Archive for the ‘Socialism’ Category

Keeping the Faith: Socialism in the Waiting Place Current Affairs – Current Affairs

Socialism, like Christianity, is a faith that lives in waiting. I think of all the enslaved people and abolitionists who lived and worked for a future of liberation, and yet died long before that liberation ever came. Millions of us have dreamed of a bright tomorrow that is yet to come. And when were honest with ourselves, when were not out trying to inspire others, we can admit that tomorrow is still many nights away.

This is the Waiting Place.

for people just waiting.Waiting for a train to goor a bus to come, or a plane to goor the mail to come, or the rain to goor the phone to ring, or the snow to snowor the waiting around for a Yes or Noor waiting for their hair to grow.Everyone is just waiting.Waiting for the fish to biteor waiting for the wind to fly a kiteor waiting around for Friday nightor waiting, perhaps, for their Uncle Jakeor a pot to boil, or a Better Breakor a string of pearls, or a pair of pantsor a wig with curls, or Another Chance.Everyone is just waiting.

from Oh the Places Youll Go by Dr. Seuss

When I joined the Democratic Socialists of America in 2017, just after Trump entered office, times were dark. But it really did seem like a brighter future was just around the corner. We still had Bernie. And even after Bernie lost, there were the uprisings in the summer of 2020, when we watched the people burn down a police station, and marchedBlack and whitein every state. In the streets, we sometimes felt like we were as powerful as we would need to be. It turns out we werent.

It turns out that the Right will almost certainly ascend in the midterm elections, and the Democrats are once again poised to lose the presidency. DSAs membership has stopped growing for the last several months. Sunrise Movement co-founder William Lawrence writes that the organization was founded on the idea that there would be a window of federal opportunity to combat climate change in 2021; that window has closed for the moment. From the vantage of March 2022, white Christian nationalism looks more viable than multiracial social democracy in this decade.

I think about a sermon my friend Liz Smith gave about Advent and the waiting place in the Christian liturgical tradition. Advent in the dark weeks of winter is a kind of waiting. Waiting for Jesus to be born. And yet by April hell be killed again. And then were set for another year of waiting.

This is a little like the cycles of campaigns. A thing is born. We roar into the world like lions. And maybe we even win something. We celebrate. But then the energy is gone and we get ready to birth something and watch it die all over again.

In these moments, I am grateful for the movement elders, the old socialists who lived through the rise and fall of the New Left, who endured neoliberalization and Reagan, who survived AIDS (but whose comrades did not). And all that time, they kept the flame alive so that a bunch of us, fresh and arrogant, could make the world bloom in roses again for a time.

It is no surprise to me, therefore, that in the Americas, many of the fights for liberation have not taken the form of class-conscious movements, but rather, of religious rebellions (see Cedric Robinsons Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition). From the prophecies of Tecumseh, to the slave conspiracies of Haiti fueled by African spirituality that survived the crossing, to the Black Christianity that undergirded the general strike of the slaves and the Civil Rights Movementthe defining American uprisings were founded on a spiritual logic. At its best, the confidence in theory that inspired the certainty of orthodox Marxism merely emulated the conviction of the faithful in the coming of justice.

It is a measure of this magic which seems, at times, to be missing from the version of the Left typified by DSA. The mainstream orientation of DSA was both a product of Occupy Wall Street, and a critique of it. We saw the birth and death of that movement, and thought that if we had enough structure and rigorousness, that we could build something that could not die.

This is why it is so important for us to study thinkers like adrienne maree brown. Like DSA, browns writing exists as both a product and a critique of Occupy. But where we moved to embrace order, brown took a different approach. She embraced the cycle of life and death of movements, likening the process to the renewals of cycles in nature:

Transformation doesnt happen in a linear way, at least not one we can always track. It happens in cycles, convergences, explosions. If we release the framework of failure, we can realize that we are in iterative cycles, and we can keep asking ourselveshow do I learn from this?

Abandoning the language of failure, a movement that decays is like an organism returning to the soil, leaving a residue in it that can lead to new growth in the spring. browns is a theory that embraces the logic of spirituality, and places sometimes ineffable wisdom at the center of strategy. Viewed from this perspective, perhaps pieces, chapters and formations of the movement are dying, or perhaps it is more accurate to say, they are entering winter and awaiting their next rebirth.

These lessons in resiliency are beginning to spread. Pete Davis book Dedicated: The Case for Commitment in an Age of Infinite Browsing is a meditation on what he calls long-haul heroism. He celebrates, especially in organizing, the feats accomplished by people who simply kept at it. People who put in the spadework of years, of a hundred meetings, and not just the heroic moments of climactic confrontation:

The heroes of the Counterculture of Commitment, long-haul heroesthrough day-in, day-out, year-in, year-out workbecome the dramatic events themselves. The dragons that stand in their way are the everyday boredom and distraction and uncertainty that threaten sustained commitment. And their big moments look a lot less like sword-waving and a lot more like gardening.

Its this kind of work to which we must turn our attention. We must be profoundly gentle with each other, we must be diligent, humble and patient. We must fight with fervor against burnout, and invest in the strategies that will allow people to continue to fight for socialism over the very long term. That might mean prioritizing fewer campaigns over a longer time period, embedding ourselves in community institutions through many years of consistently showing up, and most of all, developing a culture where consistency, kindness and humility are the signs of militancy, rather than urgency, abrasiveness and certainty.

More than once this week, I have had to revive a comrade whose spirit was crushed under the weight of waiting. Ive turned to this poem, born of a spiritual tradition, which was written to commemorate the assassination of the Socialist Salvadoran priest scar Romero in 1980:

It helps, now and then, to step back and take a long view.The Kingdom is not only beyond our efforts,it is even beyond our vision.We accomplish in our lifetime only a tiny fractionof the magnificent enterprise that is Gods work.Nothing we do is complete,which is a way of saying that the Kingdom always lies beyond us.No statement says all that could be said.No prayer fully expresses our faith.No confession brings perfection.No pastoral visit brings wholeness.No program accomplishes the Churchs mission.No set of goals and objectives includes everything.This is what we are about.We plant the seeds that one day will grow.We water seeds already planted,knowing that they hold future promise.We lay foundations that will need further development.We provide yeast that produces effects far beyond our capabilities.We cannot do everything,and there is a sense of liberation in realizing that.This enables us to do something,and to do it very well.It may be incomplete, but it is a beginning, a step along the way,We may never see the end results,but that is the difference between the master builder and the worker.We are workers, not master builders;ministers, not messiahs.We are prophets of a future that is not our own.

We may have to wait before the time is right to win a revolution, but it will be an active waiting, a time spent making the path ready, training up the next generation, and winning immediate fights to survive until our time comes.

Photo byKlara KulikovaonUnsplash.

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Keeping the Faith: Socialism in the Waiting Place Current Affairs - Current Affairs

Denying the binary: Why socialism and sexual perversion go hand in hand – The Christian Post

Back in1987,Worldmagazinepublished an article by veteran journalist Garry John Moes that asked, Is there a connection between Socialist doctrine and the homosexual rights movement?

That striking lead disturbed me. While the article presented clear evidence that there is, in fact, such a connection, it didnt answer a corollary question:Whyis there a connection between homosexuality and socialism?

Why, for instance, did Plato endorse both socialism and homosexuality? Why, today, are many homosexuals and others in the LGBTQIA+ movements also socialists?

Back then I set out to answer that question inanother article inWorldtitled Denial of Distinction: Socialisms Roots and Sexual Deviance. Its lessons are even more relevant today than they were 35 years ago.

We find the key to an answer to my question in Isaiah 5. There, Isaiah wrote of God and His people Israel, My well-beloved had a vineyard on a fertile hill. And He dug it all around, removed its stones, and planted it with the choicest vine. And He built a tower in the middle of it and hewed out a wine vat in it; then He expected it to produce good grapes. But it produced only worthless ones.

Then God Himself took over and said of His vineyard, So now let Me tell you what I am going to do to My vineyard: I willremove its hedgeand it will be consumed; I willbreak down its walland it will become trampled ground.

Next began a long series of woes: Woe to those who add house to house and join field to field, until there is no more room Woe to those who rise early in the morning that they may pursue strong drink; Woe to those who drag iniquity with the cords of falsehood, and sin as if with cart ropes, climaxing in these two great woes: Woe to those who call evil good, and good evil; who substitute darkness for light and light for darkness; who substitute bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter! Woe to those who are wise in their own eyes, and clever in their own sight!

A fundamental biblical doctrine revealed here is that there are real, abiding, basicdistinctionsin this world. Some religions Hinduism and Buddhism, animism and spiritism believe that all is fundamentally one, that there are no distinctions at the root of reality. Not Biblical Christianity. For the Bible, one is not two; evil is not good; light is not darkness; bitter is not sweet.

When Gods vineyard becomes indistinguishable from the wild vines around it, He tears down its hedge or wall. He will not permit a false distinction to remain. That is why God insists that evil and good, light and darkness, sweet and bitter not be confused with each other.

To those who deny such distinctions who say that the Church can be like the world, who obscure the distinction between good and evil to them, God says, Woe to those who are wise in their own eyes, and clever in their own sight! As if to say, They may be wise in their own eyes, but not in Mine. I am the Judge before whom they must stand. They may overlook distinctions, but I will not!

What joins socialism with homosexuality and all forms of sexual perversion? They all run against, consciously or subconsciously, of the biblical doctrine of fundamental distinctions.

Biblical thinking recognizes a distinction between Church and world. The church is Gods private property, a people for Gods own possession (1 Peter 2:9), and it has a hedge or wall of doctrines and ethics built around it to distinguish it from the world. It must not do what the world does, but must performGodsjudgments and statutes, in which it finds life (Leviticus 18:3-5).

Just as the Bible insists that God has property in the Church, so it insists in the commandment, Thou shalt not steal, that people have property that must be distinguished from everyone elses property. Socialism denies that distinction, claiming that everything belongs to everyone. In so doing, it breaks down a wall of distinction by which God orders reality, and to avoid chaos it reverts to another kind of order: totalitarianism. The Bible also insists that property is a just reward for work, not to be divided equally among all people regardless of their contribution to its production (Luke 19:1226; 2 Thessalonians 3:10). Again, socialism denies this fundamental distinction, insisting on an impossible equality of economic condition.

What of sexuality? The Bible insists that God made man male and female, and that the distinction must be upheld. Neither adultery (Deuteronomy 22:22), nor fornication (Deuteronomy 22:23-29), nor transvestism (Deuteronomy 22:5), nor homosexuality (Leviticus 18:22), nor bestiality (Leviticus 18:23), let alone transgenderism, may be condoned among the people of God. Adultery and fornication, polygamy and polyandry and polyamorism, deny the distinction between ones spouse and all other members of the opposite sex. Homosexuality, and transgenderism deny the distinction between male and female. Bestiality, with its religious roots in polytheistic evolutionary doctrines of the origin of the world and mankind, denies the distinction between human beings and animals.

Socialism and all forms of sexual perversion have this in common: they attack fundamental distinctions God has built into creation. Where they come into closest ideological contact is in denying theexclusivityof certain relationships. Socialism denies the exclusivity of property as belonging to one person or family and not to others. Sexual perversion denies the exclusivity of sexual relations to marriage between one male and one female.

Distinctionsarefundamental to biblical thought: distinctions of order and chaos, light and darkness, good and evil, animal and human, female and male, saved and damned, Church and world, holy and unholy. So are distinctions of work and sloth, individual and community, private and communal property, freedom and slavery, lawfulness and unlawfulness, variety and uniformity.

Each in its own way socialism and sexual perversion denies such distinctions. They rebel against the fundamental orders of Gods creation. They must not be countenanced among Gods people now, any more than 35 years ago.

E. Calvin Beisner, Ph.D., is Founder and National Spokesman ofThe Cornwall Alliance for the Stewardship of Creationand author of over a dozen books on Christian theology, ethics, and economics.

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Denying the binary: Why socialism and sexual perversion go hand in hand - The Christian Post

Socialism and species extinction – Socialist Worker

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Socialism and species extinction - Socialist Worker

10 Times Socialism Actually Worked – The Babylon Bee

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Bernie Sanders famously said that "real" socialism has never been tried. Frankly, we're shocked he would ever suggest such a thing because there are numerous examples of real socialist utopias that we have to pull from.

Here are just a few:

1) Star Trek's Federation of Planets: There's no money, but people still work for some reason. Workers of the world, set your phasers to Social Contract!

2) The Borg Collective: Like a more efficient Federation that tears through freedom-loving planets and subjects them to the will of the collective.

3) In the wonderful dream AOC had last night: Elon Musk even made an appearance.

4) In John Lennon's "Imagine": Everything works perfectly when you imagine it! Even marriage to Yoko Ono.

5) Smurf Village: Cheerful workers in a heavily regulated population. Just like China.

6) In Bernie Sander's serial fanfic: He's been writing Social Thunder for three years now. It's a big hit on his Substack.

7) A beaver dam: Everyone chips in or they all die.

8)The nuclear family: Too bad the nuclear family is RACIST.

9) An ant farm:It worked great until a kid came and shook it up.

10)Whatever South American country Che Guevara ruled:We'resure socialism worked there, otherwise people wouldn't still be wearing the shirt

You see! Socialism is alive and well today. You only have to open yourself up to the imaginary world behind you and seize the means of production for the proletariat!

NOT SATIRE: This is clearly a jokeyou and I know that socialism doesnt work. But kids are being told the opposite every day by their teachers and in the books they are given at school.

You are right to be angry about it. Now, lets do something about it.I wrote a series of books that help kids understand that socialism and communism have always failed and why freedom is so important. These booksthe Tuttle Twins serieshelp teach kids about the government, economics, liberty, and much more.

Heres where I need your helpI want to distribute Tuttle Twins books to school classrooms and libraries, so when a teacher shows up ready to champion socialism, the kids in her class can discover that history has proven her wrong over and over again.

Will you help us send Tuttle Twins books to more schools before the new school year begins? It costs roughly $10 to distribute one book to a school. If you can give today, well do our best to get one in a school in your local area.

Click here to help us distribute more copies of the Tuttle Twins books to schools across the country, with your tax-deductible gift of $10, $50, $100, $500, or even more.

Thank you,

Connor BoyackAuthor, Tuttle TwinsFounder, Libertas Institute

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10 Times Socialism Actually Worked - The Babylon Bee

The ‘June Days’ of 1848: The volcano of revolution erupts – Socialist Appeal

In February 1848, the workers of Paris overthrew their king and founded the Second French Republic. Months later they would rise again, in what became known as the June Days, which Karl Marx described at the time as the greatest revolution that has ever taken placea revolution of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie.

The workers went down to defeat in June 1848. But their heroic struggle passed down a legacy and lessons which remain extremely valuable to workers of today.

Through the ever-expanding national debt and the distribution of contracts for public works, the ministers piled the main burdens on the state, and secured the golden fruits to the speculating finance aristocracy, in Marxs words. This state of affairs will feel very familiar to anyone living in Britain today.

The young working class was ruthlessly exploited under this bourgeois monarchy, often working 14 or even 18 hours a day, earning barely enough to survive. The lack of housing meant that workers and their families were crammed into tiny rooms, forced to live in the most squalid conditions imaginable.

But it was also in this period that the workers began to forge their own organisations and education societies, where the ideas of socialism were eagerly debated. The most well-known socialist of the 1840s was Louis Blanc, who published his best-known work, The Organisation of Labour, in 1839.

Taking up the right to work an idea first put forward by utopian socialist Charles Fourier as his slogan, Blanc called for the creation of social workshops by the state, which would offer employment to all.

The monarchys draconian anti-assembly laws, however, made it impossible for them to hold political meetings or rallies. Instead, they announced a campaign of banquets, in which attendees would pay an entrance fee to receive some food, wine for toasts, and then be harangued by a handful of well-known speakers.

The first banquet of the campaign took place in Paris in July 1847. Immediately, the campaign came under the influence of the more radical Democrats, who were supporters of universal suffrage.

As the campaign progressed, the workers were also drawn into the political struggle. But in addition to the vote, they also raised their own social demands, just like the British Chartists. At a banquet in Chartres for example, the organisation of labour was raised as a demand alongside universal suffrage.

In parliament, the banquet campaign had done nothing to break the resistance of the government. In an atmosphere of escalating tension, liberal deputy Alexis de Tocqueville offered the following warning:

This, gentlemen, is my profound conviction: I believe that we are at this moment sleeping on a volcano.

When the authorities banned the last of the banquets, in Paris on 22 February 1848, this volcano erupted.

In the working-class districts of the city, arms shops were looted and barricades began to be built immediately. The next morning, the National Guard was called out to restore order. But instead they came chanting Long live reform!

The king dismissed the government, hoping to quell the revolt. But this only urged the masses on. When a column of protestors carrying a red flag pressed up against a line of infantry, the troops fired directly into the crowd. Fifty-two were killed on the spot.

The workers were enraged by the massacre, pledging, Vengeance! From this point the fate of the monarchy was sealed.

By the next day the city was under the control of the armed working class. As the abdication of the king in favour of his nine-year-old grandson was being announced, the parliament was invaded by the revolutionary workers, who forced the proclamation of the Republic.

It was the workers who built and died on the barricades. And it was the workers who forced the proclamation of the Republic. But the class that was brought to power as a result of this workers revolution was not the working class. Nor did their representatives even obtain a majority.

The Provisional Government which was handed power on 24 February was overwhelmingly made up of pure, or moderate republicans, with a couple of socialists like Louis Blanc tacked on under pressure from the workers.

The workers insurrection had placed its enemies in power. Leon Trotsky called this the paradox of the February Revolution in 1917, which applies just as well to February 1848.

On the streets of Paris, meanwhile, the armed workers remained the almost undisputed power. And having conquered the Republic, they naturally sought in it their liberation from poverty and oppression.

At noon on 25 February, day one of the new republic, a detachment of armed workers marched to the Htel de Ville. One of their number slammed the butt of his musket on the floor and demanded: Droit au travail [right to work].

Blanc, seeing his own slogan menacingly thrust at him, immediately drafted one of the first decrees of the provisional government:

The provisional government of the French republic pledges itself to guarantee the means of subsistence of the workingman by labour.

It pledges itself to guarantee labour to all citizens.

The same decree announced the creation of national workshops to provide employment for all.

Overnight, the workers of Paris had effectively made Louis Blancs programme the law of the land, much to the surprise of its author. But Blanc himself was kept as far from the means to realise it as possible. Instead he was given a commission to look into the question of the organisation of labour, without any power or budget to offer any practical solution.

Meanwhile, 100,000 unemployed workers were enrolled into the national workshops. But the task of finding and organising the work for this army of unemployed was given not to Blanc, but to Alexandre Marie, who was hostile to socialism.

Enrolled workers were given projects such as levelling the Champs de Mars. Employment on more useful projects such as building railways or canals was rejected by the government.

Unsurprisingly this arrangement pleased no one. Respectable society was scandalised by the sight of thousands of workers being paid public money in return for enforced idleness, while the workers themselves were bitterly disappointed.

For them, the right to work signified not charity, but the organisation of production in order to guarantee useful work to everyone in accordance with their skills. What they wanted, in essence, was socialism. What they got was grimly described by Marx as English workhouses in the open.

Even the most radical clubs of the first revolution were a largely bourgeois affair. The clubs of 1848, on the other hand, were a cross between workers assemblies and political parties. They would meet regularly to discuss the pressing matters of the day, as well as questions of economic and political theory.

By mid-April there were 203 clubs in Paris alone, of which 149 were united in a single federation. They were essentially organs of workers democracy, growing rapidly out of the daily tasks of the revolution.

Marx described the clubs as the centres of the revolutionary proletariat, and even the formation of a workers state against the bourgeois state.

A key question for the club movement was that of its position in relation to the provisional government: should it support the government, albeit critically, or move to overthrow it? The majority of the Paris clubs took a conciliatory position, seeing their role as a support for and, if necessary, a check on the government.

The attitude of the Provisional Government towards the clubs, on the other hand, was more of fear and loathing, than surveillance and support.

So long as the armed workers were the main power on the streets, the Provisional Government would have to temporise, offering many concessions. But no one in the government had any illusions in this temporary state of affairs.

The government was strengthened by the elections, which took place on 23 and 24 April 1848.

All Frenchmen over the age of 21 were eligible to vote for 900 deputies to a single National Assembly. This realised almost all of the political demands of the British Chartists, who had held a huge demonstration in London only weeks earlier.

The result was an overwhelming victory for the provisional government and the bourgeois republic. Almost every successful candidate ran as a republican including many monarchists! This showed the mood that existed in the country. But radical and socialist deputies only took up around 55 of the 900 seats in the assembly.

It must be remembered that the working class constituted a tiny minority of the French population at this time, and the vast majority of the electorate were peasants, living in the countryside.

A significant section of the peasantry would later shift violently to the left, but this would take time and experience. It was inevitable that at this stage the socialists would find themselves isolated.

The revolutionary workers in the clubs were disgusted by the result of the election, and began immediately calling for the overthrow of the assembly. Meanwhile, the government purged itself of its socialist members, Blanc and Albert, and prepared for war.

On 24 May, it was announced that the workers enlisted in the national workshops would either be drafted into the army or forced out of Paris.

The workers were faced with the dissolution of their organisations, deportation, and destitution. On 22 June, Louis Pujol, a lieutenant in the workshops, led a demonstration to the Ministry of Public Works and confronted the minister, Marie, who told them: If the workers don't want to go to the provinces, we shall make them go by force.

That evening Pujol addressed a mass meeting at the Panthon. The people have been deceived! he cried. You have done nothing more than change tyrants, and the tyrants of today are more odious than those who have been driven outYou must take vengeance!

At the same time, the National Guard had been called out. But the response was extremely mixed. In eastern Paris, National Guardsmen allowed themselves to be disarmed by the workers or actively joined the insurrection. In the wealthier, western part of the city, however, the response to their orders was emphatic.

By eleven oclock that evening, there were already 1,000 dead, with no end to the fighting in sight. All of the most prominent workers leaders either betrayed, or were killed, arrested, or in exile. Not a single socialist or radical deputy in the National Assembly supported the insurrection.

The democratic socialist paper, La Rforme, explained, We were ardent revolutionaries under the monarchy, but we are progressive democrats under the Republic, with no other code but universal suffrage.

Louis Blanc signed a declaration calling upon the workers to throw down their fratricidal weapons, alleging they were victims of a fatal misunderstanding.

In theory, Blanc saw the democratic republic as a means of emancipating the working class. But in practice, his faith in the bourgeois state led him to defend it above all else, even against the very workers it was supposed to serve. This fatal flaw of reformism would return to haunt the working class time and time again throughout the world.

A state of siege was officially declared in Paris, and General Eugene Cavaignac was invested with dictatorial powers to defeat the insurrection.

Engels reported: Todaythe artillery is brought everywhere into action not only against the barricades but also against houses. Many captured insurgents were shot on the spot and thrown into the Seine.

In contrast, in the areas under their control, the workers maintained perfect order. Only the gun shops were looted, and prisoners taken during the fighting were often set free.

Crucially, the workers fought alone. This fact, above all, determined the result.

The February Revolution had been led by the workers. But it was supported by a decisive section of the small property owners and artisans of Paris, who constituted the majority of the citys population at the time. In June 1848, this petty bourgeoisie sided with the defenders of private property against the workers.

In the meantime, up to 100,000 volunteers from the rural provinces were flooding into the city, travelling from as far as 500 miles away to fight against the insurrection. Blasted by explosive shells and surrounded on all sides, the insurrection began to retreat.

On the third day, the tide began to turn against the workers. And on Monday 26 June, the last barricade was cleared by Cavaignacs troops. The Paris workers, isolated, without centralised leadership or artillery of their own, had held out for four full days against the full military might of bourgeois civilisation.

The government reported 708 casualties. The total number of insurgents was not accurately reported, but likely mounted into the thousands. Thousands more were deported to penal colonies in Algeria.

Paris had never seen such bloody fighting, which would only be surpassed by the crushing of the Paris Commune in the bloody week of 21-28 May 1871.

What distinguished June 1848 from all previous insurrections was not only its scale. The June Revolution was arguably the first time the proletariat assailed the class rule of the bourgeoisie directly, in its own name.

That the workers and their leaders, experimenting and groping their way forward, made mistakes is undeniable; such is the lot of all pioneers.

This was still an early stage in the development of the working class. Not only was there no real party of the working class at this stage, even the trade union movement was under-developed and largely limited to specific crafts.

But that they came so close to victory, at a time when they constituted a minority even in Paris, let alone in the rest of France, is much more significant.

The workers had learned and achieved more in just over three months than in the preceding three decades.

Having won the democratic republic, the workers immediately sought to use it for their own ends. Blocked by the very institutions they had brought into being, they created their own democratic organs for the conquest of power and for the socialist transformation of society.

And in their defeat, the workers had passed down an immense revolutionary legacy.

Drawing directly from the experience of the Paris workers, Marx issued an address to his organisation, the Communist League, in 1850. In it, he insisted that in a future revolution:

Alongside the new official governments [the workers] must simultaneously establish their own revolutionary workers governments, either in the form of local executive committees and councils or through workers clubs or committees.

Further, he explained that the aim of these councils or clubs should not be to support the official government, but to expose and eventually overthrow it, establishing what he termed the dictatorship of the proletariat the class rule of the workers.

Their battle-cry, he concluded, must be: The Permanent Revolution.

Eventually, what June 1848 had only decreed in words was eventually carried out in practice by the Paris Commune of 1871: the first workers state in history.

These lessons were also studied carefully by Lenin and Trotsky, who applied them so successfully in 1917. It is therefore no exaggeration to say there is a direct link between the defeat of the workers in June 1848 and their victory in October 1917.

These events still have a lot to teach us today. Global capitalism faces the deepest crisis in its history. Already, across the globe, the masses have toppled one government after another in search of a better life. And this is only the beginning.

In Europe, a level of corruption and malaise comparable to the last days of the July monarchy can be felt by all layers of society.

Like de Tocqueville in January 1848, the most farsighted representatives of the present order see the danger ahead. The volcano of revolution threatens to erupt once again.

But the modern working class is incomparably stronger than it was in 1848. And the possibility of the socialist transformation of society has never been greater. With a revolutionary leadership, guided by the lessons of history, its victory is assured.

Workers of the world: unite!

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The 'June Days' of 1848: The volcano of revolution erupts - Socialist Appeal