Archive for the ‘Socialism’ Category

The Soul of the Worker – Jewish Currents

Likewise, contemporary Chabadniks are likely to associate socialism with their inherited memories of Soviet persecution. Thousands can recount stories of grandparents and great-grandparents who were shot or sent to the Gulags for practicing and perpetuating their Jewish way of life. Those who evaded arrest lived in fear, in hiding or on the run. Their refusal to work on Shabbos usually meant that they couldnt find official employment; often, they survived by laboring in home workshops and selling goods on the black market. The stories of this struggle, experienced not only by rabbis and kosher butchers, but also by laborers, homemakers, and artisansordinary men, women, and childrenare the threads from which the collective story of the Chabad community is woven. Take, for example, the story of Sarah Katsenelenbogen (known among Chabadniks as Mumme Sarah). Her husband was disappeared in 1937, and she was left alone with five young children. She insisted on raising them as religious Jews, refusing to send them to government schools. After World War II, she helped mastermind the mass escape of Chabadniks (including Plotkin and his surviving family members) into Poland. She never made it across the border herself, and she died in 1952 while incarcerated by the Ministry of State Security, which conducted surveillance and repressed political dissent. Today, more than a hundred of her direct descendants serve in Chabad institutions all over the world.

Given this background, it is understandable that contemporary Chabadniks often respond to any invocation of socialism with suspicion, or even fear. This reflex is part of a broader matrix of factors that skews political inclinations among Hasidic Jews to the right, so that when it comes to the ballot they tend to be more aligned with political elites than with working people whose interests might appear much closer to their own. Last years Pew study of American Jews showed that those who identify as Orthodox tend to have lower household incomes than those affiliated with other denominations, suggesting that contrary to the pervasive stereotypes, many are workers, modern incarnations of Moshe the carpenter.

As a member of the Chabad community myself, as well as an academic who studies the movements intellectual, social, and literary history, one of the reasons Kaddish Denied grabbed my attention is the way it centers a character whose very identity is a rejection of the false bifurcation between working people and religious Jews. Plotkins story, it seems, might help us cast off this antiquated binary.

CHABAD EMERGED AS A DISTINCT STREAM within the wider Hasidic movement at the end of the 18th century, under the leadership of Rabbi Shneur Zalman of Liadi. His classical work of Hasidic thought, Tanya (1796), demystified Kabbalah and made contemplative mystical practices accessible, empowering readers to overcome spiritual and material anxieties through the joyful alignment of thought, speech, and action with divine wisdom and will. Over the course of the 19th century, Chabad (centered from 1813 in the village of Lubavitch) became the dominant Hasidic group in the region that now encompasses Belarus and stretches south into the eastern parts of Ukraine, north into Latvia, and east into Russia. Chabads heady mix of cerebrality and spirit, combined with a rich tradition of literary and melodic production, was seminal to the development of Eastern European Jewish culture. Modernist figures like the artist Marc Chagall and the playwright and folklorist S. Anskyfamed for his play The Dybbukboth emerged from the Chabad milieu.

In the first decades of the 20th century, Chabad-Lubavitch was led by Rabbi Shneur Zalmans great-great-grandson, Rabbi Shalom DovBer Schneersohn (Rashab). Advocating for the primacy of traditional Torah authority in institutional Jewish life, he successfully competed with the Jewish aristocracy, who sought the acculturation and reform of Russian Jewry, and who had previously dominated representation of the Jewish community to the tsarist government. Rashab celebrated the tsars 1917 abdication, comparing it to the fall of Pharaoh, and in subsequent elections for a new All-Russian Jewish Congress, he mobilized a united religious front that captured a significant share of the vote. By then, however, Octobers Bolshevik Revolution had ended Russias brief moment of emancipation and initiated a bloody civil war.

When Rashab died in the spring of 1920, the networks and institutions he had built had been all but decimated. In the wake of war, pogroms, famine, and disease, the Evsektsiiaaided by other agents of the new statewere beginning to systematically stifle traditional Jewish life. But the students of Rashabs rabbinical school had internalized his vision, and his son, the aforementioned Rayatz, rallied them to resist the Evsektsiias campaign of compulsory secularization.

Kaddish Denied is set in the 1930s and 40s, the darkest and most difficult period for Chabadniks who remained behind the Iron Curtain. Sholemke grows up in the shadow of his most vivid childhood memorythe night that uniformed men ransacked the dank apartment he shared with his parents (halfway underground, halfway a grave) and took his father away:

Do you see? Schneersohn!

They ordered Father to dress and to come with them. Father came over to my small bed, bent over, and kissed me; a powerful and final kiss. A few large tearswarm, hot, boiling like bloodtumbled from his deep black eyes onto my forehead. Then he gave my mother a fiery glance, his eyes now bloodshot. He kissed the mezuzah, opened the door and was swallowed up in the unending darkness of the night.

Sholemke remembers his father as an unhappy kaloshnik, a mender of old galoshes and rubber boots. But as he pieces together the mish-mash of impressions and incomplete images that survive this shattering event, he comes to understand that his father was actually a rabbi forced to abandon his position due to the more recent circumstances. The arrest and presumed murder of Sholemkes father draws on real events with which Plotkin was intimately familiar. On a single night in 1938, 12 of his closest friends and colleagues were arrested, tortured, and later shot. The location of their communal grave, in the Levashovo Wasteland near Leningrad, remained unmarked until 2014.

Amid the horror of this repression, the light in the darkness was chassidusChabadniks term for their rebbes teachings. Reflecting on his own experience as a teenager and a young adult, Sholemke explains how the rich and spirited conceptual forms of chassidus endowed him and his friends with a new life-meaning . . . a glorious inner world, fruitful and divine. The new world that it conjured within gave them the ideological conviction to meet all the difficult circumstances of life with courage, poise, and the capacity to endure.

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The Soul of the Worker - Jewish Currents

Capitalism and the climate crisis: IPCC appeal falls on deaf ears – Socialist Appeal

Buried underneath the propaganda surrounding the war in Ukraine recently was news that the UNs Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has released the third instalment in its latest report, focussing on the urgent need to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

The IPCCs findings reveal that existing commitments, far from limiting global warming to a 1.5 rise, as agreed at the COP21 summit Paris in 2015, would actually see global temperatures reach 3.2 above pre-industrial averages by 2100. This would have devastating consequences for billions across the world.

Climate inaction, the report concludes, has brought us to a now or never tipping point, whereby global carbon dioxide emissions will need to peak within the next three years and then decrease by 43% by 2030 to stay on target with the Paris Agreement.

UN secretary-general Antnio Guterres went so far as to point the finger at lying government and business leaders, who he said had presided over a litany of broken climate promises, revealing a yawning gap between climate pledges and reality.

Guterres may act surprised. But the fact that the capitalist system is incapable of solving the climate crisis is one that has been increasingly clear to most workers and youth for some time.

Across the board, noises from establishment politicians about climate action have turned out to be little more than hot air.

Capitalist governments boast of public and private investment plans to tackle the impending crisis. Yet researchers at Climate Action Tracker have found that of 40 countries surveyed in 2021, none had sufficient policies required to meet the Paris Agreement. In fact, 21 countries had policies that would actually increase emissions.

At the same time, the OECD (a club of advanced capitalist countries) found that, in 2019, only $80 billion of the $100 billion annual transfer from rich to poor nations pledged in the Paris Agreement had been made available a figure that has likely dropped further since. Oxfams own investigation suggests that the real figure is closer to $19-23 billion.

Even this money is being used deceitfully, with some countries classifying development aid (already dubiously used by the imperialists as a means of soft power) as relevant to climate goals, even when it clearly isnt.

That the Paris Agreement itself is insufficient to solve the crisis is an inconvenient truth glossed over by the establishment. The capitalists wont let any mere laws, regulations, or accords get in the way of their profit-making. This is the elephant in the room that none of these big business politicians dare mention.

Elsewhere, supporters of the market have boasted about the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero (GFANZ), created at COP26. The intention is to mobilise private capital for the decarbonisation of the world economy, with 450 firms valued at a combined total of over $130 trillion signing up to the initiative.

One small hitch with this proposal is that there are no plans, commitments, or deadlines attached. Instead, ordinary people are expected to take the bosses at their word when they say that they will fork over their cash in a timely and orderly manner.

Such hollow promises and greenwashing are clearly designed to throw dust in our eyes an attempt to distract us whilst the capitalists continue to destroy the planet for the sake of their profits.

The lack of private investment in tackling the climate crisis is not the result of a few ignorant politicians and business leaders, but is embedded in the logic of capitalism itself.

At the end of the day, the capitalists invest only in order to make a profit, not to address the needs of people or the planet.

And with most climate-related investment opportunities deemed either too risky or too unprofitable, they are far more interested in pouring their money into speculative bubbles, demonstrating once again the inability of capitalism to take society forward even one inch.

The latest IPCC report naively suggests that the aftermath of the pandemic would provide governments with the opportunity to rebuild their economies on a sustainable basis. Similar hopes have been voiced in relation to the Ukraine war and the potential to wean the global economy off fossil fuels. This is nothing but wishful thinking.

The anarchy of the capitalist market is a fetter on any transition away from oil and gas, and towards renewable alternatives.

Already, for example, left to the invisible hand of the market, increasing demand for materials needed for low-carbon technologies, alongside tightening regulations, are resulting in greenflation, pushing up the costs of decarbonisation compared to initial calculations.

Similarly, although the cost of solar panels and wind turbines has fallen dramatically over the past decade, as the IPCC report notes, the deployment of green technologies is being hindered by the profit motive.

On the one hand, renewable energy is still not as profitable as fossil fuels; and on the other, large upfront costs are needed to develop a 100% clean energy sector.

The IPCC therefore laments that current attempts at climate action amount to incremental change, rather than system transitions.

Such a widespread, systemic transformation requires large-scale planning, with mass investment in new infrastructure and technology, and huge transfers of labour and capital across entire industries and nations.

The wealth and resources for this clearly exists. But you cannot plan what you dont control; and you dont control what you dont own.

At the same time, we live in an epoch of immense, deepening capitalist crisis, fueling protectionism and trade wars hardly prime conditions for the international cooperation that is required to solve this inherently global problem.

Once again, we see the fundamental barriers that the capitalist system imposes on progress: those of private ownership and the nation state.

Despite the IPCC ringing the alarm bells, the capitalist class is not breaking into a sweat. After all, whilst billions suffer from drought, flooding, and heatwaves, the billionaires are already living on another planet from the rest of us.

It is workers and the most vulnerable who will face the consequences of the climate catastrophe. The super-rich, meanwhile, are far removed from this destruction. And if all else fails, and things get too hot on Earth, they will shoot off into space.

The climate crisis is therefore ultimately a class question.

The technological, scientific, and productive capacity needed to mitigate global warming and adapt to its worst impacts already exists. But this can only be successfully deployed on the basis of a rationally-planned socialist economy, under democratic workers control.

Only on this basis can investment and resources be allocated according to the needs of society, rather than the profits of the capitalist class.

As disaster looms, the burning necessity of overthrowing this rotten system has never been stronger. And the choice facing humanity has never been clearer: socialism or barbarism.

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Capitalism and the climate crisis: IPCC appeal falls on deaf ears - Socialist Appeal

The Socialist Ideal in the Labour Party: from Attlee to Corbyn – Morning Star Online

The Socialist Ideal in the Labour Party: From Attlee to CorbynMartin R BeveridgeMerlin Press 14.99

IT IS easy to forget in more pessimistic moments and Keir Starmer is banking on us doing so that despite Labours recent forced march back towards the right, since 2015 the party has been living through one of the most ideologically fecund revivals in its history.

While the demonisation of Jeremy Corbyn by his successor and parliamentary partners in crime sowed the disunity that Labours right then employed as the chicken-and-egg narrative to unseat him, the former leader achieved something remarkable.

Corbyn was able to restore social democratic ideals and ethical socialist principles, invigorated by the participatory enthusiasm of 21st-century social movements, to the heart of Labours identity something Starmer has been singularly unwilling to build upon.

This was energising, forging a new politics according to author Martin Beveridge that sought radical change through an exciting array of new and old democratic forms, and helps to explain the strong fraternal bond that formed between Corbyn and the membership.

And in case we find ourselves confusing electability with ideological integrity, as the right is wont to, it had a stunning, concrete outcome at the polls: Labours achievement in the 2017 election, when its 12.9 million votes signalled the remarkable possibilities of this new politics for Britain.

As Beveridge shows, the originality of the ideas advanced by socialist thinkers supporting the Corbyn left in areas from worker ownership and public banks to land trusts and municipal energy companies is thrown into sharper relief by understanding the history of the beliefs that motivated earlier generations within the Labour movement.

This book, then, is primarily a history of the diverse ways the socialist ideal has been understood since the 1930s, when depictions of working-class life formed a backdrop to Labours emergent agenda.

Efforts since to resolve ambiguity over policy and practice have translated into a succession of ideological conflicts that have redefined the idea of socialism.

The author begins with influential notions about the day-to-day struggles of workers expressed in the interwar novel The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists, then traces the complex and often contradictory understanding of socialism within the party thereafter.

From Attlee to Corbyn, he demonstrates that in a key difference with Marxist thought the socialist ideal within Labour has not developed out of its own internal logic but has been reshaped through social struggles and historical events absorbed into its political culture.

As a result, this book is a good tonic for socialists feeling gloomy about Labours future, under its current leadership or beyond, because it reminds them of the rich, radical traditions to which they belong that have never disappeared and are endlessly being revived.

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The Socialist Ideal in the Labour Party: from Attlee to Corbyn - Morning Star Online

Forward Bloc to remove hammer and sickle from party flag – Firstpost

The Party Flag has been a Red Flag with the leaping tiger and a hammer and sickle since the Chandanagar convention when the party had split to underline its belief in 'scientific socialism'.

Bhubaneswar: The All India Forward Bloc, has resolved to change its party flag, jettisoning the hammer and sickle symbol which was inserted in 1948, while retaining the 'leaping tiger' symbol selected by its founder Subhas Bose.

The decision was taken at the two-day National Council meeting, which culminated here on Saturday. The Party Flag has been a Red Flag with the leaping tiger and a hammer and sickle since the Chandanagar convention when the party had split to underline its belief in "scientific socialism".

The party will now give more emphasis a "Subhasism, the ideology of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. The Council meeting observed that keeping the hammer and sickle and proximity to Communist Parties has lent credence to the propaganda that Forward Bloc was more a Communist Party than a Socialist Party. It also observed this propaganda somehow blocked the path of the Forward Bloc to grow as an independent Socialist Party, a resolution passed in the meeting said.

The council also noted that the size and character of the working class had also changed. A large number workers are now engaged in the service sector. With fresh developments in science ad technology, the Service Sector now has a larger share of the the GDP than Agriculture and Industry, which the hammer and sickle symbol represented.

G. Devarajan, Secretary of the central committee placed the constitutional amendments and the organizational report in the meeting earlier in the day.

As many as 46 delegates from 19 states have participated in the discussion. Debabrata Biswas, former MP and General Secretary of All India Forward Bloc summed up the discussion and announced the future course of action.

The National Council of All India Forward Bloc has decided to hold the 19th Party Congress (National Conference) in the month of February 2023. Prior to the Party Congress all the lower level conferences will be organized. It was also decided to start people's movements against price hike of LPG Cylinder, Petrol, Diesel, Medicines and other essentials commodities.

The Council also decided to start a nationwide campaign to propagate the ideals of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.An Eight Member presidium consists of P.V. Kathiravan (Tamilnadu), Debabrata Biswas (West Bengal), G. Devarajan (Kerala), Naren Chatterjee (West Bengal), G.R. Shivashankar (Karnataka), Govind Roy (West Bengal), Surendra Redy (Telengana), Jyoti Ranjan Mohapatra (Odisha) controlled the proceedings of the council meeting.On the occasion of the national council of All India Forward Bloc, a Statue of Netaji was unveiled in the premises of Netaji Bhawan, the state committee office of the party Odisha state committee.

The National Council meeting also strongly opposed the Government's move to curtail the freedom of Press. In many states including Odisha, the Governments are taking stringent measures to strangulate the Independent character of the Media, the resolution said.

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Forward Bloc to remove hammer and sickle from party flag - Firstpost

The political issues in the Governor Whitmer kidnap plot verdict – WSWS

The jury verdict last Friday in the Grand Rapids, Michigan, trial of four men accused of plotting to kidnap the governor of Michigan in 2020 raises fundamental political issues confronting the working class in the US and internationally.

Within the context of the growth far-right and fascist politics within official ruling circles around the world, the not guilty verdict on all charges for two of the defendants, Brandon Caserta and Daniel Harris, and the inability of the jury to reach a verdict on the charges against Barry Croft and Adam Fox, show that the working class cannot rely on the judicial institutions of the state to defend its democratic rights.

On October 7, 2020, six men were arrested on a series of federal charges and seven others were arrested on state charges related to a plot to kidnap Michigan Democratic Governor Gretchen Whitmer. One week later another individual was arrested and charged with state crimes in connection with the kidnapping plot. Half of the suspects were tied to a paramilitary group called the Wolverine Watchmen and others had connections with the far-right Boogaloo Boys.

The activities of those arrested and charged were connected with the embrace by then-President Donald Trump of far-right and vigilante forces staging armed protests against the shutdowns and other limited measures taken to contain the pandemic, as well as Trumps stated refusal to commit to a peaceful transfer of power in the event of a Biden victory in the November presidential election.

As the World Socialist Web Site wrote in a Perspective column posted on October 9, 2020, titled The Michigan conspiracy, Trump, and the 2020 election:

Though the complaint does not mention the president by name, the originator of the conspiracy is in the White House. Trump has on many occasions specifically selected Whitmer for condemnation because she was most visibly identified with implementing measures aimed at curbing the spread of the pandemic, which ravaged Michigan in March and April. It is now clear these attacks were part of a deliberate strategy to lay the basis for the present coup attempt.

Trump and a significant segment of the Republican Party had targeted the Michigan governors COVID-19 policies for a right-wing campaign beginning in April 2020 with a series of rallies at the state Capitol building in Lansing. On April 30, the paramilitary group the Wolverine Watchmen, which counted among its members several of those who were charged in the kidnap conspiracy, entered the Michigan Capitol armed with assault rifles and paramilitary gear.

In what amounted to a dress rehearsal for the fascistic siege of the US Capitol on January 6, 2021, by a pro-Trump mob seeking to kidnap and/or kill House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Vice President Mike Pence and other elected officials, the armed Wolverine Watchmen went looking for Governor Whitmer at her state Capitol office, but she was not there on that day.

Of the six men indicted on federal charges of plotting to kidnap and possibly kill the Michigan governor, two, Kaleb Franks and Ty Garbin, pleaded guilty and agreed to testify against the others.

During the twenty-day trial in Grand Rapids of the four plotters, prosecutors replayed numerous recorded statements by the defendants documenting their violent response to Whitmers pandemic stay-at-home orders and the fact that they intended to make a political statement. For example, the jury heard Adam Fox say, Were sending a f_____g message to them. Hey, if we can get her, we can get you.

The relationship between Trumps preparations to remain in office regardless of the outcome of the 2020 election and the kidnap plot was explained by Ty Garbin, one of the two original defendants in the federal case who pleaded guilty and turned states evidence against the remaining four. Garbin was sentenced to six years in prison.

He testified at the trial that he willingly participated in the kidnapping plot, hoping it would ignite a civil war in the US. He told the jury, We wanted to cause as much a disruption as possible to prevent Joe Biden from getting into office.

Judge Robert Jonker, an appointee to the US District Court for the Western District of Michigan by Republican George W. Bush in 2007, played a critical role in aiding the defendants legal defense. Jonker issued orders that undercut the substantial evidence presented to the jury showing that the defendants had both the desire and the means for carrying out any one of several plots to kidnap and kill the governor, and that they took actions toward that end.

During pretrial hearings, Jonker ordered that there be no reference to the political motivations of the kidnap plotters during the trial. By doing this, Jonker assisted the primary argument of the defense: That the men were down-and-out individuals who were often high on marijuana, and, while making verbally threatening statements, had neither the ability nor the intention of going through with a violent attack on the governor.

It is significant that it was the defense, and not the prosecution, that sought to have a witness testify about the ideology of the far-right boogaloo movement, to which Judge Jonker said, I dont want the trial to become a referendum on whether the trucking convoy in Ottawa is good or bad, or whether what happened on January 6 is an insurrection or legitimate political discourse. I want the focus to be on what happened in this case.

The prosecution did not object to this directive to rip the alleged crimes out of their political context.

Judge Jonker also instructed the jury to consider an entrapment defense of the accused because of the presence of FBI agents who infiltrated the group and were themselves participating in the kidnapping plot.

Much of the prosecution witness testimony was based on the activities of at least three FBI informants, who taped hours of conversations and meetings with the defendants. The entrapment instruction by Judge Jonker played a major role in the outcome of the trial, with two of the plotters acquitted, none convicted on any count, and all four released from prison. The jury instruction buttressed the impact of the judges proscription on raising the political issues in the conspiracy against Whitmer.

Throughout the trial, the prosecution followed the political lead of the Biden White House, which has sought to downplay the fascist threat in the interests of seeking bipartisan unity with the very Republicans who maintain that the Biden-Harris administration is illegitimate. By going along with the strictures of Judge Jonker, the prosecution was crippled in the face of what was clearly a political case.

While the jury heard three weeks of testimony and deliberated for five days, it did not convict anyone of anything. In this politically charged trial, the presentation of the so-called facts of what happened torn from their political context favored such a result.

The location of the trial in Grand Rapids, a Republican stronghold, and the twelve-person jury of six men and six women who were drawn from northern Michigan and rural parts of Western Michigan where opposition to Governor Whitmer and pandemic restrictions are strong, undoubtedly played a role.

In depth

The fascist coup plot in Michigan

The exposure of a plot to assassinate Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer has uncovered the existence of a nationwide underground far-right terror network.

As veteran criminal defense attorney Bill Swor pointed out to the Detroit Free Press: The jurors may have known people like this, who are a lot of talk. And the jury may have decided that these guys were just running around being busy, and didnt have any focus.

Daniel Harris, one of the two defendants acquitted by the jury, was found not guilty of an additional charge of possessing an unregistered short-barreled rifle, a crime for which he was clearly guilty. Harris was also the only defendant of the four who took the stand in his own defense. In his testimony he denounced the FBI informants.

The jury deadlocked on the charges against Fox and Croft, whom prosecutors identified as the leaders of the plot against Whitmer. It appears that the jury was conflicted about them because they were present when the group cased Whitmers vacation home in Elk Rapids, Michigan, while the two defendants who were acquitted were not there.

The prosecutors countered the claims of the defense lawyers that their clients never carried out any positive actions to implement the alleged plot by pointing to a number of actions, most prominently their surveillance of Whitmers residence and the surrounding area.

The trial took place in an atmosphere across the US where all COVID-19 restrictions, including masking, are being lifted and the right-wing position represented by those charged with kidnapping the governor is now the official policy of Democrats and Republicans alike. The verdict in the Michigan trial will embolden the fascistic right and encourage further violent attacks against their opponents, above all the growing struggles of the working class.

It follows the acquittal of Kyle Rittenhouse, the fascist youth who was acquitted for shooting and killing two men and injuring a third during anti-police violence protests in Kenosha, Wisconsin, in August 2020. The judge in that trial made little effort to conceal his sympathy for the right-wing vigilante.

At a rally in North Carolina on Saturday, Donald Trump turned the facts of the Whitmer kidnap trial upside down, declaring: And in the quite famous Michigan trial, where people were supposedly going to kidnap the very unpopular governor Two were just found not guilty and two others just ended in a hung jury. So there is something going on down there. There is something going on. The radical Democrat party will do anything to stop our movement no matter how illegal, immoral or insane.

While the verdict in the Grand Rapids trial comes as no surprise, it is nonetheless a warning to workers and young people that the defense of basic democratic rights cannot be entrusted to the official institutions of the capitalist state, including the courts and the Democratic Party.

An independent political struggle must be mounted by the working class to defend democratic rights and defeat the threat of fascism. The turn by the ruling class to mass repression and fascism is rooted in the acute crisis of the capitalist system, intensified by the coronavirus pandemic, the economic impact of inflation and the widening war against Russia in Ukraine.

Above all, the ruling class fears the growing movement of the working class in opposition to increasingly intolerable conditions, and is preparing dictatorial methods to defend its wealth and power.

There is no defense of democratic rights outside of the unity of the working class against the capitalist ruling elite in the fight for socialism.

from Mehring Books

The New York Times 1619 Project and the Racialist Falsification of History

A left-wing, socialist critique of the 1619 Project with essays, lectures, and interviews with leading historians of American history. *Now available as an audio book from Audible!*

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The political issues in the Governor Whitmer kidnap plot verdict - WSWS