Archive for the ‘Second Amendment’ Category

How Strong Is The Second Amendment? | Guest Columns | therogersvillereview.com – Therogersvillereview

With no regard for the Constitution, Hillary Clinton once said, if elected, she would ban guns and leave citizens defenseless. And during his presidency, Barack Obama worked behind the scenes to ban guns. Neither was successful and now Joe Biden and Kamala Harris are boldly declaring their intentions to disarm all American citizens.

A few years ago, Washington State Gun owners staged the largest felony civil disobedience rally in American history. It was never televised and most of us were not aware of it. Around 1,000 openly armed gun owners rallied at the state capitol in Olympia, WA, in defiance of a newly passed, unconstitutional gun control law.

The event was named, I WILL NOT COMPLY, by its organizer, Gavin Seim who said, This isnt just a protest. We are here to openly violate the law. Attendees publicly transferred their guns to each other in violation of I-591s background check provisions, and some even bought and sold guns just a few feet away from law enforcement. Seim refused to obtain a permit to hold the rally, citing another right of the people to peaceably assemble.

By the end of that rally, no one was hurt, no cars were bombed, no stores were looted, no buildings were destroyed, and no cops were killed. The only damage was the burning of over 1000 concealed weapons permits. The peaceful protesters all signed a petition vowing to refuse to submit to the new, unconstitutional, and illegal law. The petition ended with the text, We pledge our blood. We will not comply.

The Washington State Patrol announced there would be no arrests for exchanging or even selling guns.

The rally could not be dismissed as a fringe element. Several lawmakers and lawmen spoke, including former Graham County Sheriff Richard Mack of Arizona, Washington State Rep. Elizabeth Scott (R-Monroe), and Rep. Graham Hunt (R-Orting). Mack advised gun owners engaging in civil disobedience to put your sheriff next to you to keep it peaceful. Scott defiantly explained in her speech, I will not comply with I-594 because it is unconstitutional, unenforceable, and unjust. It is impossible to enforce this law unless there is a police officer on every back porch and in every living room. So it will be enforced selectively. She noted that one of Americas Founding Fathers, Alexander Hamilton, said, Any law that violates the Constitution is not valid, and there is a moral obligation to disobey unjust laws.

After leading the crowd in the Pledge of Allegiance, Gavin Seim said, I am not pledging obedience to the government; it is to the Republic. We dont ask for our rights, and we dont negotiate for our rights. Today I become an OUTLAW! Arrest me! I will NOT comply.

American patriots have had enough. The Second Amendment is gradually being eroded, state by state, and most of the gun owners I know, are not going to lie down and give up their arms.

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How Strong Is The Second Amendment? | Guest Columns | therogersvillereview.com - Therogersvillereview

Law experts: Constitutional issues often misunderstood in gun, protest and militia debates | The Progressive Pulse – The Progressive Pulse

The Duke Center for Firearms Law held a virtual roundtable discussion Tuesday.

As guns become an increasing part of conflicts around elections, political protests and demonstrations, law experts say many Americans have a fundamental misunderstanding of the legal and constitutional issues around them.

The Duke Center for Firearms Law held an online roundtable discussion Tuesday exploring the issue in the wake of the 2020 election, the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol and a rising tide of militant extremists that call themselves militias.

The forum, moderated by lecturing fellow Jacob Charles of the Duke University Law School, featured law professors Mary McCord of Georgetown University Law Center; Alan Chen of the University of Denver Sturm College of Law; and Timothy Zick of the William and Mary Law School.

The danger in a misunderstanding of established law with regard to guns was made startlingly clear last month, McCord said, when a violent mob stormed the U.S. Capitol, killing a police officer and leading to scores of injuries. Despite Washington, D.C. not being an open carry state, photos and video footage make it clear that many of insurrectionists were armed with guns.

Such images have unfortunately become almost commonplace at political protests and ideological clashes all over the country including in North Carolina, where armed neo-Confederates have in the last few years repeatedly clashed with those protesting Confederate monuments.

Even when blatantly flouting local and state gun laws, McCord said, many people will point to the Second Amendment of the U.S. Constitution as granting them blanket protection to carry their guns. This is particularly true of people who are part of paramilitary groups that purport to be militias, McCord said.

But the constitution does not give private individuals free license to organize themselves as militia units and call themselves forth, under their own command and control to engage in militia activity, McCord said. The phrase well regulated militia in the Second Amendment has a historical context, McCord said. Even before the founding of the country, it was understood to mean regulated by the state. The founders had an antipathy toward the idea of a standing army and turned to individual militias. But those militias were then trained, funded and directed by the government. The authority to call forth militias lays with the Congress and with governors with regard to National Guard units and state militias.

Our federalist structure has always wanted to have authority over any kind of military, McCord said.

Twenty-nine states still have laws against groups of individuals arming themselves and parading themselves as private military units, McCord said.

In the Supreme Courts decision in the case of District of Columbia vs. Heller, the late Justice Antonin Scalia pointedly contrasted the right of private individuals to bear arms for self defense and people doing so to establish private paramilitary groups.

For all the gray areas of law, this really isnt one of them, McCord said. The Supreme Court has been pretty clear. The Second Amendment doesnt protect private armies.

So why is it so common to see people carrying weapons, often as part of organized private groups, in public as parts of protests or to intimidate their political adversaries?

Partially because police dont see it as one of their regular or primary duties to enforce these types of laws, McCord said, and partially because paramilitary groups tend to organize and train in areas that are anti-government, or where people have an absolutist view of the Second Amendment.

In those jurisdictions most of the prosecutors, law enforcement and district attorneys are elected, McCord said. This gives them little incentive and, in fact, plenty of disincentive to enforce gun laws against unlawful militias in areas where they may have public support.

Beyond organized militia groups, Chen said, individuals with guns have increasingly been showing up to polling places during contentious elections. There is a long history of this as a voter intimidation tactic in America, he said.

During and after reconstruction, guns were often used to scare Black voters away from polling places after voting rights had been extended to them, Chen said.

While all fifty states and Washington, D.C. prohibit electioneering in and around voting centers, only six states and the district explicitly prohibit people from openly carrying guns in polling places. Four more states prohibit concealed carry at polling places. If those polling places are government buildings or schools where guns are already prohibited that prohibition stands.

Many argue that federal law already prohibits people with guns being menacing or intimidating in polling places, Chen said. But deciding what speech or behavior is intimidating is difficult and would fall to non-law enforcement election officials who have enough to do already during elections.

Intimidation isnt limited to polling places. Last year, an armed mob took over the state capitol building in Michigan, stopping the work of lawmakers there. In December six men were indicted in a plot to kidnap Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer.

The First Amendment protects speech and expression, Zick said. There is very little legal support, however, for the proposition that carrying a firearm is expressive conduct or speech, he said.

Theres an obvious tension, a commonsense notion that when you bring guns to a protest it is going to have the effect of chilling some speech and assembly, Zick said.

It changes the tenor of speech and protest, he said.

In places where open carry of firearms is lawful, there are sometimes conflicts between that freedom and laws or local regulations prohibiting the carrying of firearms at protests.

We know peaceful protest and open carry can co-exist, Zick said. He himself has seen it in his hometown of Richmond, Virginia at protests over Confederate monuments.

But the central question, Zick said, is how to protect speech that may be chilled when peaceful protest is met with armed resistance?

There are things that can be done to limit the impact of guns on peaceful protests, Zick said, but whether there is the political will to do it is an open question.

A blanket open carry ban is one option, Zick said, though it isnt clear whether the Supreme Court would uphold that.

After deadly violence in Richmond, that city did specifically ban open carry at protests. As North Carolina has seen, however, police are not always willing to enforce such bans and prosecutors are not always willing to charge those who break such laws.

Widening bans already in place in public buildings and schools to places like public plazas and other popular protest areas is another possibility, Zick said. There is also the tactic of prohibiting certain types of displays of firearms or of specific types of firearms.

But again, Chen said, these would all rely on the political will to pass the regulations, the police will to enforce them and ultimately the court to uphold them.

We dont know yet whether the court follows the culture or the culture follows the court on this issue, Chen said.

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Law experts: Constitutional issues often misunderstood in gun, protest and militia debates | The Progressive Pulse - The Progressive Pulse

International context shines a light on numbing US gun violence: Are we OK with this? – MinnPost

REUTERS/Joshua Lott

For the past many years, in the first week in February, U.S. year-to-date gun deaths have exceeded comparable countries gun deaths for the entire year. Aggregating World Health Organization data from the 31 populous (greater than 1 million) countries considered high-income, the U.S. accounts for a third of the population but 84 percent of all firearm deaths, 92 percent of women killed by guns and 97 percent of children 4 years and under killed by guns.

Homicide rates are 7.5 times higher in the U.S. than in the other countries, driven by a gun homicide rate that is 25 times higher, and 49 times higher for 15- to 24-year-olds. (Violent death rates in the U.S. compared to those of the other high-income countries, Grinshteyn and Hemenway, University of San Francisco).

Numbing, for sure, yet the data screech for attention. They undeniably show that gun violence is integral to Americas brand on the world stage. We are an extreme outlier in the trauma, pain and loss from bullets lodged in human beings.

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Out of sync

Are we OK with this? Regardless how much freedom you believe the Second Amendment affords, our laws and gun culture are out of sync with the rest of the civilized world. The way we interpret and carry out the right to bear arms has prioritized it over the fundamental right to life. For children, who have no say in this. For women, who are five times more likely to be killed when an abusive partner has access to a gun. For everyone.

As other countries data show, it doesnt have to be this way. David Hemenway of the Harvard School of Public Health explains: Its not that they [other developed countries] have fewer mental health problems or fewer violent video games or less moral decay. Its not that they are less violent or less crime-prone. Its that with stronger gun laws with universal background checks and waiting periods and sometimes even notifying a spouse or ex-spouse that someone is planning to get a gun theyve made it much harder for the wrong people to gain access to guns.

Rich Cowles

Like most rights, the Second Amendment right is not unlimited. It is not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose: For example, concealed weapons prohibitions have been upheld under the Amendment or state analogues.

Lets not let our numbness from unfathomable, relentless statistics on a seemingly intractable issue prevent action. Author and grief expert David Kessler said of the debilitating effect of emotional numbness, When I visited the death camps at Auschwitz it made me numb. But when I left, I said to my numbness, What can I do to prevent this?

Contact your state and national legislators and urge them to pass broadly supported common-sense gun measures that dont violate the Second Amendment, like requiring background checks on all gun sales and red-flag laws (these two laws alone have cut gun deaths almost in half in states that have enacted them). Join groups working toward sensible gun reform, like Moms Demand Action (text join to 344-33) or Protect Minnesota (protectmn.org). Talk to friends and relatives. And, if you own guns, statistics show that storing them locked, unloaded and separate from ammunition significantly reduces injury and death.

As Kessler says, Numbness should not let us off the hook.

Rich Cowles, retired, volunteers for a variety of nonprofits, includingMoms DemandAction for Gun Sense and Protect Minnesota.

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International context shines a light on numbing US gun violence: Are we OK with this? - MinnPost

2nd Amendment: A Complete History of the Right to Bear Arms

As a citizen of the United States, do I have the right to massacre a large group of my fellow citizens?

Of course not.

However, over the last two decades, a number of individuals have done exactly that; the settings of each incident now existing infused with terror (consider the impact of the words Columbine High School, Pulse Nightclub, Orlando Florida, or Sandy Hook Elementary School).

One would think that enacting legislation to prevent such atrocities would be an enormously smart career move for any smart politician. Yet although senators and representatives routinely offer thoughts and prayers for the victims nothing of substance has been done to make large public settings any safer from the potential terror firearms can cause.

While the international community has trouble understanding this, citizens of America realize that for many politicians the words gun control can actually result in political suicide.

The reason? The United States is divided in its belief over the rights of individual citizens to own guns.

One side claims that this right is universal and unbreakable, while the other routinely argues that this claim is a misunderstanding of the U.S Constitution. And, surprisingly, both sides rest their arguments on an oft-quoted amendment of the US Bill of Rights specifically, the Second Amendment.

The history of the Second Amendment is long and twisted; the Amendment itself has been subject to repeated scrutiny and elaboration, and the way in which its interpreted today is a relatively new way of understanding this statute written in the late 18th century.

Its hard to understand exactly whats at stake without a detailed look at why it was originally written, how it has been interpreted over the last two and a half centuries, and what it currently seems to imply.

The Second Amendment to the U.S Constitution is surprisingly short. Its exact wording is:

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

Thats it.

In terms of wording, this statute is one of the most confusing. Its deceptively short, rather vague, and employs unusual grammar. Yet over the course of US history, these 26 words have become some of the most controversial ever written.

In addition, theres nothing written specifically about gun regulation, and notice how the phrase right to bear arms is expressly connected to that of a well regulated Militia.

As historian Michael Waldman comments, Lets be clear: the eloquent men who wrote we the people and the First Amendment did us no favors in the drafting of the Second Amendment. One reason it was ignored for so long is that it is so inscrutable. [1]

The current debate about gun control versus gun rights has been more harsh and malicious than necessary, precisely because of the wording and grammatical structure of the writing and the ways in which its been interpreted over the years.

As the history of the Second Amendment shows us, this very obscurity has also been used to excuse some of the darkest moments in United States history. States like Oklahoma and Pennsylvania observe Second Amendment Day as a public awareness day whose purpose is to raise awareness of and support for the fundamental right to keep and bear arms, which is codified in the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution. This amendment, along with the nine others ratified on December 15, 1791, comprise the U.S Constitutions Bill of Rights.

After the Revolutionary War, the United States existed for a few years under a very simple government, bound by a document known as the Articles of Confederation the first set of rules for the new country that were created in 1777 and ratified in 1781.

They are remembered all these years later, chiefly because they were the origin of the new countrys name: the United States of America. In addition to the moniker, the Articles of Confederation set out rules for the interplay between the federal and state governments.

However, so much power was given to the states that national jurisdiction was essentially meaningless. Because all federal rules needed to be approved by a supermajority, one small state could and did easily block treaties, legislation, and the push for one national currency.

In addition, the central bureaucracy was unable to collect taxes and thus did not have the money needed to carry out its duties. In essence, the newly-formed United States had a figurehead government at the center, but one that was unable to function.

The U.S Constitution, which was drafted in 1783, was then written for the purpose of strengthening the central government. But since many people in early America opposed the idea of a strong central government the writers in favor of the document found themselves taxed with a new challenge shortly after writing the U.S Constitution: ratification.

They needed two-thirds of the original thirteen states to agree to adopt the new document as the rule of the land.

Having recently broken away from what they saw as the tyranny of Great Britain, individuals were protective of their freedom and touchy about any infringement on private liberties. Moreover, each state had questions and concerns specific to its individual needs, in addition to not wanting to cede power to the federal government.

For some time, it appeared that the country would break apart rather than come to a united agreement on the powers of the central government.

In order to address these issues, the Founding Fathers wrote up a Bill of Rights that specified protections for individuals and for states. These first ten amendments were included with the rest of the document, which was finally ratified in 1791, and played a big role in securing the two-thirds majority needed to ratify the U.S constitution.

Most of the points in the Bill of Rights deals with individuals freedoms and the rights of those accused of breaking the laws, yet the Second Amendment the second point on the Bill of Rights deals directly with gun ownership.

So why did the Founders consider it necessary to include this in such an important document? Well, the answer is quite complicated, and its one that the nation is still trying to figure out.

The American Revolution started in part because of taxation issues. The colonists protested against what they perceived as unfair and oppressive treatment, while the British response was to stop the importation of firearms to the New World.

In retaliation, colonists began to smuggle guns in from the Continent (meaning Europe), stockpiling extras for a day when they would need them to fight the increasingly vindictive Crown.

As is known from history classes, tensions rose until the British sent troops to quell insurrection, only to find an unanticipated organized response. Beginning in Boston, the Revolution was the first of its kind in history truly a shot heard around the world.

In addition, at the time that the U.S Constitution was written, the United States was overwhelmingly rural. The frontier, with its wild animals and Native American tribes, existed neck-to-neck with coastal settlements. Families hunted for their protein sources, and each small hamlet protected itself collectively from robbery or worse; citizens needed guns in order to survive.

However, because gunpowder was flammable and guns expensive, firearms for each village were kept in a centralized location. This, as well as the legacy of the Revolutionary War, was the state of affairs that led the Founding Fathers to associate gun ownership with the idea of a well regulated militia where armies were federal affairs, militias protected local settlements.

The document that we now know as the United States Constitution was written during the U.S Constitutional Convention of 1787. Its chief purpose was to grant enough strength to the federal government to be able to function, but its writers were then faced with the challenge of convincing each state to buy into the idea.

James Madison, the chief writer of the U.S Constitution, witnessed the difficulty of getting the Constitution ratified. So, he was inspired to set up the Bill of Rights as a way to balance the power of the central government with that of individual states.

This addition paved the way for ratification, and the country was able to move forward.

Reading through the entire Bill of Rights gives us an interesting vantage point on the difficulties of establishing a pluralistic country. The four freedoms stated in the First Amendment affirmed the prerogative of citizens to pray, speak, and assemble as they chose, and to petition the federal government for a redress of grievances. [2]

These of course have become cherished United States ideals, and a corollary to the ideas expressed in the Declaration of Independence. The original shot heard around the world was the conception of a united citizenry choosing its own government this was then followed by the almost unthought-of idea that those citizens could then choose their style of living and interacting with that government, without fear of retribution.

After specifying these individual freedoms, the Bill of Rights then turned to protections afforded to citizens from the government itself.

The Second Amendment spoke to the ability of individuals to form wel regulated militias. The Third prevented the federal government from moving soldiers into private houses without the consent of the owners. The Fourth Amendment defined unreasonable search and seizure, and prohibited it. The Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Amendments protected against self-incrimination and stated the right to trial by a jury of ones peers.

These were, again, unique, as they specified the limitations of central power in a way that no other country ever had.

Following the list of protections, the Bill of Rights closed with two amendments meant to protect the power of individual states the Ninth Amendment states that these listed rights are not intended to supplant other rights and so not enumerated.

The Tenth Amendment makes the claim that:

the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited to it by the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

These last two ideas point to an important issue in United States politics: the balance of power between state and national governments. The Bill of Rights as a whole became a symbol of the American experiment; combined, the ten statutes have achieved a sacred status and are deemed untouchable.

Taken in context with the other rights listed, the Second Amendment can be understood as the establishment of a fundamental belief that the political body may arm itself without fear of search, seizure of weapons, or personal arrest that neglects the due process of law.

In other words citizens did not need to fear a repeat of the abuse they had endured at the hands of the British.

The individual right interpretation of the Second Amendment first arose in Bliss v. Commonwealth (1822), which evaluated the individual right to bear arms in defense of themselves and the state. The right to bear arms in defense of themselves and the state was interpreted as an individual right, for the case of a concealed sword cane. This case has been described as about a statute prohibiting the carrying of concealed weapons [that] was violative of the Second Amendment.

Also during the Jacksonian Era, the first collective right (or group right) interpretation of the Second Amendment arose. In State v. Buzzard (1842), the Arkansas high court adopted a militia-based, political right, reading of the right to bear arms under state law, and upheld the 21st section of the second article of the Arkansas Constitution. The two early state court cases, Bliss and Buzzard, set the fundamental dichotomy in interpreting the Second Amendment, i.e., whether it secured an individual right versus a collective right.

Because of the rural nature of the country and the need to hunt for food, firearms were not in and of themselves thought of as an extension of personal freedoms, but rather as necessities of daily living. The Amendment was written to guarantee against government tyranny, not to prohibit the regulation of firearms.

As the years went by, the United States began to grow. It had always been a pluralistic country, but expansion exacerbated the clash of cultures created by the differences between new citizens coming into the country.

Originally settled by Puritans, Quakers, freethinkers, and non-Christians as well as members of the Church of England (which soon became known in the United States as the Episcopalian Church) the population also grew to include enslaved peoples of African descent, Native Americans trying to affirm their right to exist, and a continuing stream of immigrants bringing still more differences to the table.

How does one organize a country with a plethora of differing customs? How does a country balance the need for a strong central government with the differences present in each state?

In the first half of the 19th century, these questions were subsumed into a few overriding concerns. Chief among these were Western Expansion and the question of slavery. As the United States rocked its way towards the Civil War, the Second Amendment and all other rights sat quietly amidst the larger questions of who was protected under the U.S Constitution.

In other words, who was considered a citizen, and why?

For the better part of the first 100 years of Americas life, the Second Amendment or, as we know it, the individual right to bear arms had little impact on American political life.

However, in the 1860s, everything changed. The nation plunged into civil war, ushering in a new era.

Interestingly, however, the laws created to secure the individual rights of newly freed slaves set the stage for a unique interpretation of the Second Amendment that has helped shape the debate we continue to have today.

On April 9, 1865, Generals Ulysses S. Grant and Robert E. Lee met at the Appomattox Court House, in the state of Virginia, to draft out a resolution that would bring an end to the Civil War.

As a result of the Southern surrender, the United States was one country once again, and the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation which freed slaves in rebellious states during the war was enshrined into law with the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment in 1864.

With this hurdle overcome, President Lincoln was determined to welcome the Confederacy back in a way that was neither harsh nor disciplinary.

On March 5, 1865, he stated in his Second Inaugural Address:

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nations wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.

Lincoln wanted to reconcile the nation, not punish the South. And his plan for Reconstruction was built in such a way so that it would do just that reconstruct the Souths way of life, a large part of which involved providing guarantees for the individual rights and liberties of Black Americans.

This led to the eventual passage of the Fourteenth Amendment, and this addressed a number of issues in its five sections. Some of the most important clauses detailed restrictions on the ability of former rebels to hold office, as well as the powers of Congress to enforce the amendment.

However, the most famous is section one, which famously includes the following language:

No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of the law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction equal protection of the laws.

The passage of this amendment led to a rapid growth and progress in the levels of Black political participation but this was short-lived. Lincoln did not live to ensure his plan, nor witness the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment, as six days after Lees surrender, on April 15, 1865, the president was murdered.

A stunned country confronted with its first political assassination turned vicious.

Reconstruction became a time for many Northerners to make money off the broken South, and to force it to live according to their victorious convictions.

The South, which eventually wormed its way free of Northern oversight, sought to reestablish its old way of life one in which Blacks were relegated to the trenches of the social order and worked hard to fight this interference from the North, which it eventually accomplished through the Compromise of 1877.

From there, an issue that had been at the heart of American political conflict since the nations inception was given new fuel: the debate over the power of the states in relation to the federal government.

During the time of the Civil War and the Reconstruction after it, the Second Amendment was not under the spotlight that shines on it today.

The Fourteenth Amendment was seen as an extension of the original ideals of the Bill of Rights, providing protection to newly enfranchised ex-slaves. It included specific provisos that overtly stated that the liberties afforded by the U.S Constitution and the Bill of Rights now protected African Americans and all other people living in the United States.

This means the Fourteenth Amendment was the first of its kind to explicitly guarantee rights to all people, not just a select group of people considered citizens. Naturally, this placed limits on a states ability to govern itself which happened to be a critically important issue to a section of the country vitally consumed with the idea of states rights.

The South bitterly resisted what it saw as an infringement on its right to govern itself through the work of individual states. A violent backlash ensued, causing the organization of groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, which promoted themselves as militias protected under the Second Amendment, but were, in reality, more akin to terrorist associations based on their actions burning crosses and midnight lynchings were just two ways of demonstrating power. The chief point of the Klan was to asset White dominance and enforce the continued domination of former slave owners over former slaves.

With the focus of the federal government turning away from the ideals of Reconstruction, life in the South gradually returned to the Antebellum mores.

By the end of the 1860s, the abolition of slavery really only meant the establishment of a nominally free Black community. But these communities were economically, educationally, and politically underprivileged sure, citizens had been afforded the right to vote, but what good was that when they were prevented from doing so by their lack of personal property, ability to read the ballot, or knowledge of governmental functions?

This, then, was the state of affairs in the United States after the Civil War. When the Supreme Court first considered the Second Amendment, it did not do so because of concerns over gun rights. Instead, it deliberated over a case that focused on Fourteenth Amendment rights, specifically looking at African-American safety.

The Second Amendment attracted serious judicial attention with the Reconstruction era case of United States v. Cruikshank (1876) which ruled that the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment did not cause the Bill of Rights, including the Second Amendment, to limit the powers of the State governments, stating that the Second Amendment has no other effect than to restrict the powers of the national government.

On Easter Sunday, 1873 ironically two years after the formation of the National Rifle Association (whose importance will soon become apparent to this tale) a White militia made up of members of two White Supremacists groups, the Knights of the White Camellia and the Ku Klux Klan, murdered over one hundred and fifty African-Africans in the town of Colfax, Louisiana [6].

In response to what has become known as the Colfax Massacre, three White men were convicted.

Since it occurred in the wake of the 1872 state elections in Louisiana, and was motivated by its result (as it was one of the first elections that saw widespread Black voting, something unthinkable in the South), federal authorities interpreted the actions of these individuals as a violation of the 1870 Enforcement Act a law that gave the federal government the right to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment, guaranteeing citizens the individual right to vote regardless of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

Prosecution thus proceeded accordingly.

Two trials took place in 1874, and in the second, three men were convicted although the charges were immediately dismissed by the presiding judge. The federal government then took the issue to the Supreme Court in a case known as United States vs. Cruikshank.

In it, the Supreme Court ruled that the 1870 Enforcement Act only applied to states and not individuals, and that the federal government did not have jurisdiction over individuals attempts to infringe the rights of other individuals.

Instead, those who felt their individual rights had been limited by others would have to appeal to states and municipalities for protection and not the federal government.

The Supreme Court extended this interpretation to both the First and Second Amendment, essentially saying that both represented inherent rights granted to people and that their existence in the U.S Constitution was solely to prevent the federal government from limiting them. The exact text from the ruling in regards to the Second Amendment reads:

The right to bear arms is not granted by the Constitution; neither is it in any manner dependent upon that instrument for its existence. The Second Amendments means no more than that it shall not be infringed by Congress, and has no other effect than to restrict the powers of the National Government.

However, the Fourteenth Amendment seems to contradict this notion by saying that the states cannot limit the rights of any citizen that are afforded by the U.S Constitution.

But in United States vs. Cruikshank, the Supreme Court circumvents this idea by stating that these rights were not explicitly granted by the document but rather protected against infringement by the federal government [8].

This is an incredibly narrow interpretation of the U.S Constitution one that essentially says the states can more or less do as they please when it comes to the individual rights of people.

It gave individual states the power to choose whether or not to prosecute events such as the Colfax Massacre, opening the door for legally-sanctioned segregation as well as even more violent intimidation of newly-freed Blacks trying to integrate into American society.

This decision as many Supreme Court decisions are was politically motivated, and it had a dramatic impact on US history, particularly in terms of race relations.

As for the Second Amendment, this case is historic because it marked the first instance in the history of the United States in which the Supreme Court offered a direct opinion about the right to bear arms.

That opinion that it only served to protect citizens against overreach from the national government; that the states were free to address it and other rights written in the U.S Constitution as they pleased would pave the way for state and local gun laws and would shape the debate about this issue in the 20th century.

The Second Amendment received a second review a few years later, when Presser vs. Illinois was heard by the Supreme Court in 1886.

A year or so earlier, the state of Illinois had ratified a law restricting public parades where participants carried firearms; Dave Koppel of the Independence Institute notes that:

One prong of the governmental effort to suppress organized labor was a ban on armed parades in public; Illinois was one of the states that enacted such a ban, making it a crime for bodies of men to associate together as military organizations, or to drill or parade with arms in cities and towns unless authorized by law

The plaintiff a man by the name of Herman Presser had marched in a parade carrying a firearm; the Chicago court noted that he did unlawfully belong to, and did parade and drill, with arms without having a license from the Governor, and not being a part of, or belonging to, the regular organized volunteer militia of the State of Illinois. [10]

See more here:
2nd Amendment: A Complete History of the Right to Bear Arms

The Second Amendment: What Are the Limits on the Right to …

The meaning and scope of the Second Amendment has long been one of the most hotly contested constitutional issues in the United States. In 2008, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the amendment protects the rights of individuals to have and use guns for legal purposes. At the same time, however, the Court clearly said that the Second Amendment right isnt unlimited. Since that decision, other courts in the country have upheld mostbut not allfederal, state, and local gun control laws.

The long-running argument over the Second Amendment largely stems from its language, especially at the beginning: A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed. For decades, many scholars and courts interpreted the amendment as preserving states authority to keep militias, which would mean that the right to have firearms was linked to militia service. But in District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008), the Supreme Court opted for a broader interpretation, finding that the Second Amendment gave individuals a right to have gunsunconnected to any militia serviceand to use them for traditionally legal purposes like self-defense.

The Supreme Court said that the law involved in Heller was unconstitutional because it essentially banned all handgunsthe most popular type of gun Americans choose for the core lawful purpose of self-defense. It also kept people from using their guns to defend their families and property by requiring them to keep all firearms trigger-locked or dissembled, even in the home.

Like most constitutional rights, the Second Amendment rights is not unlimited.

What about other kinds of guns and other reasons for having them? Like most constitutional rights, the Heller Court explained, the Second Amendment right is not unlimited. It is not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose. In the years since that decision, theres been a flood of legal challenges to federal and state gun control laws. According to one study, in 94 percent of those cases, courts have found that reasonable gun regulations didnt violate the Second Amendment. Theyve mostly relied on the Heller Courts explanation that its ruling shouldnt cast doubt on several longstanding gun restrictions, including bans on gun ownership by certain individuals (like felons), prohibitions on some types of dangerous and unusual weapons, limits on carrying firearms in certain public places, and requirements for gun sales. Although federal law covers some of these restrictions, most gun control is a patchwork of state and local laws and regulations. That means it can be wildly different from place to place.

Federal law outlaws the possession of firearms or ammunition by several categories of people, including:

(18 U.S.C. 922(g).)

Many states prohibit or restrict gun possession by other groups of people, such as stalkers and people subject to other kinds of restraining orders, minors, juvenile offenders, and those convicted of alcohol- and/or drug-related crimes.

Several states also allow courts to order some people to give up their guns temporarily if they pose an immediate risk to themselves or others (under so-called "red flag laws").

Under federal law, its illegal for civilians to have fully automatic weapons (referred to as machine guns in 18 U.S.C. 922(l)). In a rule that became effective in March 2019, the federal government outlawed "bump stock" devices (which attach to semiautomatic weapons to produce automatic firing with one pull of the trigger) by defining them as machine guns for purposes of federal law (27 C.F.R. 447.11).

Another federal law that banned assault weapons (semiautomatic firearms with certain features) expired in 2004, and attempts to renew it have failed so far.

Still, a handful of states and local governmentsincluding California, New Jersey, and New Yorkhave their own prohibitions or restrictions on assault weapons that have withstood court challenges. And although the Heller Court ruled out blanket bans on handguns, many states regulate handguns by requiring permits to buy them.

As the Supreme Court recognized in Heller, guns have traditionally been prohibited or restricted in certain public places under federal, state, and local laws. These sensitive places include schools, government buildings and courtrooms, public transit facilities, airports, and polling stations.

A U.S. appellate court has held that the Second Amendment doesnt protect carrying a concealed weapon in public (Peterson v. Martinez, 707 F.3d 1197 (10th Cir. 2013)). Most states require a concealed-carry permit, but the conditions vary a lot from state to state. The strictest laws allow authorities to deny a permit when the applicant doesnt have a good moral character or a good reason for carrying a gun in public. The most lenient require authorities to issue the permit to anyone who applies, with little or no discretion. Nearly all states restrict concealed weapons in some places, such as bars, hospitals, and public sporting events. But several states allow concealed weapons on public college campuses, under legislation or state court rulings that overturned longtime bans.

Finally, some states have open carry laws that ban or set conditions on openly carrying certain types of guns in public or in private cars.

Licensed gun dealers have to meet several requirements under federal law, including performing background checks, keeping records of sales, and reporting multiple sales of handguns to the same person (18 U.S.C. 923). But those requirements dont apply to private sellers, including those at gun shows. Some states have stronger laws, and a few require licensing for the sale of all guns.

If you believe that a local law or regulation infringes on your Second Amendment rights as a gun owner, you might want to speak with a civil rights attorney about your options for challenging the restriction. And if youve been charged with a crime related to owning, carrying, or using a gun, you should strongly consider consulting with a criminal defense lawyer. The circumstances in each case are unique, and the laws vary in different states and localities. An attorney whos experienced in this area can explain how the relevant laws apply in your situation and what defenses you might have.

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The Second Amendment: What Are the Limits on the Right to ...