Archive for the ‘Socialism’ Category

Indian intellectuals are blind to reality, facts – Daily Pioneer

For ordinary people, seeing is believing but for intellectuals believing is seeing

There are two kinds of people in the world: normal human beings and intellectuals. The critical difference between the two is that while for normal people seeing is believing, for intellectuals it is the other way around. This difference makes intellectuals different from ordinary people.

It is palpable at any gathering of

intellectuals, whether it is a Not-In-My-Name protest or a meeting to denounce the Narendra Modi government over some issue or another. The look, the feel, the atmosphericseverything about an

intellectuals meet is surreal. Having

attended quite a few such meetings in recent times, I can make a few observations about them.

First the look. Normal people wear, or want to wear, good clothes. Men go for Raymond, Reid & Taylor, J. Hamstead, Arrow, Louise Phillippe, Van Huesen; women love Nalli, Satyapaul, Manish Malhotra. Intellectuals, however, prefer khadi and Fabindia. The duller the color, the coarser the fabric, the more depressing the look, the better.

When a normal couple is alone, they make love; when an intellectual couple is alone, they discuss sexual politics.

When normal people attend a marriage party, they rejoice in good tidings. Intellectuals, on the contrary, dont approve of any marriage unless both partners are of the same sex. The normal marriage they view with suspicion, often as a fodder for the perpetuation of patriarchy and hetero-normativity.

If you ask normal people, who are their favorite film actors and actresses, they would say Dev Anand, Dilip Kumar, Rajesh Khanna, Dharmendra, Shah Rukh Khan, Madhubala, Suraiya, Hema Malini, Madhuri Dixit, Kangana Ranaut, and so on. If you ask an intellectual the same question, the answer would be Balraj Sahni, Smita Patil, et al.

Now Sahni and Patil were great actors, but I wonder what kind of man would

like to take his girlfriend to watch Do Bigha Zameen.

This brings us to the question: What makes intellectuals so different? A quick Google search will give you delectable quotes: an intellectual is a person whos found one thing thats more interesting than sex (Aldous Huxley); an intellectual is a man who takes more words than necessary to tell more than he knows (Dwight D. Eisenhower).

Instead of defining intellectuals, however, I would describe them in the following way: If Karl Marx tells a normal man, Look, that dog has bitten off your ear, he would touch his own ear to find out if his ear is missing. But if Marx says the same thing to an intellectual, the latter would begin chasing the dog without bothering to check the veracity of the claim.

As mentioned earlier, the distinguishing feature of intellectuals is: believing is

seeing. We perceive phenomena and then come to some conclusion; mostly, experience guides us. But intellectuals know the Truth; they are convinced that they are divinely-ordained or dialectically-blessed to know the Truth. So what they do is just cherry-pick facts to embellish it.

In schools and colleges, they are taught that capitalism is bad and socialism and communism are good. These are the tendentious teachings of pinkish professors and theoreticians; they wrote textbooks and dominated Indian academics after Independencethe teachings which got accepted as gospel truth by our thought leaders.

Rarely, if ever, the ideas of anti-communist thinkers like Milton Friedman, Ayn Rand, and Fredrick Hayek were introduced to Indian students at any level.

Intellectuals claim to be liberal in their outlook, open to all ideas, and critical of received wisdom. But, in reality, they are most illiberal when it comes to anything conflicting with their own dogmasand socialism and communism are just dogmas, and dangerous ones at that.

For them, socialism and communism are good, period. Dogmatically, they are most unwilling to discard this belief that was formed when they were in schools and colleges. Like the first love, they cherish it all their lives, notwithstanding the mountain of evidence suggesting the opposite.

The truth is that over 100 million people perished under socialist and communist regimes? For decades, intellectuals all over the world disputed that, rubbishing it as Western or bourgeois propaganda. We, the people of India, escaped the worst depredations of socialism and communismprimarily because the British had built robust institutions and also because there were a number of leaders (e.g., former prime minister Charan Singh) to resist complete descent into collectivisation and other horrors. But socialism did hurt us badly; it is still a bane, as evident from the fact that we are still a poor country, with per capita income is below $2,300.

The mendacity of Leftist intellectuals and liberals was unbounded. Paul Johnson wrote in The Modern Times: The famine of 1932, the worst in Russian history, was virtually unreported. At the height of it, the visiting biologist Julian Huxley found a level of physique and general health rather above that to be seen in England. Shaw threw his food supplies out of the train window just before crossing the Russian frontier convinced that there were no shortages in Russia

Further, Johnson wrote, Self-delusion was obviously the biggest single factor in the presentation of an unsuccessful despotism as a Utopia in the making [in Russia]. But there was also conscious

deception by men and women who thought of themselves as idealists and who, at the time, honestly believed they were serving a higher human purpose by systematic misrepresentation and lying... The Thirties was the age of the heroic lie. Saintly mendacity became its more prized virtue. Stalins tortured Russia was the prime beneficiary of this sanctified falsification.

Saintly mendacity and heroic lies are the warp and woof of the narrative that intellectuals peddle all the time. They claimed to be the champions of individual liberty and privacy, thus opposing, for instance, the Modi governments efforts to link Aadhaar with welfare measures, administrative mechanisms, and money movement. But it was many of these people, big state enthusiasts as they are, conjured up targeted welfarism; this is how Aadhaar got conceived in the first place. This happened when Sonia Gandhi ruled the country by proxy and had filled her National Advisory Council with all manner of intellectuals.

Anything wrong in the economy is because of liberalisation. In their scheme of things, what they perceive and conceptualise is knowledge; the opposite is a malevolent construct of false consciousness. Intellectuals claim that they are the champions of human rights and civil liberties; and they sometimes practically act as the over-ground activists of Maoists, the sworn enemies of not just human rights and civil liberties but all that is good and glorious in human civilization.

Intellectuals claim that they want the uplift of the poor, yet the economic philosophy that they favor, socialism, has been discredited all over the world (If the Modi regime is troubled today, it is primarily because it has been unwilling or incapable of dispensing with the vestiges of socialist structures, but thats another story). No intellectual wishes to acknowledge the reality that socialism perpetuates poverty.

Indian intellectuals are comfortable in their own cocoons and echo chambers. They are blind to and they fear to see the reality as it is. They rarely, to use Irving Krystals phraseology, get mugged by reality.

The author is Director, Public Policy Research Centre

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Indian intellectuals are blind to reality, facts - Daily Pioneer

Kansas City Star Rediscovers Socialism

Today the newspaper shares the cure for a worsening economy . . . The idea is complex . . . But it's basically socialism in a Summer dress, without many deets and by way of trusting local corproate rulers.

Here's a bit of their screed . . .

"In America today, almost 30% of all accumulated wealth is owned by 1% of Americans. Worse, CNBC and the last census suggest that 50% of all Americans have no savings at all. And I mean nothing zip, zilch, nada. Many solutions offered to fix this problem are only short-term Band-Aids and do not solve the root problem.

"Charitable help, government safety nets and Medicaid are all critical. Likewise, Social Security, pensions and 401(k)s, while great programs, only create non-poor retirements. Some believe the solution is a higher minimum wage. I support a higher minimum wage, but all of these initiatives do little to nothing in terms of long-term, sustainable wealth creation.

"Equal-but-poor is not the end goal. Extreme wealth disparity may just be the natural conclusion of all-out capitalism, but it is not in the best fiscal interest of our nation. Thats not a left or a right conclusion it is a fiscally conservative requirement for the continuation of economic greatness."

A couple of funnies . . .

The goal of the newspaper was to praise some of the big local corporations who dominate city hall and government contracts.

Also . . .

No idea how a newspaper owned by a hedge fund is arguing for "economic democracy" with a straight face.

Read more via http://www.TonysKansasCity.com link . . .

OPINION AND COMMENTARY Can the solution for economic justice be best found in the heart of America? We know that Kansas City has been experiencing exciting momentum the last several years. In fact, some of the most successful companies with the happiest employees here in the metropolitan area are employee-owned.

You decide . . .

See the article here:
Kansas City Star Rediscovers Socialism

The July 9 protest in Sri Lanka: A socialist program for workers and youth – WSWS

The popular uprising of workers, youth and rural toilers in Sri Lanka against the Rajapakse government over unbearable conditionsincluding scarcity, daily power outages, and skyrocketing prices for essentials goodsis now reaching a new stage.

The high price of food items is leading to conditions of mass starvation. The Rajapakse-Wickremesinghe government has placed the country on a virtual lockdown because fuel has run out. Schools have been closed, and public sector institutions have been instructed to call only essential staff for work. The lack of fuel has led to the collapse of public transport. These conditions have brought popular anger against the government to a boiling point.

Under these conditions, the social media activists who are leading the protest at Galle Face Green in Colombo, also known as Gota Gogama, have announced a massive peoples protest for July 9, claiming that it will be the greatest uprising in the history of Sri Lanka. This date will mark three months since the protest started at Galle Face Green.

However, the Action Plan for the Future of Struggle, issued by protest leaders on July 5, does not provide any program to address the burning issues confronting the masses. Rather, it would trap workers, youth and rural toilers within bourgeois rule and capitalist profit system, which is the root cause of the crisis.

Their program calls for an interim government, i.e., an alternative bourgeois government, which has been promoted by opposition parties in parliament, including the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), supported by pseudo-left groups like Frontline Socialist Party (FSP). A leading organiser of protests, Anuruddha Bandara, told Economynext that the opposition partiesthe SJB, JVP and othersare almost onboard.

The main tenets of the Action Plan include the demand for resignation of President Gotabhaya Rajapakse, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, the Cabinet of Ministers and all the government appointees to high posts. Their alternative is an Interim Governance but with no indication as to who will make up this regime. It is implied, however, that all the parliamentary political parties are to be included in this interim government, as proposed by the opposition parties themselves.

This Interim Governance is supposed to subscribe to the economic, social and political aims and aspirations of the peoples struggle. While they have included securing the supply of essentials, like fuel and food, in their long list of aims and aspirations, they have not advanced any concrete program on how to provide them. They just hope that the Interim Governance will provide them if pressured to do so.

A Peoples Council is also proposed, in which representatives of the Peoples Struggle, will be able to effectively engage and mediate with the Interim Governance. That is, the task of the Peoples Council will be to exert pressure on new government. This is the same program advocated by pseudo-left FSP. The Action Plan proposes within a year to establish a new constitution through a referendum, which would abolish the executive presidency and create an appropriate process for a fair election.

In opposition to the program of the Galle Face protest leaders for formation of an alternative bourgeois government, the Socialist Equality Party (SEP) advocates a revolutionary socialist program for the working class. We call for the independent mobilisation of the working class on a clear program of action to fulfill their basic needs against the Rajapakse government and bourgeois rule.

The SEP insists that there will no solution to the burning issues confronting the masses within bourgeois rule and the capitalist profit system. There is no national solution. No amount of pressure exerted on this government or any future bourgeois government will make the ruling class provide the basic needs of the masses.

While supporting the main demand of the struggling masses for the resignation of President Rajapakse and his government, the SEP insists that it should not be replaced with another bourgeois government, but with a government of workers and peasants committed to socialist policies.

As explained in our statement issued on April 7, at the very beginning of mass uprising and also reiterated in subsequent statements, the SEP calls for the immediate abolition of the executive autocratic presidency along with repressive laws such as the Essential Services Act, the Public Security Act and the Prevention of Terrorism Act, which give police state powers to the security forces. Over the past month, Rajapakse invoked essential service laws against electricity and health workers. He used his emergency powers to deploy the military to the streets to repress workers languishing in queues for days to obtain fuel.

Irrespective of the bourgeois government that may replace the Rajapakse-Wickremesinghe regime, it will continue the same harsh austerity measures dictated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). It will seek to force working people and rural toilers to bear the full burden of the economic crisis.

All the opposition parties, including the SJB, JVP and Tamil National Alliance, have expressed their open or tacit support for IMF policies. Therefore, the so-called interim governance proposed in the Action Plan will become an instrument of the capitalist ruling elite to brutally implement those policies and crush all opposition from the working class and rural toilers.

The brutality of the IMF program was indicated in Prime Minister Wickremesinghes speech to parliament on Tuesday. Referring to the coming period, which will be stamped by IMF dictates, he said: This will be a difficult and bitter journey if things do not change, the whole country will collapse.

The changes include massively downsizing the public sector, privatising state-owned enterprises, and broadening the tax base with increased taxes. They will lead to cuts in jobs, wages, and other benefits of workers in public sector, increases in water and electricity prices, and a further slashing of subsidies.

The working class must reject this brutal class-war policy and all interim government traps. Workers must develop their own independent political intervention based on a program that addresses their needs and unleashes immense social power, which was demonstrated during general strikes on April 28, May 6 and May 10. This program must be based on the social needs of workers and the rural toilers, not the profit demands of big business.

The first step in fighting for this program is to form democratically-elected independent action committees of the working class in factories, workplaces, plantations and working-class neighborhoods throughout the country. The action committees must be independent of the capitalist parties and the trade unions, which act as stooges and apologists of the capitalist ruling establishment.

The SEP encourages and will assist workers in forming these action committees, which will advance a working-class solution to the socio-economic crisis created by the capitalist class. The struggle of the working class must be internationally integrated through the International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees, initiated by the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI).

The SEP advances the following demands as the fighting program for the Action Committees to overcome the mass suffering created by capitalism:

* For workers democratic control over the production and distribution of all essential items and other resources critical for the lives of people! Nationalise the banks, big corporations, plantations and other major economic nerve centres!

* Repudiate all foreign debts! No to the austerity demands of the IMF and World Bank that represent the international bankers and financial institutions!

* Establish a state monopoly of foreign trade to eradicate corruption in export and import processes and also ensure the supply of all essentials!

* Seize the colossal wealth of the billionaires and corporations!

* Cancel all debts of poor and marginal farmers and small business holders! Reinstate all subsidies, including fertiliser subsidies for farmers!

* Guarantee jobs for all with decent and safe working conditions! Index wages to the cost of living!

An independent movement of the working class organised through action committees based on the above demands will rally the rural poor and other oppressed masses. It will create the foundation for a mass movement aimed at establishing a government of workers and peasants, committed to socialist policies.

The fight for this program is part of a broader struggle for socialism in South Asia and internationally, which must be waged through a united movement of the working class globally.

The potential for such an independent movement of the working class has been clearly demonstrated in the powerful intervention of the working class in popular uprising in Sri Lanka. This includes the massive general strikes on April 28, May 6 and May 10, in which millions participated.

The struggle of workers in Sri Lanka is part of an upsurge of the working class throughout the world. The international airline industry has been affected by strikes in recent weeks, following the strike of 50,000 British rail workers struck. From Latin America to Asia, and from Europe to the United States, educators, auto workers, transportation workers, health care workers and all sections of the working class are entering into struggle against soaring prices, exploitation and inequality.

We urge workers and youth to join the SEP to and take up this struggle for a socialist program and perspective.

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The July 9 protest in Sri Lanka: A socialist program for workers and youth - WSWS

We Need Socialist Feminism. Join Bread and Roses to Fight for It – Left Voice

Sign up for Bread and Roses here

The situation is dire.

A reactionary and increasingly radicalized far right is on the advance, attacking reproductive, queer, immigrant, and democratic rights particularly targeting Black and Brown people and trans youth. These extremely reactionary policies disproportionately affect working and poor people.

The nationwide right to an abortion has been overturned by a despotic and anti-democratic Supreme Court. Clearly, under capitalism, the victories won by our movements can be taken away in the blink of an eye; this system will not provide our liberation.

The Supreme Court has advanced the right-wing agenda in massive leaps over the past month limiting climate regulations, further eroding the paltry separation of church and state, and allowing the indefinite detention of undocumented people. They show no signs of stopping anytime soon.

Meanwhile, it seems that nearly every day a new anti-trans bill is proposed or passed. Military and police budgets rise while our incomes fall further and further against inflation. As we hurtle towards a recession, the Fed blames workers meager raises, while the bosses and boards continue to make record-breaking profits. Amazon profits rose by 220 percent ($108 billion in sales during the first three months of 2021). At the same time, the company paid $4.3 million to union-busters to spread lies and prevent workers from forming unions.

Every week seems to bring news of a new once-in-a-lifetime climate disaster, from major flooding in Yellowstone, to heat waves and cold snaps. The UN reports that a record number of people are facing starvation, in large part due to climate disasters. Yet, big corporations with the help of Democrats and Republicans alike ravage the planet to make ever-increasing profits, creating the conditions for life-altering weather events. While the capitalists plan for space travel, the capitalist state builds walls and criminalizes immigration which will only increase as the climate crisis intensifies. Women, LGBTQ+ folks, and people of color are the first to suffer displacement and the other consequences of capitalist-driven climate change. They sacrifice our futures for their profits.

These attacks demand an organized and strategic resistance and defense. They demand that we take the streets, that we organize a mass movement like the one in Argentina, which won the right to an abortion in a predominantly Catholic country. We have the ability to Shut it down!: not only in the streets, but also in our workplaces, where our power as organized workers can hit the capitalists in their pocketbooks. We have the ability to shut down the whole economy for the rights of working-class and oppressed people, and thats the power we must harness.

But we aspire to more than just defending against these attacks.

We demand free and safe abortions and gender-affirming healthcare, parental leave, free childcare, and a free healthcare system controlled and organized by communities and healthcare workers, not by profit-seeking bosses. To win these demands, we must confront and fight to abolish the institutions that oppress us: the U.S. military, ICE, the police, the Supreme Court, and the whole capitalist system they protect and defend.

The Democratic Party is not our friend or ally in this struggle. They will give lip service to our movements in order to contain struggle, then open the door and shake hands with those who attack our basic rights. Defending against the attacks we face and fighting for our rights requires an independent movement that does not give one iota of political support to the Democratic Party. Even progressive Democrats who promise sweeping reforms to mitigate the worst of capitalisms inequities will always fall in line with the mainstream Democrats on the most important issues, whether its voting for funding to the Israeli military, supporting Nancy Pelosi for Speaker of the House, or otherwise ceding ground to the increasingly-reactionary policies of the center and the Right. This is because ultimately these wings of the political apparatus share a common goal to uphold this capitalist system and to constrain struggle and crisis within its limits.

This moment demands a feminism that sees and fights the system as a whole, a system that denies working-class and oppressed people our basic rights. It demands a feminism that not only dreams of a better world, a world of freedom and equity, but actively organizes for that future, which will only be achieved by the overthrow of capitalism.

This moment needs socialist feminism.

Neoliberal, imperialist feminism has nothing to offer women, LGBTQ+ people, disabled people, people of color, or any oppressed group. The girl-boss lean-in feminism of Hillary Clinton and Kamala Harris is a dead-end strategy, used to justify the continued exploitation and oppression of hundreds of millions of people in the United States and across the globe. This feminism warped liberation to mean more room at the top for a select few, room to participate in and in some cases lead the everyday violence of this imperialist capitalist system. It fed us the lie that playing by the rules breaking the glass ceiling, diversifying the top, and passing the right laws could achieve equality; but capitalism systemically denies billions of people across the world the material conditions that would make such equality possible. And it was this logic that defanged, co-opted, and dismantled the militant movements that fought for, and in some cases won, our rights in the past.

Even as the first woman of color serves as the vice president of the United States, millions of women, queer people, and people of color are losing their rights. While queer CEOs and politicians position themselves as progressive, queer people are seeing the worst attacks in generations. As corporations pat themselves on the back for featuring LGBTQ+ and BIPOC people in their advertisements, the workers at these companies are ruthlessly exploited. The state and the capitalist system it protects hold nothing for us other than disaster and exploitation.

Our feminism stands on the side of the new unionization wave we are witnessing at Starbucks, Amazon, and also among reproductive rights workers, like at Planned Parenthood. Its young people of color, queer folks, and women who are on the front lines of these struggles and who highlight that the working class is multi-racial, multi-gender, and must be organized to fight back against the bosses who want to hyper-exploit our labor. Our feminist movement must fight so that every worker has a union and we support labor struggles in the U.S. and around the world. These unions must fight for a living wage, better benefits, longer breaks and all of the other necessities of workers in the workplace. But they must also fight for the issues of oppressed people like for abortion rights, climate change, housing and more. That will often mean putting up a fight within our unions to take up these struggles and ensure that they are led by the rank-and-file. Top-down business unions have done almost nothing as our rights are being stripped away; we must fight so that our unions are fighting bodies that put the power of the organized working class in the hands of the workers themselves. Thats why members of Bread and Roses have organized and are a part of CUNY for Abortion Rights and are calling for rank-and-file committees to fight for reproductive justice.

Our feminism not only includes trans people, but it fights against any political project that excludes trans people. Our feminism fights for trans rights, including access to free gender-affirming care for anyone of any age who wants it. We fight attacks on trans people, especially on trans youth. We demand LGBTQ+ inclusive curricula in schools and in sexual education classes.

Our feminism is on the side of Black liberation and the Black Lives Matter movement, against police and the prison industrial complex. We fight to kick cops out of our unions, to oppose progressive prisons, to integrate Black history into school curricula, and to abolish all of the repressive institutions that oppress and repress Black people.

We know that racism, as well as all forms of oppression are institutional. It will not be eradicated without eradicating the racist, sexist, and ableist institutions that maintain capitalist profits. But we also know that bigotry also expresses itself interpersonally even among working-class and oppressed people. It is essential that we fight those racist, sexist, homo- and transphobic attitudes among our co-workers and community. Throughout history, the bosses and the capitalists have used and fostered racism in white workers in order to ensure that workers do not unite against the bosses; xenophobia, sexism, abelism, homo- and transphobia have been used similarly. That is why it is essential to build a socialist feminist movement that actively says that Black Lives Matter and stands on the side of all oppressed people.

Our feminism stands not on the side of Hillary Clinton or Kamala Harris, but with the people in Palestine, in Mexico, in Venezuela, in Somalia, and in Iran, who are hurt and killed by their policies. We need a feminism that is international and anti-imperialist. We reject the reactionary war of Putin against Ukraine, but we also reject any idea that U.S. imperialism and NATO could be a progressive force in the world. We fight for a feminism that opposes every increase in the military budget, a feminism that fights to close U.S. bases around the world and abolish the imperialist U.S. military.

We need a feminism that is serious about winning every reform that improves the lives of workers and the oppressed, but also understands that reforms in capitalism are fleeting and can be reverted in moments of crisis. There is no liberation for oppressed people within the confines of capitalism capitalism takes a system of oppression and discrimination and uses it for profit: the unpaid labor of overwhelmingly women and other marginalized genders in the home, the semi-slave labor of disproportionately Black and Brown people in prisons, the low-waged labor of undocumented people or the lower wages paid to women, especially Black and Brown women. Oppression is immensely profitable to the capitalist system, and thus, capitalism will never end oppression.

Thats why we fight for socialism: for a society in which every material need is met, a society that guarantees the right to free time, to art, to self-realization, and to pleasure. A society in which work is distributed among those who are able to labor, in which technology is used to reduce work, and the rest of the time is free for us to use as we like. A society in which democracy isnt a game of choosing your next oppressor every few years, but an everyday practice of deciding how society will function. A truly democratic society where healthcare workers and patients run the healthcare system, where teachers, students and community members run the schools, and so on. We demand a society in which production is for human needs, not for the profits of a few.

We know that this is possible. We fight for reforms and use every struggle to build our strength the unity of the working class, the construction of a socialist organization, the fortification of our numbers in the streets, and our organization in our workplaces to overthrow capitalism. Fighting for socialism means a direct confrontation with the capitalist state our goal is to build the strength for mass protests, for strikes, and eventually, for revolution. In that sense, our strategy for societal change is different from that of mutual aid. While we support each other and our community, transformative change cant be achieved by working class folks passing amongst ourselves the crumbs we are given by capitalism. In a capitalist system in crisis, our networks of mutual aid will also be attacked if we do not build an organized and combative movement in the streets and in our workplaces. And our demands are much bigger than crumbs: we believe in building a movement that demands what we deserve. The society we want will be built on the ruins of this violent capitalist system, not alongside it. That means having this confrontation with the state directly in our sights and organizing for that purpose.

In the abortion rights movement, that means fighting for free, safe and legal abortion. Our goal is not to build a movement that adapts to a post-Roe world, one that accepts that abortions will be severely curtailed, and retreats to a strategy of donations and abortion pills. These arent enough, and the Rar Right will inevitably attack these as well. Our goal is to build a movement for free, safe and legal abortion on demand and without apology, accessible at every hospital and clinic for anyone who wants one. This kind of movement will defend our access to abortion pills, and fight for much more.

And we believe that if we organize, we can win. The power of mass protest and self-organization in struggle cannot be underestimated - its what has won the right to an abortion, stopped austerity measures, and even overthrown leaders around the world. But protest alone is not enough. We need a feminism that harnesses our power as workers, those who make society run, and who can shut it down from the factory floor to the classroom to fight for the liberation of all peoples, and for a society free from exploitation and oppression.

The working class makes everything run; we have the collective power to shut it down, but also to produce in ways that are beneficial to the entire community without destroying the environment. We live in a society of plenty, where a few people hoard everything; it is possible for everyone to get what they need and have the conditions to live fulfilling and beautiful lives. To echo the rallying cry of feminists who came before us: we want Bread for all, but we demand Roses, too.

Its up to us to build this kind of socialist feminism.

In Argentina, a group of workers went on strike in solidarity with a trans co-workers right to use the bathroom at their company. Workers at Kraft foods engaged in a work stoppage against a manager who sexually harassed a female worker. These are just a few of the accomplishments of Pan y Rosas (Bread and Roses), a socialist feminist group that exists in 14 countries around the world, including Argentina, Mexico, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Peru, Costa Rica, France, Germany, the Spanish State, and more.

Pan y Rosas takes its name from the Bread and Roses Strike in Lawrence, Massachusetts in 1912, where 30,000 women workers shut down their workplaces for nine weeks. Lawrence was known as Immigrant City, with people from 51 different countries living together within 7 square miles, working shoulder-to-shoulder in the local textile mills. Union meetings were translated into 30 different languages. The Outlook, a local newspaper, said, There are almost as many nationalities here in Lawrence as there are in your Babel of New York. The workers are American, English, Scotch, Irish, German, French, Flemish, French-Canadian, Polish, Italian, Syrian, Russian, Armenian. You might not suspect that a common sentiment could animate these diverse groups and weld them into a fighting unit. Nevertheless they have struckstruck as a single homogenous body.

At pickets and parades, strikers carried banners that demanded Bread and Roses. The expression came from a poem written in 1911, which reads in part,

Our lives shall not be sweated from birth until life closes;Hearts starve as well as bodies; give us bread, but give us roses.As we go marching, marching, unnumbered women deadGo crying through our singing their ancient call for bread.Small art and love and beauty their drudging spirits knew.Yes, it is bread we fight for, but we fight for roses too.

After a difficult strike, which included massive protests, pickets, and police repression, they won a 15% pay increase, plus higher overtime pay, and a promise by the company not to retaliate against the strikers. The strike inspired many other workers in other parts of the country to go on strike as well.

Pan y Rosas was originally formed in Argentina in 2001, when women from the PTS (Partido de Trabajadores Socialistas; Party of Socialist Workers) were writing a book about socialist feminism and begun participating in the Argentinas National Womens Conference. In December of that year, there were huge mobilizations and riots, which also gave way to a wave of factory occupations. Brukman, a factory abandoned by the bosses in 2001, was then taken over by a predominantly female workforce. Police constantly attempted to evict the workers, but the PTS was always on the front lines with them, chanting Aqui estan, estas son, las obreras sin patrn! (Here they are, these are, the workers without a boss!) and Brukman es de las trabajadoras, y al que no le gusta, se joda, se joda! (Brukman belongs to the workers, and if you dont like it, go fuck yourself!).

Pan y Rosas was born as a way to organize the women workers in the factory around labor rights, as well as the fight for reproductive rights and socialist feminism.

In 2003, Pan y Rosas participated in the National Conference for Women for the first time. This conference, which has been running for 30+ years, brings together feminists from all over the country. The first Pan y Rosas delegation consisted of forty women demanding the right to free and safe abortions. By the 2017 Womens Conference, Pan y Rosas brought 4,000 feminists from all over the country to the meeting. It organizes groups at universities, helped organize the fight for abortion rights in Argentina, and organizes womens commissions in workplaces around the country.

The group has expanded all over the world, including Mexico, Brazil, Costa Rica, Venezuela, Peru, Uruguay, Chile, the Spanish State, Germany, France and Italy. Pan y Rosas comrades have been involved in the struggle against the coup in Bolivia, in the fight for abortion rights in Mexico, in the Yellow Vest movement in France, in the uprising against austerity in Chile, and many more struggles around the world.And now, we are launching Bread and Roses in the United States a socialist feminist group affiliated with Left Voice. We hope this kind of organization can connect the struggles in our workplaces to the struggle in the streets and in our schools, to actually shut it down for abortion rights, against all attacks on our rights and lives, and for our liberation. This kind of organization can bring together all of our struggles, united in a struggle against oppression and capitalism, because we have a world to win.

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We Need Socialist Feminism. Join Bread and Roses to Fight for It - Left Voice

Durham Miners’ Gala: The fighting traditions of our movement – Socialist Appeal

Tomorrow sees the return of the Durham Miners Gala an annual celebration of the labour movement and its history. Today, with capitalism in crisis and workers on the move, it is vital we reclaim the militant traditions of the class struggle.

This month sees the return of both the Durham Miners Gala and the Tolpuddle Martyrs Festival back after a two-year pandemic hiatus.

A great deal has happened in this time. From the cost-of-living crisis, to the neverending turmoil in the Tory Party: there is ever-increasing economic and political instability; and a growing sense of uncertainty and malaise in society. It is clear that something has to give.

Workers face huge burdens, with soaring prices of food, fuel, energy, and rent. And the squeeze on living standards is only set to get worse.

But workers are beginning to mobilise and move into action. In standing up to the attacks of the Tories and bosses, the RMT has given confidence to the whole trade union movement. Posties, barristers, and airport workers are all striking. And there is a militant mood brewing within public sector unions.

The Gala and Tolpuddle celebrate the best traditions of our movement: militant traditions that have been burned into the working class consciousness through past struggles in particular the Great Miners Strike of 1984-85.

Today, growing numbers of workers and youth are once again questioning the capitalist status quo. Many are drawing the conclusion that the whole system needs to go.

This radicalisation needs to be linked with the traditions and lessons of the past. The role of Marxism is to learn from history, and from the struggles of the generations that came before us; to act as the collective memory of the working class. Revolutionary theory and ideas, in this respect, are the vital foundations of our movement.

Cynical, pessimistic types try to tell us that the working class doesnt exist anymore. They claim that the ideas of socialism are outdated and irrelevant. But mass working-class events like the Big Meeting demonstrate what nonsense this is.

This is also shown by any strike, such as the action currently being undertaken by rail workers. As RMT leader Mick Lynch has correctly stated: not a wheel turns, not a lightbulb shines, without the permission of the working class.

The task is to harness this potential power, by mobilising our movement on the basis of bold socialist policies, in order to end the misery and barbarism of capitalism.

Events such as the Gala and Tolpuddle remind us that we stand on the shoulders of giants. But we also make our own history. There has never been a better time to join the struggle for socialism. Help us build the forces of Marxism, and fight for revolution.

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Durham Miners' Gala: The fighting traditions of our movement - Socialist Appeal