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Texas renters largely overlooked in Republicans property tax cut … – The Texas Tribune

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As a deal to cut Texas high property taxes continues to evade Republican lawmakers, Democrats in the Legislature unveiled a long-shot tax-cut proposal Thursday that targets relief to a group of taxpayers who have been largely left out of the debate: renters.

Tenants make up more than one-third of the states households. They pay, via their monthly rent, one-quarter of the states school property taxes which are among the highest in the nation. Renters cost of living surged during the COVID-19 pandemic as the states housing boom drove rents sky-high. But this year, GOP lawmakers have all but ignored renters as they tussle over whether homeowners or businesses should get a bigger break on their property taxes.

Democrats sought to change that Thursday by making tax relief for renters a pillar of a four-pronged tax-cut package. Under the proposal, renters would get a cash refund equalling up to 10% of the rent they paid the previous year.

You cant talk about property tax reductions without talking about every Texan, not only homeowners, but also 3.8 million householders who rent their homes, said state Rep. John Bryant, a Dallas Democrat who helped craft the package.

Under the proposals, landlords would submit documents to the state comptrollers office showing how much tenants paid in rent. The comptrollers office would then calculate the cash rebate, Bryant said. It wasnt immediately clear how long the program would last, but spending in the Democratic proposal is capped at $3.8 billion.

Texas doesnt give an explicit tax break to renters as several other states do and none of the GOP proposals for property tax relief include anything that unquestionably benefits renters. Renters dont own their own homes, so they cant claim homestead exemptions, the chunk of a homes value that cant be taxed to pay for public schools. Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and Senate Republicans want to raise the states homestead exemption on school district taxes from $40,000 to $100,000.

Some Republicans and tax policy experts have occasionally argued that renters would see relief from rising rent bills if lawmakers send a certain amount of money to school districts so they can lower their tax rates, a break legislators call tax rate compression.

The chunk of $12.3 billion in property tax cuts that should be spent on compression has been a sore spot and key dividing line between the states top Republicans. House Speaker Dade Phelan wants to use all $12.3 billion on compression while Patrick wants to use a little more than two-thirds on compression and the rest on raising the homestead exemption.

Renters arent the only taxpayers who would see relief under House Democrats tax-cut package. Homeowners would see their homestead exemption climb to $100,000 or 25% of their homes appraised value whichever is higher, though it would be capped at $200,000. Democrats would set aside money to cut school property tax rates, though not as much as Republicans in either chamber.

The tax-cut proposal put forth by Democrats also would boost the states basic allotment the base amount the state gives schools per student, which currently sits at $6,160 and hasnt changed since 2019 by $1,000. That would translate to a permanent $4,300 pay bump for teachers, Bryant said.

Its difficult to measure how much renters would benefit from compression. Property taxes make up about 20% of every rent dollar paid by Texas tenants, according to figures provided by the Texas Apartment Association though that percentage can be higher in the states urban areas. If a landlords property taxes dont climb as quickly as a result of tax cuts, the thinking goes, their tenants rents wont rise as fast either. That effect will spread to the rest of the market as landlords compete for renters, experts said.

It wouldnt necessarily happen immediately, but I think it would happen pretty quickly, said Adam Langley, associate director of tax policy at the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, a Massachusetts-based think tank.

But tax policy experts agree that its unlikely tenants would see their rents fall as a result of tax cuts. And what a tenant would have paid in rent had it not been for tax cuts is difficult, if not impossible, to prove, policy experts acknowledge.

Tax cuts dont necessarily guarantee that rents wont climb as quickly, either. Although property taxes make up the largest chunk of landlords overhead, other costs to run a rental property like property insurance, labor and maintenance also get passed along to renters, and those expenses can fluctuate and contribute to higher rent bills.

Property taxes are currently the single largest expense for rental housing owners in Texas, and we welcome all efforts to address those rising costs, said Chris Newton, the Texas Apartment Associations executive vice president. It will come as no surprise that other expenses that contribute to market rents, such as insurance, building materials, equipment and labor, are also increasing and have risen sharply over the past several years. Like property taxes, these increasing expenses impact market rents.

Ultimately, landlords charge rents based on what the market will allow regardless of how big of a tax cut they get.

It really all comes down to supply and demand in each local market, said Lynn Krebs, a research economist at the Texas Real Estate Research Center at Texas A&M University. If the market is tight and theres still not enough housing, as is the case in many markets, its probably not going to matter.

Higher property taxes can drive up rents in some instances. The estimated tax bill for a South Dallas fourplex owned by landlord Nathaniel Barrett climbed by more than a third this year, Barrett said from about $7,500 last year to a little more than $10,000. Barrett said he had to pass along that increase to his tenants, who will pay $50 more a month than they did previously. But in most instances, Barrett said, the market, not property taxes, drives rental costs.

If lawmakers want to provide meaningful tax relief to homeowners and renters alike, they should loosen local restrictions that some housing advocates say get in the way of building new housing, Barrett said which would spread the property tax burden among a greater number of households. Such measures died a quiet death in the Legislature this year.

We should be seeking to lower the value of property by making it easier to build things, Barrett said. That is where that relief should come from.

Asking rents in Texas major metro areas including majority-renter cities like Austin, Dallas and Houston are well above where they were before the COVID-19 pandemic anywhere from 19% higher in the Houston area to 37% higher in the Austin region, according to Zillow rent data.

Renters arent as financially well-off as homeowners as a result. Across the states major urban areas, about half of all renters who are more likely to be people of color and have lower incomes are now considered cost-burdened, meaning that they spend at least 30% of their income on keeping a roof over their heads, according to the Joint Center for Housing Studies at Harvard University. By comparison, about one-fourth of homeowners in the states largest metro areas are under similar financial strain.

Compression is not enough to provide substantial financial relief to the states ailing renters, housing advocates argue.

Its not good enough, said Ben Martin, research director for Texas Housers, a housing advocacy group for low-income Texans. Renters are in crisis. Where rents are right now is too high for a lot of renters in the state of Texas. And so saying that your rents are gonna go up not quite as much is not helpful. Its not meeting the crisis where it is.

Bryant was skeptical that renters would see any benefit from tax rate compression.

It would provide a lot of help for the landlords, but theyre not going to pass any savings along to renters, Bryant said Thursday.

Other states have ways of giving direct property tax relief to renters. Seventeen states and the District of Columbia have circuit breaker tax-cut programs that give renters a credit or rebate when rents exceed a certain percentage of their income, according to the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. Those programs, often tailored to seniors and low-income renters, assume that property taxes make up a certain chunk of the rent bill and use that to determine a refund to renters.

How Texas might implement such a program targeted at renters is unclear. Texas doesnt have an income tax, which many states use to determine whether renters qualify for rebates and to distribute those refunds. But other states dole out the money without using an income tax system.

Its also unclear what appetite Republican lawmakers have for providing direct renter relief, but Bryant said he thinks some Republicans would vote for it.

Nonetheless, House Democrats see urgency to find a way to bring some tax relief to renters.

We cannot ignore the fact that renters have been left out of this conversation from the very beginning, said state Rep. Christina Morales, a Houston Democrat. Renters deserve to receive their fair share of tax relief.

Disclosure: Texas A&M University, the Texas Apartment Association and the Texas comptroller of public accounts have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribunes journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

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Texas renters largely overlooked in Republicans property tax cut ... - The Texas Tribune

Trump Wont Campaign at a July 4 Parade, but Other Republican … – The New York Times

Its the final Fourth of July before the Iowa caucuses and New Hampshire primary still more than six months away, yes. But all the same, the Republicans vying for their partys presidential nomination were on the trail, waving to supporters from parades, shaking hands with voters and taking selfies.

But not the front-runner: Donald J. Trump was conspicuously absent on the 247th anniversary of the nations independence.

The former president has upended the traditional expectations of Iowa and New Hampshire voters. For decades they have prided themselves on their discernment of presidential candidates and have demanded to get to know them personally before casting the first ballots in the nation.

Steven Cheung, a spokesman for Mr. Trumps 2024 campaign, objected to the notion that the former president is avoiding retail politics over the Fourth of July holiday, pointing to Mr. Trumps rally in South Carolina on Saturday, which, he said, counted as Independence Day weekend. Mr. Trump also appeared at the Moms for Liberty conference in Philadelphia on Friday, and he even dropped by Pats King of Steaks, a cheese steak palace that has been a mainstay for politicians in Philly for decades.

And this Friday the former president will be in Council Bluffs, Iowa.

But on the actual anniversary of the nations birth?

His campaign will have an overwhelming presence in various parades and patriotic events in Iowa, New Hampshire and South Carolina, Mr. Cheung said.

Mr. Trump himself, though, planned to spend the day with his family, Mr. Cheung said.

Im sure people are thankful hes not out, former Representative Will Hurd of Texas, a recent entrant in the Republican primary race, quipped outside a pancake breakfast in Merrimack, N.H. He comes with a lot of baggage.

For early-state Republican voters who hoped for more personal attention on the Fourth, the pickings were plentiful with the exception of Mr. Trump. Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida and several other Republican presidential hopefuls spent Tuesday in New Hampshire, while Mike Pence, the former vice president, was in Iowa.

Mr. Trumps campaign evinces no concern that his absence from the stage will give his rivals any room to make up ground in the Republican primaries. After queries about his July 4 plans, his team released a memo Monday afternoon highlighting his campaigns plans to celebrate the holiday in Iowa and New Hampshire and calling out his dominant position in Republican primary polling.

Republican veterans dont see much of an opening for Mr. Trumps rivals either.

He definitely plays by a different set of rules, said David Kochel, a longtime Republican adviser and strategist in Iowa. Mr. Trump has made some recent adjustments with unscheduled stops at restaurants like Pats and, after his arraignment on the first federal felony charges ever levied on a former president, at Versailles, Miamis beloved Cuban restaurant. He will be appearing with virtually the entire G.O.P. field at the Republican Party of Iowas biggest fund-raiser, the Lincoln Dinner, on July 28.

But, Mr. Kochel said, his celebrity and the fact that he was president gives him more flexibility.

The retail politics tradition in Iowa and New Hampshire may well be overrated, an artifact of a time before super PACs saturated airwaves, social media reached voters phones and celebrity pervaded the zeitgeist, regardless of who was in the diners and pizza joints.

Retail has always been mostly theater, but now its all a performance for the cameras, not about meeting regular people and listening to their concerns, said Fergus Cullen, a former chairman of the New Hampshire Republican State Committee.

For someone like Mr. DeSantis, who joined the primary campaign relatively late, appearances like his two July 4 parades do demonstrate that he is putting in the effort and taking New Hampshire seriously, said Mr. Cullen, who is now a Republican consultant in the state.

As for the former president, Can you imagine Trump walking in the Wolfeboro Fourth of July parade? he asked. I dont think so.

Limiting Mr. Trumps public appearances and emphasizing large rallies over glad-handing with a few dozen supporters may help to preserve the former presidents celebrity and mystique among his faithful while projecting confidence. And Republican primary voters already know how they feel about the former president. His fate in the primary contest may depend more on external factors like his indictments in two cases and the trials that may ensue, as well as other inquiries he is facing than on his power of persuasion at an Iowa Pizza Ranch.

Mr. Cheung insisted, even as he outlined a relatively sparse schedule for Mr. Trump,It would be incorrect to write that he will be sparing retail politics.

But the rest of the Republican field, with weaker field operations and later starts, do not have that luxury, said Dave Carney, another New Hampshire Republican consultant and veteran organizer.

For those laboring to break out of the pack, Mr. Trumps absence on July 4 presented a moment to introduce themselves to at least a few voters in person.

Today is about meeting people, right? Mr. Hurd said. Not everybody is doom scrolling on social media or consuming cable news.

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Trump Wont Campaign at a July 4 Parade, but Other Republican ... - The New York Times

Here are the Republicans running for president in 2024 – Morningstar

By Victor Reklaitis

Democrats largely close ranks behind Joe Biden for 2024, but Marianne Williamson and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. are challenging the president

The 2024 Republican presidential field has grown crowded and now stands at a dozen relatively well-known contenders, after five more candidates threw their hats in the ring last month.

Former U.S. Rep. Will Hurd of Texas entered the race on June 22, following Miami Mayor Francis Suarez, who launched his bid on June 14.

In early June, former Vice President Mike Pence, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie and current North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum all formally kicked off their campaigns.

Meanwhile, Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin said in May that he won't be on the presidential campaign trail in 2023 because of elections for his state's legislature in November, but he appears to have left the door open for a 2024 White House run.

In the latest polls of Republican primary voters, former President Donald Trump has a big lead, with Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis a distant second.

Below is MarketWatch's list of Republican presidential contenders and the status of their candidacies.

Trump was in the spotlight last month when he pleaded not guilty on June 13 following his federal indictment on 37 charges, including unauthorized retention of classified documents and obstruction of justice.

Also see:Latest Trump indictment could help him in the 2024 GOP primary but not in the general election, analysts say

And read:Trump calls latest indictment 'election interference'

On the Democratic side, Biden officially launched his re-election campaign in April, even as most Americans don't approve of his performance. The president has been talking up the strong job market and his legislative record.

The first official debate of the GOP presidential primary is slated to be held in Milwaukee on Aug. 23. The Republican National Committee said there will be a second debate on Aug. 24 if "enough candidates qualify to make it necessary."

In addition to the relatively high-profile names on the list above, there are some lesser-known GOP presidential hopefuls as well, such as Aaron Day, who is known in part for his 2016 run against former Sen. Kelly Ayotte of New Hampshire, a fellow Republican; Perry Johnson, a former gubernatorial candidate in Michigan; Steve Laffey, a former mayor of Cranston, R.I.; and former Montana Secretary of State Corey Stapleton.

A number of other Republican politicians have also been talked about as potential 2024 contenders but have not said they are running. That group includes Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, who has passed on speaking in the key primary state of Iowa; John Bolton, a former national-security adviser and former ambassador to the United Nations; former U.S. Rep. Liz Cheney of Wyoming, who has run an ad in New Hampshire, another key state; South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem; and former U.S. Rep. Mike Rogers of Michigan.

Among the prominent Republicans who have said they're not seeking their party's presidential nomination in 2024 are Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas, former Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan, Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp, former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu.

From MarketWatch's archives (September 2022): In a conversation with MarketWatch, Vivek Ramaswamy says companies should 'leave politics to the politicians'

Democrats are closing ranks behind Biden, although author and activist Marianne Williamson has said she's seeking the party's nomination again and vigorously defended her decision to challenge the president in an extensive question-and-answer session with MarketWatch. Antivaccine activist Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is also mounting a long-shot challenge to Biden and held a kickoff event for his campaign in April.

Among third-party candidacies, Cornel West, a former Ivy League professor now at Union Theological Seminary, has announced that he's a presidential candidate for the People's Party and that he's seeking the Green Party's nomination. In addition, a group called No Labels has been considering a "unity ticket" for 2024, saying that a rematch between Biden and Trump would be "the sequel that no one asked for," but a Politico report said the group would not submit a third-party challenger if DeSantis becomes the Republican nominee.

Now read:Nikki Haley says 'no Republican president will have the ability to ban abortion nationwide'

And see: Biden's age is figuring 'prominently' in the 2024 White House race -- but here's what the pundits could be getting wrong

Plus:Billionaire investor Bill Ackman says JPMorgan's Jamie Dimon should run for president

Robert Schroeder contributed.

-Victor Reklaitis

This content was created by MarketWatch, which is operated by Dow Jones & Co. MarketWatch is published independently from Dow Jones Newswires and The Wall Street Journal.

(END) Dow Jones Newswires

07-06-23 1509ET

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Here are the Republicans running for president in 2024 - Morningstar

Republicans want a fight over energy and climate? Bring it on – The Hill

When Canadian wildfires recently sent dangerous and unhealthy clouds of smoke over large swaths of the country, a new round of articles made the case that this latest devastating and strange weather event was a result of climate change.

Scientists and those who believe in the science of climate change have been passionately arguing their position for so long they may not have noticed the ground has shifted.  Most Americans already agree climate change is a threat — even across party lines.  

As message strategists and pollsters, we have often advised clients that the most effective way to motivate voters is to talk about the disastrous impact climate change will have on the world we are leaving behind for our children and grandchildren. But our recent polling on climate attitudes makes it clear that voters also see climate change as a serious problem right now.  

Even before the recent apocalyptic scenes of New York and New Jersey’s blood-red skies and air quality alerts causing school closures and other disruptions, 7 in 10 registered voters agreed with the statement: “With recent wildfires, drought, flooding, and storms, climate change is already having a serious impact on the country.”

Climate change has become personal, with slightly more than 4 out of 10 registered voters agreeing with the statement: “I or my immediate family have been negatively impacted by strange weather.” One can only assume that number has risen after recent events.  

It’s a message Republicans don’t seem to have heard. With their new majority, congressional Republicans made the decision to pick a high-profile fight over energy and climate change right out of the gate with H.R. 1., their pro-fossil fuel energy bill. They proposed in their debt ceiling bill to roll back the clean energy components of the Inflation Reduction Act.

Republicans clearly think this is a winning political issue for them. The National Republican Congressional Committee recently circulated a memo signaling its intention to use votes against H.R. 1 to go after vulnerable Democrats. Meanwhile, Republicans such as Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wisc.) continue to blithely dismiss the threat of climate change. 

But Republicans are leading with their chin. Majorities of voters across the political spectrum —including Republicans — believe that climate change is a major problem and have an unfavorable view of lawmakers who deny that it is a threat. A huge majority want to see a shift toward clean energy. Most problematic for Republicans, the political swing voters who will decide the 2024 election are strongly pro-climate and clean energy.  

Our research also shows voters have little patience for leaders who brush off climate change or oppose clean energy — for example, 63 percent of voters have an unfavorable view of lawmakers who deny that climate change is a threat. Among swing voters, these lawmakers’ favorability is underwater by a whopping 50 points. This tells us that voters are connecting their frustrations around climate to their political decisions. That’s not exactly great news for the Ron Johnsons of the world.

Not only is there a political price to pay for Republicans who hinder progress on climate, but there is also a political benefit for Democrats who do talk about their party’s accomplishments on this issue. Our research shows the IRA’s climate and clean energy provisions are very popular, with 63 percent supporting them and 27 percent opposing them. And after we simulate a balanced debate between the two parties’ approaches to energy, the swing voters who will decide the 2024 election prefer the Democrats’ approach by an overwhelming 26 points, even though they lean Republican on party identification by 14 points. Moreover, this debate causes voters to trust Democrats more on broader economic issues such as jobs and energy prices.  

The recent report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change underlined the desperate need for strong climate action now and even indicated that this may be our last shot.

Meanwhile, since the IRA became law, clean energy companies have already announced new projects that will create more than 142,000 clean energy jobs, helping reinforce the argument that the clean energy transition will boost the economy (something voters already believed).

The policy case for Democrats to engage in this fight is clear. As recent polling tells us, now more than ever, the political case is just as strong. If this is a fight Republicans want to have at the ballot box, especially in difficult swing districts, Democrats should be more than happy to oblige.  

Andrew Baumann is a Democratic strategist and leading expert on public opinion on climate change. Melissa Bell is a Democratic strategist and leading expert on public opinion and vote choice. They both work with candidates and top environmental organizations at Global Strategy Group. 

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Republicans want a fight over energy and climate? Bring it on - The Hill

Citing a slew of complaints, Lynchburg Republicans formally … – Lynchburg News and Advance

The executive committee of the Lynchburg Republican City Committee formally handed down a censure of Vice Mayor Chris Faraldi on Monday, rebuking him for a slew of actions they believe failed to meet the expectations of conduct put forth by the party, according to a news release from the party.

The basis of the censure, according to the resolution, dates back to actions of the vice mayor as early as the bodys heated Feb. 14 meeting, all the way through to the bodys most recent meeting on June 27, where Faraldi led a push to adjourn Lynchburg City Councils meeting before a scheduled discussion on a controversial workplace resolution put forth by another Republican member of council.

The censure resolution starts by accusing Faraldi of committing a perceived abuse of his power by asking a law enforcement officer to spy on Ward III Councilor Jeff Helgeson the night of the Feb. 14 meeting, which is when Helgeson was caught on the microphone calling Mayor Stephanie Reed the stupidest person Ive ever seen, she claims.

Continuing on, the executive committee later accused Faraldi of disparaging the committee in council meetings and in the media; betraying the trust of the party and its members by working with media against the other Republicans; abusing his office by retaliating against At-large Councilor Martin Misjuns to advance a personal agenda; blocking Misjuns workplace resolution debate; and refusing to communicate with his entire Republican caucus while promoting division in the public eye.

Wednesday afternoon, Faraldi issued a statement regarding the censure, saying hes profoundly disappointed to learn of the action taken by the committees executive board, but added he will refuse to succumb to and reject the bullying tactics and intimidation from those who would rather play political games than address the grave problems left by decades of liberal leadership in Lynchburg.

The vice mayor said the censure motion was propelled by a small group of unelected, biased individuals who are wailing in emotion because the council chose to make School Board appointments outside of their own personal preferences, and whose leader is rumored to be exploring a council run in Ward IV all this will not alter my course.

Firmly, he added, I believe that the overwhelming majority of our citys residents, regardless of their political leanings, would concur that I am not the one who is deviating from the proper course among the seven members of the City Council.

The censure is yet another instance of persistent infighting amongst Lynchburgs Republican-majority city council, dating back to the bodys organizational meeting this year, where the five Republicans split amongst themselves on their first vote for mayor.

Since that meeting, the body endured a months-long heated debate over how and when to bring forth tax relief, where numerous spats between councilors transpired. Misjuns wrote a note and passed it to Faraldi on the dais in late January, calling him a RINO, or Republican In Name Only, during a tax relief debate, according to Faraldi.

There was jostling amongst the Republicans over city council committee assignments, the aforementioned hot mic moment, confusion prior to approving the citys capital improvement plan and, most recently, the motion by Faraldi to adjourn councils meeting before engaging on a discussion regarding a controversial workplace resolution brought forth by Misjuns.

The latest event was one of the catalysts for the censure, according to the resolution, as Faraldi said he was retaliating against Misjuns for his treatment of city staff.

According to the resolution, Faraldi was informed of the censure on July 4; the committee adopted the censure on July 3.

In closing his statement, Faraldi said that he is devoted to the tasks at hand, and concentrated on the matters that truly impact our city. I will continue my focus on governing the city of Lynchburg with the conservative ideals I hold dear, principles endorsed by 61% of the voters in May of 2020.

Faraldi is in the midst of the third year of his first term on city council, having been elected in May 2020 to represent Ward IV.

On its face, censure is merely a symbolic gesture condemning an elected representative for their words or actions. The act has no bearing on an elected officials ability to remain in office, nor does it strip them of any governing abilities.

Its unclear, however, the effect the censure might have on Faraldis standing inside the party. Veronica Bratton, chair of the LRCC and leader of the executive committee, did not respond to attempts for comment or questions regarding the resolution or its allegations as of publication time Wednesday evening.

Bryson Gordon , (434) 385-5547

bgordon@newsadvance.com

@brysongordon on Twitter

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Citing a slew of complaints, Lynchburg Republicans formally ... - Lynchburg News and Advance