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Republicans undercut one of their best and brightest - Santa Fe New Mexican

COLUMBIA, S.C. (AP) South Carolina Republicans are one step closer to restricting how teachers discuss race in K-12 classrooms.

As conservatives nationwide push bans on so-called critical race theory, the state Senate passed a likeminded effort Wednesday in a late night 27-10 vote after nearly six hours of debate. Parents could challenge any educational materials they say violate banned teachings around white privilege and implicit bias under a bill sent back to the GOP-controlled House.

Missing from the bill is the explicit phrase critical race theory. It instead prevents teaching that an individual bears responsibility for actions committed in the past by other members of their race, and that someone is inherently privileged or should receive adverse or favorable treatment due to their race.

The bill states that nothing prevents teachings about any ethnic groups history or the fact-based discussion of controversial periods and current events. Senate Majority Leader Shane Massey said the bill encourages educators to teach students about slavery and Jim Crow, but within the historical facts.

H.3728 keeps the subjective opinions of those who want to rewrite American History from creeping into South Carolinas schools, Massey said in a statement.

Democratic Sen. Dick Harpootlian questioned who would determine the facts. He worried that parents could challenge lessons that the Civil War was fought over slavery and not states rights.

Harpootlian, 74, who is white, added that while he and some Black colleagues all grew up during segregation, they did not share the same experiences, or facts.

When I think back on the 50s and 60s, and my history of growing up in Charlotte, North Carolina, the facts I know are not necessarily the facts you know, he said.

Opponents said vague language would chill educators speech and sanitize the truth. Democratic Sen. Ronnie Sabb asked how teachers should approach the deadly Jan. 6, 2021, U.S. Capitol insurrection if parents who wrongly consider it an act of patriotism challenge lessons that call it an attempt to thwart democracy.

Democrats noted the debate came on the same date the state passed a 1740 law making it illegal for enslaved people to assemble in groups, earn money and learn to read.

Sen. Mia McLeod connected the enslavement of Black people to modern-day inequities that opponents fear would be banned from discussion. She pointed to racial disparities in sentencing, generational wealth and health outcomes.

Instead of prioritizing a solution in search of a problem, I just wonder why weve chosen not to focus on the problems that we all know exist systemically, she said.

The measure would also ban any mandated gender or sexuality trainings and require that materials be age appropriate.

Republicans named a couple instances where teachers presented inappropriate or unapproved outside materials. Democrats argued that local school boards already handled those situations by firing the educators in question.

Palmetto State Teachers Association Executive Director Kathy Maness has said the prohibited concepts are not widespread. Maness, who previously sought the Republican nomination for state superintendent of education, told the AP last month that most teachers wont have anything to worry about.

The bill requires school districts to announce on their websites that parents may review curriculum and establish a complaint process for contested materials. Parents could see selected titles online and examine their contents in-person.

Complaints must be lodged by parents and undergo specific steps from the principal to the superintendent to the local school board and finally the state school board.

Republican Sen. Larry Grooms said the process allows parents to know what their children are learning. Opponents argued it amounts to burdensome surveillance that would increase the stressors on a profession already experiencing record vacancies.

Senators struck a provision inserted by the House that would have allowed parents to sue any district they accused of teaching prohibited concepts. Another removed section would have forced teachers to post any changes to classroom materials three days before they were taught.

The bill would cement a budget proviso prohibiting state funds for school districts that inculcate a similar list of ideas.

Opponents noted that parents have already cited that proviso in challenges to books like Stamped: Racism, Antiracism, and You. A local NAACP branch sued the Pickens County School District last month over its decision to remove the title from its classrooms and libraries.

We ought not give those who would weaponize legislation like this the power and authority, Sabb said.

___

An earlier version of this report incorrectly said Kathy Maness served as the state superintendent of education. She previously ran to be the Republican nominee for the position.

___

James Pollard is a corps member for the Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues.

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Republicans continue push to restrict teachings on race in South ... - The Associated Press

Another Twitter feud broke out between topTexas Republicans on Tuesday over the subject ofyou guessed itproperty taxes, a topic of repeated consternation between House Speaker Dade Phelan (R-Beaumont) and Lieutenant Gov. Dan Patrick in recent weeks.

The fight between the two state GOP leadersescalated to public thirst traps in April, and on Tuesday began anew withPhelan posting a minute-and-a-half-long clip calling out Patrick for previously favoring appraisal caps for Texas property owners.

"It's time for Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick to agree with Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and cut property taxes for good by passing appraisal caps for all Texans," Phelan tweeted. "The House is ready to work with the Senate to ensure the largest tax cut in state history. Let's get this done for Texas, @DanPatrick."

The video footage shows previous statements by Patrick saying that Texas needs to reduce appraisal caps and pointing to liberal lawmakers for delaying a vote on HB 2. In a send-off message, Phelan also asked Texans to call Patrick's office to demand he pass HB 2.

Patrick promptly fire with a meme of Phelan between two surfboards, a reference to the speaker's previous Twitter dustup with the lieutenant,while again giving the House Speaker the nickname "California Dade."

"As I've said, years ago, it seemed appraisal caps were a good idea, but I learned better. California Dade still hasn't. Compared to the House plan, the Senate plan delivers $27 BILLION MORE in property tax savings to Texas, homeowners over the life of their ownership. #txlege," Patrick tweeted.

After initially posting the video, Phelan didn't respond to Patrick's comments. Still, Patrick ended the Twitter feud with another classic meme of his head photoshopped on a surfer.

Patrick's property tax bill Senate Bill 3, which passed the Senatorial chamber in March, increases the homestead exemption from $40,000 to $70,000. At the same time,House Bill 2, supported by Phelan, caps the annual appraisal value of all properties from 10 percent to five percent. HB 2 passed in late the House chamber inApril.

Since its passage, HB 2 has been sitting in the Local Government Committee in the Senate, and SB 3 currently sits in the Ways and Means Committee in the House. Both bills must pass the other chamber before heading to Gov. Greg Abbott's desk for final signoff. The Texas Legislature has until Memorial Day to vote on the two property tax bills. Without a compromise, both are at risk of dying on the vine.

Continued here:
Texas Republicans keep beefing on social media over property taxes - Chron

Republicans

Senate majority leader speaks after Tommy Tuberville of Alabama appeared to defend white nationalists in US military

The Democratic US Senate leader, Chuck Schumer, condemned as utterly revolting remarks in which the Alabama Republican Tommy Tuberville appeared to defend white nationalists in the US military.

In an interview with the Alabama station WBHM, published on Monday, Tuberville was asked: Do you believe they should allow white nationalists in the military?

He answered: Well, they call them that. I call them Americans.

The Senate armed forces committee member added: We are losing in the military so fast. And why? I can tell you why. Because the Democrats are attacking our military, saying we need to get out the white extremists, the white nationalists, people that dont believe in our agenda, as Joe Bidens agenda.

Tuberville is currently attempting to impose his own agenda on the US military, by blocking promotions and appointments in protest of Pentagon rules about abortion access.

On Thursday, Schumer said: Does Senator Tuberville honestly believe that our military is stronger with white nationalists in its ranks? I cannot believe this needs to be said, but white nationalism has no place in our armed forces and no place in any corner of American society, period, full stop, end of story.

Previously, Sherrilyn Ifill, a former president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) legal defense fund, said: I hope we are not getting so numb that we refrain from demanding that Mr Tubervilles colleagues in the Senate condemn his remarks.

Schumer added: I urge Senator Tuberville to think about the destructive spectacle he is creating in the Senate. His actions are dangerous.

On Wednesday, a spokesperson for Tuberville said he was being skeptical of the notion that there are white nationalists in the military, not that he believes they should be in the military.

A Tuberville spokesperson told the Washington Post the senator resents the implication that the people in our military are anything but patriots and heroes.

The same spokesperson told NBC Tuberville has kind of a sarcastic sense of humor and was expressing doubt about this being a problem in the military.

Reports have shown the US military has a problem with white nationalism and white supremacy, despite the Pentagon having prohibited active participation in extremist groups since 1996.

In October 2020, a Pentagon report warning of a problem with white supremacists in the military was sent to Congress. It was released in 2021.

In February 2022, the Southern Poverty Law Center, which monitors extremism, co-published documents showing one in five applicants to one white supremacist group claimed ties to the US military.

On Thursday, Adam Hodge, spokesperson for the White House national security council, said it was abhorrent that Senator Tuberville would argue that white nationalists should be allowed to serve in the military, while he also threatens our national security by holding all pending DoD military and civilian nominations.

Extremist behavior has no place in our military. None.

Fact-checking Tuberville, WBHM, an NPR station, noted Pentagon efforts to keep extremists, particularly fascists, out of the military.

The station also fact-checked a remark about what [Joe Bidens] done to our military with the woke ideas, with the [critical race theory] that were teaching in our military.

Critical race theory is an academic discipline that examines the ways in which racism operates in US laws and society. Republicans have turned it into an electoral wedge issue.

WBHM said: The US military is not requiring that CRT be taught and there is little evidence that its being discussed much at all in the ranks. According to Military Times, the one instance in which it is being used in an educational setting is at the US Military Academy at West Point.

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Schumer decries Republican senators revolting remarks on white nationalists - The Guardian US

At the beginning of the year, Ron DeSantis looked as if he might be the answer to all of the Republican Partys problems.

For the first time in decades, a conservative politician rose to national prominence on issues that unified the partys populist base with its beleaguered establishment and without triggering a Resistance from Florida Democrats. He seemed to offer Republicans a path beyond the divisions and defeats of the last 15 years.

Mr. DeSantis does not seem like the answer anymore. His poll numbers are cratering. His strength as a general election candidate is being questioned. This is partly because hes fallen flat on the national stage, but its also because hes slowly devolved into an older kind of Republican the kind without answers to the partys problems.

Hes been bogged down in the very issues that divided and hurt Republicans in the past, like abortion, entitlements, Russia and the conduct of Donald J. Trump. Against Mr. Trump and without Democrats as a foil, his instinct to take the most conservative stance has pushed him far to the right. Hes devolved into another Ted Cruz.

Mr. DeSantis will probably never be an entertainer like Mr. Trump, an orator like Ronald Reagan, or someone to get a beer with like George W. Bush. But to compete for the nomination, he will at least need to be who he appeared to be a few months ago: a new kind of conservative, who can appeal to the establishment and the base by focusing on the new set of issues that got him here: the fight for freedom and against woke.

Mr. DeSantiss varying campaigns against everything from coronavirus restrictions to gender studies curriculums werent extraordinarily popular, at least not in terms of national polling, but it was a type of political gold nonetheless. It let him channel the passions of the Republican base and get on Fox News without offending bourgeoiseconservative sensibilities on race, immigration and gender. In fact, many elite conservatives disliked woke and coronavirus restrictions just like the rank-and-file. Even some Democrats sympathized with his positions. As a result, he won re-election in Florida in a landslide. Democratic turnout was abysmal.

This combination of base and elite appeal made him a natural candidate to lead an anti-Trump coalition. In the last presidential primary, in 2016, Mr. Trump held the center of the Republican electorate and left his opposition split on either side. To his right, there was Mr. Cruz and the orthodox conservatives. To his left, there was Marco Rubio, John Kasich and the relatively moderate, business-friendly establishment. None of thesefactional figures stood a chance of unifying those two disparate groups, but for a fleeting moment after the midterms last year, Mr. DeSantis seemed to assemble all of the various not-necessarily-Trump factions under his banner.

Since then, Mr. DeSantiss coalition has unraveled. His superficial struggles on the campaign trail might be evident to most, but what is more easily overlooked is an overarching struggle to balance the competing needs of an ideologically diverse coalition in a Republican primary.

His challenge has two halves. First, his instinct to move to the right has been more fraught in a Republican primary than it was when woke liberals were his foil. After all, theres plenty of room to line up to the right of woke without alienating anyone on the right. Trying to be to the right of Mr. Trump, on the other hand, involves greater risk regarding both the general electorate and his relatively moderate supporters.

Perhaps surprisingly, Mr. DeSantis actually fares best among moderate voters in Republican primary polling. This probably says more about which Republicans are most skeptical about Mr. Trump than it does about Mr. DeSantis, but it nonetheless means that his conservative instincts routinely put him at odds with his own base.

In some cases, the tension between Mr. DeSantis and his base is unavoidable and his moderate supporters will sometimes lose. A politician cant always please every constituency. Abortion, for instance, poses a legitimate problem for Mr. DeSantis and every Republican nowadays.

But Mr. DeSantis has not always seemed cognizant of the delicate balancing act ahead of him and has committed errors as a result. His relatively soft position on Russia regarding Ukraine, for instance, overlooked that the elite, hawkish, neoconservative right not only cares deeply about containing Russia but would also inevitably be part of any successful anti-Trump coalition. Mr. DeSantis doesnt need to be a neocon to hold this support against Mr. Trump, but it does seem he needs to support defending Ukraine.

The second half is that the fights for freedom and against woke have not been a glue thats held his fractious coalition together. So far this year, hes struggled to make the race about these issues at all. Instead, abortion, entitlements, Russia and Mr. Trump have dominated the conversation.

Of all the things that have happened to Mr. DeSantis so far this year, this might be the most troubling and telling. Tactical mistakes can be fixed, but if fighting for freedom and against woke isnt a powerful, organizing theme, then hes not especially different from any other Republican.

This might not be entirely Mr. DeSantiss fault. The coronavirus pandemic is over at least for political purposes. The peak of woke might have come and gone as well: The arc of new left culture fights seems to have bent into a reactionary phase in which debate centers as much or more on proposed Republican restrictions on books, drag shows and A.P. history curriculums as on the latest controversy about the excesses of the left. Mr. DeSantiss renewal of a year-old fight against Disney the exact origins of which I suspect would stump even many regular readers of this newsletter is a telling indicator that his campaign against woke is struggling for oxygen.

At the same time as Mr. DeSantiss new issues have faded, the old issues have come roaring back. The Supreme Court and Vladimir Putin made sure of it. So did Mr. Trump, who attacked Mr. DeSantis for old statements on cutting entitlements. And while all of these issues make Mr. DeSantis vulnerable in various ways, there are few opportunities to attack Mr. Trump as too woke.

The devolution of Mr. DeSantis, in other words, is partly due toforces beyond his control. But if freedom or woke is not enough, he will probably need a new set of issues to uniteopen-to-anyone-but-Trump voters.

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Why Ron DeSantis Is Struggling - The New York Times