monday, Representative Mark Meadows, Republican of North Carolina, who leads the conservative House Freedom Caucus, said he did not think the proposed budget could win full House approval. He said he first wanted it to include deeper spending cuts and more details on the principles of tax reform.

The House budget proposal calls for more military spending than the budget produced by the White House. That proposed increase would break the caps imposed by the 2011 Budget Control Act. Changing that would require the support of Democrats.

The House Budget Committee is scheduled to hold a markup on the resolution on Wednesday, and any bill will have to be reconciled with the budget that the Senate eventually passes.

The Senate also turned its attention to overhauling the tax code on Tuesday, when the Senate Finance Committee held its first tax hearing and questioned a bipartisan panel of former Treasury officials. It also held a separate nomination hearing for David J. Kautter, the nominee for assistant Treasury secretary for tax policy.

The challenges that Republicans face in getting tax reform done were also on display in the Senate.

Democrats assailed Republicans for trying to go around them and urged them to learn the lessons of the health care legislation experience, and work together.

Whats needed is bipartisan tax reform that focuses on progressivity, helping the middle class, cleaning out flagrant tax loopholes, fiscal responsibility, and giving everybody in America the chance to get ahead, said Senator Ron Wyden, of Oregon, the ranking Democrat on the Finance Committee.

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A New GOP Battle Begins as Republicans Look to Pass a Budget - New York Times

Three Republican senators said Tuesday that they would oppose a procedural vote to advance the Senate's efforts to overhaul Obamacare, once again plunging into chaos Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell's latest efforts to make good on the GOP's seven-year campaign promise to gut the Affordable Care Act.

Sens. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia and Susan Collins of Maine announced that they could not support any plan that would roll back significant parts of Obamacare without a replacement plan in place.

McConnell told reporters at a news conference that it is "pretty clear there are not 50 Republicans at the moment for a replacement", saying he still wants to hold a repeal-only vote "in the very near future." McConnell did not specify when that vote would be but Senate GOP whip John Cornyn told reporters a vote is expected some time this week.

That legislation was approved by a GOP-controlled Congress in 2015 and vetoed by then-President Barack Obama.

And the opposition that trickled out into the public Tuesday reinforced a painful reality for many Republicans to swallow -- that after years of railing against Obamacare, there is now not enough will within the party to pursue wholesale repeal of the law.

"My position on this issue is driven by its impact on West Virginians," Capito said in a statement. "With that in mind, I cannot vote to repeal Obamacare without a replacement plan that addresses my concerns and the needs of West Virginians."

She later tweeted she would not vote to move forward on a motion to proceed to repeal Obamacare without a replacement.

Murkowski called for Republicans to develop a new proposal in committees, a step that has thus far been skipped by GOP leadership in the chamber.

"I think what has to happen is the Republicans have to admit that some of the things in the ACA, we actually liked, and the Democrats have to admit that some of the things they voted for in the ACA are broken and need to be fixed," Murkowski told reporters.

White House deputy press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders said Tuesday that the White House's message to Congress is "do their job."

"At this point, inaction is not a workable solution so they need to come to the table and figure out how to reform the system and fix it," she said.

The weight of the most recent development quickly cast a shadow over Republicans on Capitol Hill Tuesday afternoon.

Sen. Ron Johnson, a Wisconsin Republican and a key vote, reflected that it might be time for Republicans to move on from repealing and replacing Obamacare "pretty quickly."

"I think we need to move on probably pretty quickly," Johnson said. "I mean, we've been at this. It did not, unfortunately, end in success."

Meanwhile, with some GOP lawmakers' key priorities like boosting funding for the opioid crisis now also stalled, Republicans who were planning to vote for the Senate health care bill are looking at their colleagues bewildered by the latest state of play.

"It was not the best possible bill, but it was the best bill possible," said Sen. Pat Roberts of Kansas. "When you can't even get to a motion to proceed, you're in pretty bad shape."

Asked what it said about the Republican Party's ability to govern, Roberts candidly replied "not much."

Amid the news of McConnell's latest defeat, President Donald Trump told reporters during a luncheon with Afghanistan veterans at the White House that he was "very disappointed" by Senate Republican's inability to pass health care. He added that his new plan is to "let Obamacare fail and then the Democrats are going to come to us."

Even still, Trump said Tuesday that he doesn't think the Republican plan "is dead" but it "may not be as quick as we had hoped but it is going to happen."

CNN's Ted Barrett, Daniella Diaz and Dan Merica contributed to this report.

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Mitch McConnell's Obamacare repeal plan stalled - CNN

The House is mad at the Senate. The Senate is mad at the House. Various factions in the House and Senate are mad at each other or mad at their leaders.

Republican lawmakers have yet to turn on President Trump in any meaningful way. But theyre starting to turn on each other.

Obamacare Repeal-Only Effort Falters

On Monday, the Republicans tortured health-care effort hit a seemingly permanent snag. But that was only the latest blow; after half a year of consolidated GOP control, not a single major piece of legislation has been enacted. With other priorities similarly stalled, legislators frustration is mounting.

Were in charge, right? We have the House, the Senate, and the White House, one GOP member of Congress told me. Everyones still committed to making progress on big issues, but the more time goes by, the more difficult that becomes. And then the blame game starts.

The House blames the Senate: At a press conference last week, Kevin McCarthy, the majority leader, waved a chart of 226 House-passed bills that the Senate hasnt taken up. We will continue to do our work here, and we hope the Senate continues to do their work as we move forward, McCarthy said pointedly.

Some new members blame their elders. A freshman congressman from Michigan, Paul Mitchell, got a dozen of his fellow newbies to co-sign an op-ed that urges the Senate to get moving, implicitly calling out their senior colleagues for forgetting what they were sent to Washington to do. Failure to do so is a failure to follow the will of our voters, the freshmen wrote in their article published Tuesday.

For its part, the Senate blames the House. A Russia sanctions bill passed the upper chamber with 98 votes a month ago, but it has yet to come to the floor in the House. That prompted Senator Bob Corker, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, to accuse the House of dilly dallying and a ridiculous waste of time.

House leaders say procedural issues and Democrats have tied up the legislation, which the White House opposes. Some members, however, suspect that House leadership is purposely slow-walking the bill to avoid embarrassing the president. A spokesman for House Speaker Paul Ryan denied that was the case, telling me the White Houses position on the issue was not a factor in the bills fate.

Though little heralded, the sanctions bill could mark a moment of truth for White House-congressional relations. If sent to President Trumps desk, the bill would amount to a rebuke of the presidents Russia policy, one he would surely be loath to sign. But given the Russia scandal swirling around Trump, a veto would be explosive. And if the GOP Congress overrode such a veto, the presidents clout would be severely diminished.

Meanwhile, many senators are annoyed with Majority Leader Mitch McConnell for the rushed, secretive process that produced the health-care bill, and for threatening to cancel their August vacation for a potentially fruitless legislative session. And everyone is annoyed with the House Freedom Caucus, which has also demanded that lawmakers spend next month in D.C.

But everyone is always mad at the Freedom Caucus. Divisions between Republican factions are nothing new; nor is friction between the House and Senate. In an oft-repeated fable, a new Republican member of Congress, eager to go after the enemy Democrats, is corrected by an old bull: The Democrats are the opposition, he says. The Senate is the enemy.

Still, some wonder whether the current sniping isnt better directed to Pennsylvania Avenue, where the scandal-mired president creates new headaches with every passing day. Were a big-tent party, so of course there are divisions, the member of Congress told me. But the only thing that could unite the clans is consistent and engaged leadership from the president. And its fair to say weve gotten mixed signals.

A House Republican staffer described the fractious mood on Capitol Hill as Republican-on-Republican violence. As for why lawmakers dont train their ire on the real root of their problems, the staffer shrugged: Maybe its just easier to attack people without 13 million Twitter followers.

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Republicans Aren't Turning on TrumpThey're Turning on Each Other - The Atlantic