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Congratulations, Republicans! You won the Senate majority! Now, can you hold on to it for more than two years?

Looking at the 2016 Senate map, theres reason for doubt. Republicans will have to defend 24 seats, compared with 10 for Democrats. And the raw numbers dont even tell the whole story. Seven seats held by Republicans Florida, Illinois, Iowa, New Hampshire, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin were carried by President Obama in 2008 and 2012. And there is chatter about potential Republican retirements in Arizona and Iowa. If either John McCain or Chuck Grassley decided to call it a career, each of those races would be major Democratic targets.

On the other side of the coin, Republican takeover opportunities are few and far between. By far, the most endangered Democrat is Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, who survived in 2010 but could face Nevada Gov. Brian Sandoval (R), who won a second term Tuesday with more than 70 percent of the vote. Reid has said he will run again, although his demotion from majority leader to minority leader might make him rethink those plans. The only other Democrat who starts the 2016 cycle in serious jeopardy is freshman Michael Bennet (Colo.), who, like Reid, was a surprise winner in 2010. The convincing win by Cory Gardner (R) over Sen. Mark Udall (D) on Tuesday in the Rocky Mountain State will undoubtedly energize Republicans, though its less clear what the GOP bench looks like in a race against Bennet.

Outside of those two seats, theres almost no vulnerability on the Democratic side. Even if Sen. Barbara Boxer (Calif.) or Barbara Mikulski (Md.) decide not to run again, both sit in very, very Democratic states particularly at the federal level.

To win back the Senate majority in two years, Democrats will probably need to net four (if they hold the White House in 2016) or five (if they dont) seats. Republicans control 52 Senate seats in the 114th Congress, but Sen. Mark Begich (D) is behind by 8,000 votes in Alaska and is likely to lose, and chances for Sen. Mary Landrieu (D) dont look great in Louisianas Dec. 6 runoff.

Gaining five seats is not out of the question for Democrats though it might be a bit of a stretch given the Senate map of 2016. Of the 10 most vulnerable seats listed below, Republicans hold eight. The No.1 race is the most likely to flip party control in 2016.

10. Kentucky (Republican-controlled): As Tuesdays election showed, Kentucky isnt exactly fertile ground for Democrats. But something interesting happened even as Mitch McConnell walloped Alison Lundergan Grimes: Democrats held on to their majority in the state House. That means Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) cant count on changing state law to be able to run for president and Senate at the same time. Hence, a possible open seat.

9. Florida (R): Sen. Marco Rubio (R) has suggested that he wont run for both president and reelection to the Senate in 2016. If he pursues the former and isnt on the Senate ballot, this becomes an open-seat race in a true swing state in a presidential year in other words, a good opportunity for Democrats. If Rubio passes on a White House bid or drops out with enough time to mount a Senate bid, Republicans would probably feel better about holding this seat.

8. Ohio (R): Sen. Rob Portman is one of several Republican members of Congress who have been mentioned (or mentioned themselves) as possible White House contenders. So, this could end up being an open seat. If Portman decides to run for reelection, his deep connections to donors through his work as National Republican Senatorial Committee vice chairman should ensure that he will be a financial behemoth. Portman is not terribly polarizing, and there is no obvious Democratic recruit waiting in the wings.

7. New Hampshire (R): The Granite State was one of the few bright spots for Democrats nationally as Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D) beat back a challenge from Scott Brown. It could be a Senate battleground again in two years if Gov. Maggie Hassan (D), who won reelection Tuesday with 53 percent of the vote, decides to take on freshman Sen. Kelly Ayotte (R). There is also considerable chatter among conservative activists about a primary challenge to Ayotte, though it remains to be seen whether a serious one might materialize. And, just to make things more complicated, Ayotte is likely to be in the vice presidential mix no matter who wins the Republican presidential nomination.

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Can Republicans hold on to Senate majority in 2016? Theres reason for doubt.

For Maryland Republicans, the meaning of Tuesdays elections could be summed up in three words: Were relevant again.

That assessment by Joe Cluster, the state partys executive director, followed a decisive win by Republican Gov.-elect Larry Hogan and gains for Republican members of the General Assembly. Come January, a party that many had dismissed as unlikely to ever win another statewide contest in heavily Democratic Maryland will all of a sudden have a real say in Annapolis.

Some giddy party members already are talking about a second term for Hogan and wondering whether his victory the second election of a Republican governor in the past 12 years might be a signal that a state long perceived as liberal could become more purple than blue.

There was talk of using Hogans laserlike focus on tax relief to rebrand the GOP in Maryland in a way that could broaden the partys base and cut into the Democrats enormous advantage in registered voters.

Hogan has already brought a lot of new energy to the party, said Louis M. Pope, a national party committeeman from Maryland. We need to put in the time and resources to build Republican Party registration and build our party.

Hogan has declined interviews since his election, with aides saying his first priority must be launching his transition.

The Republican pickups in Maryland came during an Election Day in which the party made big gains in Congress and other statehouses across the country a GOP wave that Democrats have used to play down the significance of Hogans win.

After most ballots were tallied, Del. Michael J. Hough (R-Frederick) and some of his supporters boarded a bus from Frederick to Hogans unbridled victory celebration in Annapolis, arriving at 2 a.m. to find the governor-elect still shaking hands.

I think this puts us back on the path to having a two-party state, said Hough, who was elected to a Senate seat Tuesday.

Yet the big expectations are also tempered by the realization that Hogan must find a way to deliver on his promises of tax relief. It will take significant cooperation from Democrats, who still dominate the legislature, to do so.

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After Election Day, Md. Republicans feel relevant again

The big story of the 2014 elections is the Republican pickup of at least seven Senate seats, putting it in the majority. The GOP also added more than 10 seats in the House embellishing its majority. Now President Obama must contend with both Houses of Congress firmly in the opposition's hands.

As for the implications of the elections, I am cautiously optimistic. When President Bill Clinton's ill-fated health care reform plan evoked a massive influx of Republicans into Congress in the 1994 Congressional elections, the pundits were predicting doom for the young chief executive from Arkansas. But it turned out to be a blessing in disguise. To get anything done, Clinton had to sit down and negotiate with the leaders of Congress and that is what happened. Somehow Clinton and the Republicans even balanced the budget -- producing surpluses in four consecutive years. The result was a long, sustained economic expansion.

The Republican Congress must set the agenda now, but to do that they must put aside obstructionism and petty political vendettas. The voters have made it clear that the country has problems and they are exasperated with the gridlock in Washington. They want action.

There is much that needs doing and can be done. The Keystone Pipeline would be a good place to start. It enjoys wide bi-partisan support and public approval. The nation is in dire need of major infrastructure investment that will heighten economic growth and create jobs. We need a serious national training initiative to prepare people for productive jobs. We need a more aggressive program to promote manufacturing and exports. All of this is about growth and jobs and it is doable. President Obama will likely go along in part because he also is concerned about jobs, and also because he does not wish to squander the last two years of his Presidency.

The big difference in the 114th Congress will be in the attitude of the Republicans. Most of the new faces in the Senate and House are Main Street Republicans, not bomb throwers. House Speaker John Boehner should now have a sufficient power base to enforce discipline among the ranks. Senate Majority Leader Mitch O'Connell is chomping at the bit to demonstrate his leadership. He managed the campaigns quite well and can handle the unwieldy dynamics of the Senate as well as anyone.

If there is one clear message in these elections, it is that most voters are sick and tired of the status quo and want action, mainly on the economy. They have given the Republicans a chance to produce results and if the Republicans want to capitalize on this opportunity, they had best heed the message, roll up their sleeves and get to work.

Jerry Jasinowski, an economist and author, served as president of the National Association of Manufacturers for 14 years and later The Manufacturing Institute.

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Republicans have mandate to get things done

Democrats do well in cities, Republicans in suburbs and cow-land which should be bad news for the GOP as America becomes more urban.

But in Michigan, Republican Gov. Rick Snyder ran big on saving Detroit and it snagged him 1,895 new votes in a close re-election.

Snyder, a former tech-industry exec and venture capitalist, took two risks in letting Detroit go bankrupt 16 months ago.

The first was looking like an irresponsible fiscal steward to voters outside of Detroit in letting the Motor City default.

Even with less than half of its mid-century population, Detroit is still a huge city with nearly 700,000 people, bigger than Baltimore, Boston, Las Vegas and Atlanta.

And it owed a lot of money $18 billion, the biggest municipal bankruptcy ever.

It was the conventional wisdom that a responsible governor would do anything he could to avoid a big-city default.

Albany bailed out Gotham back in the 70s, and Gov. Cuomo continues to bail out broke Nassau County.

As Snyder said earlier this year, When they write the history books, theyre gonna write, Rick Snyder was governor when Detroit went bankrupt.

The politically traditional thing wouldve been to scare state lawmakers into approving a bailout, kicking Detroits impossible promises to another governor.

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Republicans learning to compete for urban votes

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