Heres a pro tip for government    lawyers: You shouldnt endeavor to eliminate    indirectly those constitutional rights you cant    eliminate directly.  
    Someone needs to explain this rather basic legal reality to the    city of Chicago. Yesterday, the Seventh Circuit Court of    Appeals struck down yet another series of Chicago    laws that transparently and clumsily attempted to circumvent    the Second Amendment and controlling legal precedent protecting    the rights of Chicago citizens to own handguns for    self-defense.  
    Its a battle thats been raging for almost a decade. It began    in 2008, just after the Supreme Court decided District of    Columbia v. Heller, the case that recognized the rather    obvious fact that the Second Amendment protects an    individual right to keep and bear arms. In light of    the Heller decision, Otis McDonald and three other    plaintiffs filed suit to challenge Chicagos near-total ban on    private possession of handguns.  
    In 2010, McDonald won his case. The Supreme Court held that    the Second Amendment was fully applicable to the states and    protected the right to keep and bear arms from intrusive state    and local laws. Chicagos handgun ban was thus plainly    unconstitutional.  
    But rather than comply with the Constitution, Chicago went back    to the drawing board, this time constructing a new, indirect    ban. As summarized by the Seventh Circuit, the    city allowed residents to possess a handgun if they had a    lawful permit, required range training as a prerequisite to    getting a permit, and then banned firing ranges from    operating in the city.  
    Rhonda Ezell and two other Chicago residents sued, and in 2011,    they won. As Judge Ilana Rovner wrote, Chicagos    range-training requirement was not so much a nod to the    importance of live-range training as it was a thumbing of the    municipal nose at the Supreme Court. The city could not create    a requirement for exercising a right and then ban from the city    the means of meeting that requirement.  
    Chicago, however, was hardly done defying the judiciary. In    response to the 2011 case, the city created yet another    elaborate series of regulations, this time allowing firing    ranges only in manufacturing districts, banning them from    operating within 100 feet of each other or 500 feet of a    residential district, school, or church, and banning anyone    under age 18 from entering them. As a result, Only 2.2 percent of the    citys total acreage is even theoretically available for a    shooting range and the commercial viability of any of these    parcels is questionable  so much so that no shooting range yet    exists.  
    Yesterday, Rhonda Ezell won again. The Court was particularly    unimpressed with the fact that Chicago simply states that it    has interests in preventing crime, protecting the environment,    and preventing, without bothering to prove that ranges cause    increased crime, airborne lead contamination, and a    greater risk of fire.  
    The citys bad faith was obvious:  
      The Citys own witnesses testified to the lack of      evidentiary support for these assertions. They repeatedly      admitted that they knew of no data or empirical evidence      to support any of these claims. Indeed, Patricia Scudiero,      the Citys zoning administrator, conceded that neither she      nor anyone else in her department made any effort to review      how other cities zone firing ranges. She conducted no      investigation, visited no firing ranges in other      jurisdictions, consulted no expert, and essentially did no      research at all.    
    At every turn, the city merely asserted that its regulations    were justifiable without actually bothering to justify them,    because it couldnt justify them.  
    When it comes to the Second Amendment, Chicago is hardly    unique. The District of Columbia has waged its own long battle against Heller, and even    after the Supreme Courts decision, it has remained    extraordinarily difficult to legally possess a handgun in the    city. The result is a citizenry that largely lacks the capacity    to defend itself against a criminal class that is killing men    and women by the hundreds.  
    Cities can engage in this kind of long-term resistance, losing    case after case with little consequence, because of a quirk in    the law that other liberal institutions exploit with impunity:    Its difficult to quantify the monetary value of a    constitutional right, so damage awards for constitutional    violations are often low or nonexistent. Yes, plaintiffs can    obtain injunctions, but significant monetary awards are rare.    The only real financial penalty is the requirement that losing    cities pay the plaintiffs attorneys fees, which are    insignificant sums given the vast size of city budgets.  
    Thus, cities treat gun rights like universities treat rights to    free speech, free association, due process, and religious    liberty. They defy the law, wait to be sued, fight for years,    write small attorney-fee checks when they lose, and wait to be    sued again. Not even the judiciary possesses the tools    necessary to truly check abusive government power.  
    Its time to close the loophole. Its time to impose real costs    for violations of our most fundamental constitutional rights.    The most important task of government at any level in the    United States is to protect the liberty of its citizens. A    government or public entity that repeatedly violates the rights    secured in the Bill of Rights simply doesnt deserve taxpayer    support, and its past time to link federal funding to the    protection of individual liberty.  
    There is a new Congress, and tomorrow there will be a new    president. Will there be new resolve to defend the    Constitution? Lets hope so.  
     David French is a staff writer    for National    Review, a senior fellow    at the National Review Institute, and an attorney.  
Link:
Urban Leftists Can't Stop Violating the Constitution - National Review