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ARF Bureau Youth Office leadership seminar, January 2022

This week, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Bureau Youth Office hosted a two day virtual leadership seminar. About a dozen ARF youth from the eastern and western regions of the US and Canada came together to discuss, learn and grow in the guided wisdom of respected ARF community leaders from around the world. We were all fortunate to have the opportunity to proudly represent the AYF-YOARF Eastern United States.

The leadership seminar opened with the always inspirational words of ARF Bureau member Aram Kaloustian followed by a series of discussions on the following topics:

-ARF Socialism Ideology and the ARF Youth led by Khatchig Der Ghougasian (Argentina)-The ARF Leadership led by Mario Nalpandian (Argentina)-The Armenian and ARF Youth in the Armenian Political Arena by Mher Karakashian (Canada)-Artsakh Current Situation and the ARF strategy by Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) executive director Aram Hamparian

Der Ghougassians lecture challenged us to expand our thinking about socialism. Der Ghougassian frequently asked for input from participants, forcing us to mull over important questions like in what ways is the ARF socialist? or what policies do you think the ARF would implement in government? Der Ghougassian pushed us to go deeper and get to the heart of the issue, beyond ideas like the ARFs socialist roots simply because we call each other unger.

There is an Armenian phrase, Glorve khoup, gde poulik (The lid rolls, finds a pot), referring to two things that are perfect for each other. The Tashnagtsoutioun is that pot and socialism is its lid; the two are inextricably linked in a manner that goes far beyond merely select passages from the Dzrakir. The ARFs particular style of socialism, its commitment to political, social and economic equality, is an inseparable part of this 13-decade old organization. This, in particular, was clear after Der Ghougassians lecture, at the end of which he asked participants to think of one way in which they could effectuate socialist change in our communities through three of the facets of the ARFs style of socialism: gender rights and equality, environmental justice and just redistribution of wealth and income.

Unfortunately, this sort of deep reflection on the ideology of the ARF is missed by many members of the Armenian Youth Federation (AYF). In countless cases, exposure to socialism consists of surface-level exploration of the ARF program or singing of the anthem of the ARF, Mshag, Panvor. These important discussions were the highlight of the seminar, as we do not normally delve deep enough into the ideology of the ARF, reflected Aram Brunson of the AYF Greater Boston Nejdeh Chapter. But as the future generation of the Tashnagtsoutioun, these are the sorts of conversations and discussions that must occur at every level of the AYF-YOARF.

Though Der Ghougassian specifically spoke about socialism, what was particularly poignant was the idea of truly interacting with all of the ideals of the ARF. As Simon Zavarian once said, Words are dead without action. Such is the nature of the ARF, which has spent far more time implementing its fundamental ideals than talking about them. The Tashnagtsagan represents this at a core level; it is not enough to know and believe in our ideals or even to simply hope for their adoption as policy under the rule of a future Tashnagtsagan government. We, as Tashnags, must live and breathe our ideology and work toward its practical application, no matter where we are.

In our third lecture-based discussion of the day, Mher Karakashian reiterated the term underpinning why over a dozen ungers spent their weekend in attendance: hairenasiroutioun. To be hayrenaser is testament to our survival. To be hayrenaser as a people under constant threat of annihilation is at the essence of the Armenian identity; our strong history is a culmination of actors attempting to challenge this will of the Armenian people, and time and time again, the Tashnagtsoutioun takes this devotion to our nation and puts it into action.

we are born advocating for justice

The Armenian identity itself is a political one; we are born advocating for justice. What we recognize as the permanent struggle is part and parcel of both our history and present. We must be in constant conversation about the current state and future of Armenian politics, whether in the homeland or in our respective diasporas.

With diaspora odarootioun, our center of gravity proves to be our getrons and agoumps. Throughout these communities, it is the responsibility of our Armenian and ARF youth, now more than ever, to ask: how can I contribute to the askayin kaghakagan kordz? This is where the essence of the Armenian identity merges: to be hayrenaser and utilize politics as an avenue to serve our nation. Every Armenian, no matter their profession, must strive to immerse themselves in Armenian politics, for it will elevate the Armenian Cause in our diasporas.

Within an already existing Armenian political arena, it is our responsibility to take advantage of this potential as the present and future of our nation to become politicized and realize what we risk if this call to action is ignored. It is the desire of both Turkey and Azerbaijan to stifle Armenian political action, which alone demonstrates the need to vitalize this conviction.

Karakashian implored the ARF youth in attendance to always apply the heghapokhagan mindset in their political endeavors, to approach everything with a critical and analytical lens, to ask ourselves, What is the stamp that the ARF youth will leave? There is a central theme to the character traits necessary to leave that stamp: Bargeshd, Artar, Midke Layn, Sirde Pats, Kach, Oojegh and Chvakhtsogh. These traits, paired with the persistent nature of a Tashnagtsagan, are the backbone of our steadfast permanent struggle.

By embodying the mindset of serving the homeland, the ARF youth are able to inspire by way of antsnagan orinag. And by serving by example, the hope remains that the wider community of Armenian youth will become kaghakaganatsadz. In reflecting on U. Mhers inspirational words, my immediate reaction was to think of Armenian advocacy. My advice to Armenian youth answering the call to action, start with the ANC, noted Nairi Diratsouian of the AYF New Jersey Arsen Chapter.

Aram Hamparian spoke on the current situation in Artsakh and ARF political strategy. He powerfully summarized the role of the ARF as an organization that will not bend to the will of any other entity, be it factions of American politics or international alliances such as NATO. His words prompted the ungers to reflect on how, despite constant marginalization, the ARF has always remained firm and loyal to the Armenian nation. He reminded us that as Tashnags, we proudly inconvenience those who seek to destroy Armenia. These words and ideas left the ungers with a feeling of pride knowing that whatever the future holds, the ARF spirit will never be broken.

On the following day, knowledgeable lecturers introduced the final three topics:

Management lead by Taleen Haneshian (Canada) and Louisa Baboyan (Lebanon)-PR and Technology in the political arena by ANCA government affairs director Tereza Yerimyan-The ARF Youth in the Next Five Years, Expectations and Necessities by ARF Bureau member Hovsep Der Kevorkian (France)

Hovsep Der Kevorkian concluded the virtual event with encouraging remarks, reminding ARF youth that planning is the key, but it means nothing if one does not follow up on the plans.

At the end of the seminar, the ungers were given the opportunity to discuss constructive criticism. An overall consensus? The seminar was too short. We need to have more of these worldwide fundamental and leadership seminars, more fruitful discussions, in order to continue to build the strongest ideological foundation for our future generations to come, reflected Galy Jackmakjian of the AYF DC Ani Chapter.

Overall, the participants felt that their desires for abundant discussions around ARF Kaghapar were satiated by the imperative nature of this seminar; however, they yearn for more because seminars like this throw a flammable kindling into the already roaring fires of our passionate ARF youth.

Aram Brunson is a freshman at the University of Chicago from Newton, MA. He is a proud member of the AYF-YOARF Greater Boston Nejdeh Chapter and serves on the AYFs Central Educational Council. In addition, he dances with the Hamazkayin Sardarabad Dance Ensemble and is a member of the Armenian National Committees of Eastern Massachusetts and Illinois.

Kristen Bagdasarian is a sophomore at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. She is studying anthropology and Middle Eastern Studies with a focus on Armenian history.

Nairi Diratsouian is a rising senior at Ramapo College of New Jersey. She is pursuing a degree in psychology with a triple minor in public policy, political science, and crime and justice studies. On campus, Nairi serves as the vice president of the Psychology Affiliation and the Armenian Students Association. Currently, she works as the communications specialist for the ANCA-Eastern Region and serves on the AYF Central Hai Tahd Council as well as the New Jersey Arsen Executive. Nairis passion for her heritage is evident through her participation in the Hamazkayin of New Jersey Nayiri Dance Ensemble, Homenetmen of New Jersey, ARS Shakeh Chapter, ANC of New Jersey and the Hovnanian School Alumni Association.

Galy Jackmakjian has been an active member of the AYF-YOARF Washington DC "Ani" chapter for the past 11 years. She has also served many leadership roles in the HMEM DC chapter throughout her life. Galy is currently serving on AYF Eastern regions Central Armenian Language Council, as language and Armenian preservation are one of her many passions.

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ARF Bureau Youth Leadership Seminar: Lighting the Fires of ARF Youth - Armenian Weekly

The attempt by Prime Minister Scott Morrison to overcome his governments deep political crisis with a re-set speech at the National Press Club on Tuesday has failed spectacularly. Ongoing factional conflicts within Morrisons Liberal Party have erupted into public warfare, and it is an open question whether the PM will even survive until the next federal election, likely to be held in May.

Morrisons speech had two aims.

Firstly, to try and dampen down mass popular anger over his central role in letting the virus rip, which has created the countrys worst COVID surge since the pandemic began. His and the governments opinion poll results are the lowest since Morrisons installation as prime minister in August 2018. And secondly, to convince the ruling elite that his government is capable of enforcing the continued reopening drive and the pro-business restructuring that is to accompany it.

If anything, the speech only made things worse on both fronts.

Amid ongoing mass infection, illness and death resulting from the decision of governments to allow Omicron to spread in December, Morrison acknowledged for the first time: I havent got everything right and Ill take my fair share of the criticism and the blame.

But the PM refused to apologise for the catastrophe, in line with his pitch to the corporate elite that he will continue the policies that caused it. You must be prepared to listen to that advice, but also to take the decisions that strike the right balance, he said.

Later, during the question session, Morrison claimed that his government had been too optimistic about Omicron and, We could have communicated more clearly about the risks and challenges that we still faced. His only regret was that the military was not called in earlier to run the vaccination operationwhich points to discussions and plans to deploy the military more generally in the event of social unrest.

To claim optimistic misunderstanding is a fraud. The government, backed by the entire National Cabinet of federal, state and territory leaders, deliberately misled the public. They all insisted that the Omicron variant of COVID-19 was mild, in order to justify the lifting of nearly every safety restriction, followed by the reopening of schools, in order to push workers back into workplaces despite mass infections.

Even after 1,519 COVID fatalities were reported in January alone, including more than 450 aged care residents, Morrison contemptuously declared that our health response has ensured that our health and aged care system has stood up to the global pandemic. To add insult to this dismissal of the death toll, he then promised the over-worked and abysmally-paid aged care workers two $400 retention payments before May, the likely election month, while rejecting calls for wage rises.

Morrison once more attempted, as he has done for two years, to hold out the prospect of locking in our economic recovery in 2022, saying his government stood for strong economic management. That means further driving up corporate profits at the expense of the jobs, wages and conditions of workers.

Morrison also sought to incite fears about a direct threat to Australias economic and security interests. He did not name China. But he highlighted the signing of the AUKUS agreement, a military alliance directed against Beijing, the powering up of the Quad, a quasi-military pact with the US, Japan and India to confront China, and the sealing of military or strategic partnership agreements with India, South Korea, Malaysia and Papua New Guinea.

In other words, the key planks of Morrisons appeal were that he would boost the fortunes of the ultra-wealthy, and ramp-up a national security agenda involving further attacks on democratic rights and an escalation of Australias involvement in US-led wars.

Even at the National Press Club event, there were indications that sections of the ruling class and the Liberal Party itself do not think Morrison is up to the job.

Network 10 and Australian journalist Peter van Onselen, who has connections inside the party and is a figurehead of the Murdoch press, read out text messages, apparently two years old, in which the then New South Wales (NSW) Liberal Premier Gladys Berejiklian described Morrison as a horrible, horrible person who was more concerned about political point-scoring than peoples lives. In reply, an unnamed cabinet minister called him a fraud and a complete psycho.

Such texts could have been leaked only by senior figures in the Liberal-National Coalition, which is increasingly wracked by factional in-fighting.

Within days of the speech, the conflicts have openly erupted. Such is the rancor that a few months out from the federal election, the Liberal Party has been unable to finalise preselection for candidates in more than a dozen seats. Some of them are crucial electorates, including Hughes in Sydney, where the sitting member Craig Kelly defected from the government last year, and Warringah, the seat previously held by former Liberal Prime Minister Tony Abbott.

Sitting MPs are facing potential challenges to their candidacy, including Environment Minister Sussan Ley, Immigration Minister Alex Hawke, and prominent North Sydney MP Trent Zimmerman. Thirteen others, including six ministers, are retiring from federal politics, prompting media references to rats fleeing a sinking ship.

In line with Van Onsolens decision to drop a bomb at the National Press Club, the Murdoch media, previously a key support of Morrison, has adopted an increasingly skeptical tone regarding his political viability. Similar opinions are being voiced by leading commentators at the rival Nine Media group. There are broader fears of a potential bust up, both of the Liberal Party and its governing coalition with the Nationals.

Under these conditions, Labor is presenting itself as the vehicle best suited to implement the demands of the financial elite, for austerity, militarism and forcing the population to live with the virus.

Its leader, Anthony Albanese has repeatedly harkened back to the 1980s, when the Hawke and Keating Labor governments formed a tripartite alliance with the unions and big business to enforce sweeping economic deregulation and restructuring.

Albanese was installed as leader after Labor lost the unlosable election of 2019 because broad sections of working people, as hostile as they were to the Liberal-Nationals, did not buy its phony fair go rhetoric.

Labor has responded by shifting even further to the right, dumping token taxation measures and foreswearing any demagogic references to social inequality. Instead, Albanese has insisted that Labor is a party of aspiration.

Throughout the pandemic, Labor has largely marched in lockstep with the government, supporting and enforcing the profit-driven pandemic policies, the massive handouts to big business, and attacks on democratic rights, including the forcible deregistration of smaller political parties without parliamentary representation. On foreign policy, Labor insists that it could work more closely with the Biden administration, as the US prepares for war with Russia and China to try and reverse the economic decline of American capitalism through military means

Labors right-wing pitch demonstrates that the upcoming election will resolve nothing for workers and young people. That is why in the deepening political crisis and the federal election, the working class must adopt an independent position, against the Coalition, Labor and the entire parliamentary set-up.

The needless sacrifice of lives globally in the pandemic has exposed the moral and social bankruptcy of capitalism and all its political servants. An entirely opposed political perspective has to be adopted and fought for. That is a socialist one, based on the protection of health and lives, not private profit, and the total reorganisation of economic and social life by workers governments.

This is the perspective fought for only by the Socialist Equality Party. In order to advance this program in the broadest possible manner, we will be standing candidates in the federal election, despite the new anti-democratic electoral laws pushed through parliament jointly by Labor and the Coalition.

But there must be no illusions that socialism can be achieved through the parliamentary apparatus of capitalism. Indeed, the electoral laws are a warning of the anxiety and determination of the ruling class to silence any opposition from workers and youth. A new revolutionary leadership must be built in the working class to overturn the entire failed capitalist order.

Join the SEP campaign against anti-democratic electoral laws!

The working class must have a political voice, which the Australian ruling class is seeking to stifle with this legislation.

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Australian government in meltdown months out from federal election - WSWS

Submitted by Dave Zink.

The first book Ill review here is City Builders and Vandals in Our Age: Articles and Essays on Socialism, by Caleb T. Maupin, 2019.

In this compilation, Maupin takes a long view of history, from the birth of civilization, through the Greek and Roman Empires, the emergence of feudalism, capitalism, and socialism to modern times. Along the way, he sheds light on the Paris Commune, China and the Belt and Road Initiative, Russia, the Middle East, and how capitalism, imperialism, and militarism are all tied together today.

Maupin describes City Builders in his introductory essay: Throughout human history, two distinct trends have been present among us. There have always been innovators, scientists, unifiers, [and others] who push civilization toward a higher state of being, driven by an inner flame of creativity and boldness.

Who are the vandals? City-builders have always stood in opposition to the efforts of vandals: hate-mongers, ignorance-celebrators, lynch-mob leaders, persecutors, snake-oil salesmen, bullies, [etc.] who are forces for division and profit from tearing down what others have built.

Todays vandals? How about health insurance corporations dead-set against a common-sense Single-Payer system that would diminish their profits and power? Proud-Boy Republicans who seem intent on turning the USA toward full-tilt fascism?

Maupins essays cover a lot of ground. He reveals why Julius Caesar was executed by the Roman oligarchy and looks into the deep roots of American socialism and the origins of the New Left. Throughout this book, youll find interesting history you probably didnt get in school.

In his essay titled Native Americans and the Confusion in American Politics, Maupin writes about the genocide against indigenous people: not as a crime to be blamed on all whites, but as a crime of capitalism Exposing the crimes of this international economic order is not an attack on workers who happen to be white. On the contrary, opposing capitalism and fighting for the establishment of governments that represent the majority of people, rather than the millionaire elite, is in the interest of all Americans, of all backgrounds.

The second book Ill talk about is We Are City Builders: The Center for Political Innovation (CPI) Education Manual, 2021. Youll find some real gems in this anthology. I really enjoyed The Parable of the Water Tank, by Edward Bellamy, Why Socialism?, by Albert Einstein, a Letter to America Workers by Lenin, and speeches by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Vice-President Henry A. Wallace.

Traditionally, Henry Wallace would have been re-nominated as the Democratic Partys vice-presidential candidate for Franklin D. Roosevelts unprecented 4th run for president in the 1944 campaign. Wallace was clearly the most popular choice for vice president among Democrats, and many journalists predicted that he would win renomination. Roosevelt, in failing health, sent a public letter to the Democratic Party convention chairman saying, I personally would vote for [Wallaces] renomination if I were a delegate to the convention. If Wallace had become president after FDRs death, the USA would probably be much better off today. Its a tragedy of history that anti-New Deal backstabbers succeeded in getting Harry Truman onto the ticket instead.

These are just a few of the threads Maupin weaves together in the CPIs Educational Manual. After each section of, there are thought-provoking questions for study and group discussions.

In these inspiring and optimistic books, Maupin lays out where we are politically, how we got here, and points the way forward. You may not agree with him on some things, but he presents ideas and asks questions that merit consideration by any who favor transformative progressive change.

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Book Review: City Builders, We Are City Builders The Suburban Times - The Suburban Times

Link to this page: https://www.socialistparty.org.uk/issue/1165/33700

From The Socialist newspaper, 2 February 2022

A pivotal event in the course of 'The Troubles' in Northern Ireland took place 50 years ago, known as 'Bloody Sunday'.

On 30 January 1972, soldiers from the British Parachute Regiment unleashed a brutal armed assault on the largely Catholic-nationalist Bogside area in the city of Derry, leaving 13 unarmed civilians dead (a fourteenth died later).

The 2010 Saville inquiry report concluded that the killings were "unjustified" and "unjustifiable". Former Tory PM David Cameron formally apologised on behalf of the British state for the shootings, but no one has ever been brought to court.

A comprehensive article, on socialistworld.net, to mark the occasion, including extracts from Militant (forerunner of the Socialist) at the time, explains Bloody Sunday in the context of the unresolved 'national question', which continues to resonate in Northern Ireland today, and the role of the workers' movement, linked to the struggle for socialism, in bringing about a lasting solution.

The coronavirus crisis has laid bare the class character of society in numerous ways. It is making clear to many that it is the working class that keeps society running, not the CEOs of major corporations.

The results of austerity have been graphically demonstrated as public services strain to cope with the crisis.

In The Socialist 2 February 2022:

News

Tories attack UC recipients with 'get any job' threat

NHS mandatory vaccination to be ditched

NI rise piled onto shoulders of the lowest paid

Gas and electric bills set to soar by 50% this year

Covering basic costs is hard, and it's getting worse

International news

Ukraine: Workers' unity needed

Northern Ireland: Bloody Sunday 50 years on

School students strike in Austria

Coup d'tat in Burkina Faso

France: Education workers and students walkout

TUSC

Tories Out!

Dave Nellist standing for Birmingham Erdington

Why a socialist candidate for Birmingham Erdington is vital

Hackney Unison to encourage anti-cuts candidates

Essex cuts racket must end

Portsmouth: Council workers leaving and tenants' double whammy

TUSC by-elections round-up

Workers fighting back

The winter strike wave escalates as workers fight back and win

NHS workers begin strike for 15% and against outsourcing

Victory at NewVIc college! 'The picket line gives us power'

Coventry bins: all-out against strike-breaking Labour council

Scunny scaffs strike restarts with a bang, barricades and a win!

PCS 2022 elections

Workplace news in brief

Campaigns news

Tories sinking, workers rising - help fund the socialist fightback

May Day Greetings: Back the paper that backs the working class

Why I joined: I'm tired of austerity and status quo

Socialist Students getting organised for 2 March walkout

Review

Belfast: Worth watching portrayal of previously airbrushed workers' unity

Home|The Socialist 2 February 2022 | Join the SocialistParty

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Northern Ireland: Bloody Sunday 50 years on - Socialist Party

Those of us worried about the corrosive effects of cancel culture and critical race theory are often accused of obsessing over the culture wars at the expense of "real" issues. But new data suggests that the culture war is only going to rise in importance in future electionsto the benefit of Republicans. This is the gist of survey results contained in my new Manhattan Institute report, The Politics of the Culture Wars in Contemporary America.

Already, cancel culture and applied critical race theory (CRT) are leading priorities for Republican voters and a mid-ranking issue overallin large part because they unite conservatives while dividing the Left; on one side you have cultural liberals, those who espouse classical liberal views about free speech, due process, equal treatment before the law and elsewhere and the scientific method. On the other is a rising cohort of cultural socialists, who prioritize protecting disadvantaged groups from offense while redistributing self-esteem and power. These aims are used to justify restricting people's freedom of speech and conscience.

Cultural socialism grows out of wokeness, the idea that historically marginalized race and gender minorities are sacred: more spiritual, moral, fragile and helpless than members of advantaged groups. And unlike causes advanced by the Left in the past, which pushed for equal rights for Black and gay Americans under the auspices of classical liberalism, cultural socialism is likely to provoke a sustained backlash from cultural liberals. But while the cultural socialists are in the decided minoritythere are two cultural liberals for every cultural socialist in Americacultural socialists have a slight advantage among Millennials and Gen-Z. And as these relatively woke generations enter the electorate, they will start to edge out their more moderate elders.

And as this divide on the Left increases, it will continue to give an advantage to the Right, which is united by the very issues dividing their opponents.

That's what my data shows. In my survey, people were asked whether students should be taught that America was stolen from native peoples, and that the school they attend and houses they live in are built on stolen land. 90 percent of Republicans were "strongly against" teaching this, while Democrats were just about evenly split across the four response categoriesstrongly for teaching this, weakly for it, weakly against it, and strongly against it.

In other words, Republicans are more motivated to oppose CRT than Democrats are to support it.

With cancel culture, the dynamics are somewhat different from CRT, but produce a similar result. I asked people if they endorsed the firing of four people who lost their jobs over giving offense to woke sensibilities. And what I found was that half of people who identified as Strong Democrats supported cancellation in these cases. But they were the outliers: Moderate Democrats were more similar to Republicans and Independents in strongly opposing the cancelling of these four individuals.

In other words, cancel culture and CRT split the Left and rally the Right, making these issues are a clear vote winner for the GOP.

Skeptics often argue that the average voter doesn't care about the culture wars because they don't know what CRT or cancel culture are, and are focused on bread-and-butter issues. So I decided to test this theory. To gauge the importance of culture war issues, I asked people to name their top three priorities from a list of nine issue baskets. For one of those baskets I used a broad definition of cancel culture that covers a range of terms through which people understand cancel culture: "Political Correctness, Free Speech, Cancel Culture, Wokeness, People Falsely Accused of Racism and Sexism." Even without including critical race theory in that list, 10 percent of respondents ranked this suite of issues as the most important facing the country, behind only COVID/Economy and Health Care. Other surveys show a similar mid-range ranking for "cancel culture/political correctness" among a list of 24 issues.

Cancel culture issues ranked in the top three for 31 percent of voters, including a third of Independents and 17 percent of Democrats. Among Republicans, nearly half (48 percent) placed this issue in their top three, above religion and moral values, with only immigration and COVID/Economy scoring higher.

It's just no longer tenable to claim that these questions aren't on voters' radar and can't swing elections.

Had CRT been added to the political correctness basket, culture wars issues might have scored even higher. While most parents don't know if applied CRT is being taught to their children, a rising number have encountered it: Around half of those I surveyed had taken diversity training, and a quarter said they took training in which instructors used one or more of the terms "white privilege," "patriarchy" or "white supremacy."

And the more voters learn about what CRT means in practice, the less they like it. For example, when a sample of mainly Democratic-leaning Independents read the following passage, they were much cooler toward CRT and warmer toward CRT bans than people who didn't read it: "A middle school in Springfield, Missouri, forced teachers to locate themselves on an 'oppression matrix,' claiming that white heterosexual Protestant males are inherently oppressors and must atone for their 'covert white supremacy.' This kind of approach has been labeled Critical Race Theory."

Republican politicians are beginning to realize that campaigning on cancel culture and CRT is a winning posture with voters. Glenn Youngkin's stunning upset in Virginia owed a great deal to centrist parents' fury at the woke educational establishment and its implementation of CRT dogma in schools.

These issues matter. They will increasingly decide elections unless the Democrats are able to distance their brand from cultural socialism.

Eric Kaufmann is a professor of Politics at Birkbeck College, University of London and is affiliated with the Manhattan Institute and the Center for the Study of Partisanship and Ideology.

The views in this article are the writer's own.

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Critical Race Theory Is Dividing Democratsand Rallying Republicans | Opinion - Newsweek