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A somewhat haunted-looking, older man from Farmington Hills who came to the event by himself described how every Tuesday, at 7 Mile and Farmington Road in nearby Livonia, he and a group of friends assemble, to wave flags and show their support for the former president. But mostly to hang out and drink.

Theres probably about 25 or 30 of us, and then we go to the bar across the street after and its really fun, he said. When the people drive by, I cant believe how many people honk their horn and stuff.

Two middle-aged men, one from the nearby suburb Lake Orion and one Brandon native, huddled under a massive thin blue line flag on a preposterously tall flagpole. I approached them because the latter, who identified himself only as Sean, was wearing a cap with a message I couldnt help but strike up a conversation about: Everything woke turns to shit.

Sean described his concern over the issue as stemming from the newscast, seeing what was happening, and a lack of trust for the current administration. But when it came to his own kids schools, he was considerably more sanguine.

My son goes here, to Brandon [public schools]. Im really happy with Brandon schools, I couldnt be happier. I graduated from Brandon High School; I dont think its happening here in Brandon, he said. But Im still concerned with all the other communities where it is happening.

His kids were alright. But how could you pass up the opportunity to gather with like-minded individuals, and transmit your Brandon-ness into the ether for all those fighting the good fight in less comfortable environs?

Despite proclaiming my status as a hometown boy, or close enough to one, it wasnt easy to get the events wary attendees to warm up to the rare national political reporter coming through the area. (It didnt help that, realizing I had worn my normally tweedy attire, I attempted to ingratiate myself by slapping on a Detroit Tigers cap that happened to be in the back seat of my car which only had the effect of making me look like a sort of millennial-hipster Michael Moore.) So I was especially grateful when an intense-looking man who I had noticed observing me earlier complimented my sneakers as he walked by with his wife. He introduced himself to me as Mike Steger, a self-described activist and one-time Democratic House candidate who had moved to Kalamazoo just six weeks prior from California.

I soon learned that in addition to being a welcome conversational oasis of familiarity, these urbane, vaguely hip-seeming younger people were rare birds in the political world: honest-to-god LaRouche-ites, acolytes of the late, eccentric perennial candidate for president whose movement became conspiratorial and at times in its history, violent. The Stegers, however, couldnt be further from that; they were kind and engaging as they described their journey from Bush-era anti-war activists in California to true-blue Trump supporters in Michigan.

The first [Trump] rally we went to was in Phoenix, and what was most striking was the type of people who were there, and the sacrifice these people were making. They had this sense of something deeper, and they had a lot of conservative style and a sort of nihilistic tendency, but the stuff thats underneath it was really substantial, Steger said. Theres not a lot of ideology there, its a lot of single-issue stuff, or if its not, theyre actually concerned about: What are their grandchildren going to have for their way of life?

As unexpected as it was, encountering a pair of LaRouche-ites in the wild there felt appropriate. Steger and I discussed how Trump had scrambled traditional politics, coding what was once the lefts anti-imperialism as conservative, and state control over medical decisions as liberal. The Lets Go Brandon Fest attendees werent there out of an undying commitment to the Reagan Revolution, or their desire for a Vermuele-ian diktat of the common good. They picked their motivating causes a la carte: some wielded signs protesting critical race theory, some Covid lockdowns, some sheer cultural animus toward Democrats. They showed up because this was where their people were.

That made it jarring to consider that the actual purpose of the event was, in reality, as rigidly partisan as possible: to ensure that Republicans might never again lose a competitive election.

The Maddocks, who founded the MCC, led groups from Michigan to Washington on Jan. 6, as did current MCC President Rosanne Ponkowski, the vice chair of the Oakland County Republican Party. Former State Sen. Patrick Colbeck bragged onstage about his ban from PayPal, and playing a role in getting Lou Dobbs Fox News show cancelled for his aggressive peddling of 2020 election conspiracies. The apocalyptic rhetoric was all the more odd coming from a politician with his particular brand of awkward-dad anti-charm.

Ive been working for over the last year investigating what happened in the 2020 election, and all the evidence points to the fact that Brandon should not be occupying [the White House], Colbeck said to cheers and whoops. Our legislators should be doing a full forensic audit. Im tired of people putting on a good show during campaign season, and then not doing what they said they would do after they get into office. We cant afford that anymore. Too much is at stake.

Colbeck encouraged attendees to learn more about his Election Integrity Force, which has conducted a tireless effort to overturn Trumps loss in Michigan and earned legal threats from Dominion Voting Systems in doing so.

People seemed excited, but not enough to deter them from eagerly patronizing the hot dog stands, or the makeshift bazaar selling F--- Joe Biden hoodies. As the weather deteriorated, with light snow turning to sleet and then to a chilling rain, the crowd slowly diminished after Colbecks pep talk, especially as an eccentric radio host held forth interminably about conspiracies covering everything from the Kennedys to something inscrutable about the IRS and Quonset huts in Alaska. (Easily the warmest reception of the afternoon was for Ricky Bobby who, red-faced and giggly, mostly just expressed his dismay at leaving the sunny confines of Daytona Beach for mid-Michigan in November.)

With still an hour to go in the festival, the crowd dwindled, and the main park area was populated by only a handful of true believers, including two men in Proud Boys regalia presumably asserting their manliness by toughing out the inclement weather. I approached a mother and her teenage son who, like me, seemed to be lingering at the events fringes, surveying the crowd for an in.

I just kind of wandered over here from down the street, said the mother, who pulled the fur-lined hood of her coat to her face against the cold. Both requested anonymity to speak to a reporter. Im not really political, but you know, this is a conservative area, so Im not surprised. I didnt vote for Biden, but honestly, I feel like this is kind of embarrassing.

Against the backdrop of an ambulance that was emblazoned with the slogan Trump Save the USA, I could see where she was coming from. Her son described himself as a Trump supporter, but he seemed somewhat abashed by the festivals f--- your feelings espirit, even as he earnestly registered with me his concerns about mail-in ballots in the 2020 election.

With a few noisy outliers like a shaggy, wild-eyed man carrying a Gadsden flag, who punctuated Colbecks remarks with shouts of they should be in prison the overall atmosphere was more like a family cookout, or a local radio festival than the noxiousness of an official Trump event. Its difficult to imagine anyone like that teenage boy, or the Farmington Hills retiree, or the hometown-proud, anti-woke dad whom I spoke to, storming the Capitol, or the local vote-tallying center. But thats the nature of a mob: You gather the basically sympathetic, but otherwise not prone to action, and incite them toward the aims of the activist few.

The vast majority of the Lets Go Brandon Fest attendees were there because they were sympathetic to its central, humorous cultural conceit, or because they were fired up about a pet issue. Its organizers pitched the event because they thought it could help them grow their petition, or their mailing list. Even in the Tea Party era, that might have been aimed toward, for example, enforcing Grover Norquists anti-tax pledge, or pursuing the quixotic effort to uncover former President Barack Obamas birth certificate. Today, the goal is to elect Republicans at every level who appear overtly hostile to democracy.

I dont think people are angry, said Steger, the LaRouche-ite-turned-Trumpian. They just want to see politicians who will actually do something.

A binary political system demands that Americans sort themselves into one of two tribes, and their choice is based mostly on cultural affinity. I happen to know this community very well, and despite the Trump-era Republican Partys increasing extremism, the other side isnt going to win it over anytime soon. So while cultural appeal remains static, the something that the leaders of each tribe aim to do changes, tilting in ever more extreme, and in the case of some Republicans, anti-democratic, directions.

Its an unexpectedly ominous lesson from an event ostensibly based on a NASCAR-related joke slogan. But considering how even the people I spoke with who thought the event itself was a joke didnt vote for Biden, its one worth considering. Thank You, Brandon probably isnt going to cut it as a rebuttal.

As Thanksgiving approaches, the Brandon-ites assembly might offer a dark political lesson for Democrats thats been apparent to families for years, especially in our polarized era: deep, uncomfortable grievance can still be the catalyst for a pretty strong community bond. In the spirit of the event, and to quote an early anti-PC cultural touchstone: Happy Thanksgiving, and Merry F---ing Christmas.

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The Bizarre Mildness of Lets Go Brandon Fest - POLITICO Magazine

The 4th floor of the GoggleWorks turned into a winter wonderland Sunday afternoon in the return of the Sugar Plum Fairy Tea Party. The festive tradition is hosted by Berks Ballet Theatre as a preview of the the annual holiday performance of The Nutcracker.

The event takes inspiration from The Nutcrackers Land of the Sweets, featuring an assortment of desserts, crafts, special performer meet & greet session, and story time with the guest of honor, the Sugar Plum Fairy herself, Ellie Folga.

We are very excited to be back live again performing The Nutcracker at the Scottish Rite Cathedral with the Reading Pops Orchestra said Director of Berks Ballet Theatre Conservatory of Dance, Nathan Bland. One of our company members and a student of our conservatory is performing as the Sugar Plum Fairy along with our guest Cavalier Jace Coronado of New York City.

The 90 minute event gave children time to make crafts, eating a box lunch, and watch a special preview performance of The Nutcracker.

We began rehearsals [for The Nutcracker] the last weekend of September, every Saturday and Sunday. We try every year to make the performance extra special, especially with this year being the 45th year said Kelly Barber, Artistic Director Berks Ballet Theatre, Principal Teacher/ BBT Conservatory of Dance.

Berks Ballet Theatre partnered with several local businesses, including Ady Cakes and Sweet Ride Ice Cream, who both provide sweet treats for guests.

Bland added We are just excited to bring the live arts back to Berks County after the hiatus of virtual performances and continue the tradition of ballet and music.

Berks Ballet Theatre will be performing the classic tale of Clara and her beloved Nutcracker on December 18th and 19th at the Scottish Rite Cathedral in West Reading.

Artculo en:Espaol (Spanish)

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Sugar Plum Fairy Tea Party opens holiday season with preview of The Nutcracker - Berks Weekly

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A silicone carrying case keeps this handcrafted tea set safe for an impromptu tea party anywhere! - Yanko Design

One of the last public opinion surveys conducted before last weeks Virginia governors election was released by the Suffolk University Political Research Center on October 26. Its headline results mirrored those of other polls that dropped around that time: Education, usually a political afterthought, had become one of voters biggest concerns leading in the final weeks of the campaign. And among respondents who prioritized schools above other policy questions, Democratic candidate Terry McAuliffe was losing badly to Republican Glenn Youngkin, even as likely voters deadlocked overall.

Two weeks later, after a hectic Election Day in which McAuliffe was denied his bid for a second gubernatorial term and New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy barely survived his own brush with an unheralded Republican challenger, the polls findings offer one explanation of what went wrong for Democrats in their first electoral test of the Biden era.

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David Paleologos, Suffolks chief pollster, noted that Democrats have traditionally been the party entrusted by voters to oversee K-12 schools. Healthcare and education have been the two issue pillars for the party in the minds of the public, countering Republicans traditional edge on taxes and national security. But in Virginia, at least, one of their supports had given way; while 75 percent of healthcare-focused respondents in Suffolks poll approved of Joe Bidens performance as president, just 38 percent of education-focused respondents did.

Theres a broader potential problem for Democrats when Republican candidates can even be competitive forget leading among those primarily concerned with education, said Paleolgos. I think that is something that should give Democrats pause.

Related: After Campaign Turns to K-12 Issues, Democrats Lose Virginia Governors Race

The results of the 2021 election cycle will take more than a few weeks to parse, as county-level returns are dissected by number-crunchers in both parties. And the importance of education must also be weighed against structural challenges that couldnt have been avoided; dating back to the 1970s, the party holding the White House almost never wins the Virginia governorship, while no Democrat has been reelected as New Jerseys governor under any circumstances.

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But two things have become clear in light of the Democrats dismal results. The first is that losing their advantage on a signature issue can cost them dearly, even in blue-trending states where they have nominated popular candidates. The second is that both sides now have an incentive to make education a major priority in 2022, when control over the U.S. House, the Senate, and 36 governorships will be at stake.

Joanne Weiss

And the publics discontent with school systems, ranging from their performance during COVID to their handling of controversial subjects like race and gender, shows no sign of abating. Joanne Weiss, an education consultant who served as chief of staff to Education Secretary Arne Duncan in the Obama White House, said that parents fear and anger had first been triggered by the disruptions of the pandemic. But the gradual decline in COVID cases and deaths wont necessarily bring an end to their outrage, she added.

COVID response required nimbleness and creativity that the education system was incapable of giving, Weiss said in an email. So while COVID was the spark that ignited it, that pile of kindling has been sitting there, unattended, for years. Even if COVID were to magically disappear tomorrow, the smoldering would continue.

Virginia Republicans were talking about education throughout their gubernatorial primary and into the general election. But it took a Democrat to bring the issue to national attention.

McAuliffe, a longtime Democratic campaign operative who first served as the states governor from 2014 to 2018, infamously said in a September debate that he didnt believe parents should be telling schools what they should teach. The tossed-off remark, made in response to several high-profile cases of Virginia parents objecting to the inclusion of controversial materials in classrooms and school libraries, quickly proved to be the decisive political miscue of 2021.

In a stroke, McAuliffes words helped consolidate multiple strands of public disapproval (in a post-election interview with Politico, two senior Youngkin campaign strategists pointed to the moment as the piece that tied it all together). Many parents objected to Virginias generally deliberate pace of reopening schools to in-person instruction; others instigated as much by local curricular debates as national messaging campaigns by Fox News and other conservative outlets sought to ban instruction of race issues that has been grouped under the label of critical race theory. Both were invigorated by the former governors apparent dismissal of family concerns.

Stephen Farnsworth, a political scientist at the University of Mary Washington in Fredericksburg, Va., said that while McAuliffes campaign eventually attempted to clarify his meaning, the efforts were too little, too late.

It really became the core of the Youngkin campaign, Farnsworth said. The campaign almost entirely morphed into a conversation about parents rights in education once McAuliffe made his misstatement.

Related: Q&A: Education Commentator Andrew Rotherham on the Virginia Governors Race and the K-12 Peril Facing Democrats

Keri Rodrigues, a Massachusetts Democrat and former labor organizer who leads the National Parents Union, said the defeat that followed was proof that Democrats had taken their legacy as champions of public education for granted. Though strongly critical of activists attempting to curb the influence of critical race theory, Rodrigues has also pilloried Democrats for their relationships with teachers unions (McAuliffe campaigned with American Federation of Teachers president Randi Weingarten during the races final days) and argued that the party had failed to hold educational systems accountable during the pandemic.

We saw the catastrophic failure of our nations public education system happen in our living rooms, and we were left to fend for ourselves, Rodrigues said in an email. Since that point, Democrats have outright rejected any criticism of the performance of these systems or recovery efforts while parents and families have continued to be left struggling with their concerns unheard.

Courtesy of Keri Rodrigues

Democrats running in both state-level and congressional races next year will benefit from the example of McAuliffes gaffe, and Farnsworth theorized that they could avoid similar missteps by calling for school governance to be led by a partnership between parents and education professionals. Moreover, the party will still have the opportunity to pass a host of family- and school-related initiatives through its Build Back Better legislation, including universal preschool, paid family leave, and a permanent expansion of the Child Tax Credit. Given a year to advertise those achievements and watch COVIDs threat to public health slowly diminish, Democrats could once again seize the initiative on a policy area they have historically dominated.

According to polling data provided by Gallup, Inc., the public has trusted Democrats more on education almost continuously for the last three decades. Election-year polls from 1992, 1996, 2000, 2008, and 2016 all found respondents favoring Democratic presidential candidates to manage schools, usually by double-digit margins. (Then-president George W. Bush took a late lead on the issue in his 2004 contest with John Kerry, and no data could be found for the 2012 presidential election at the time of publication.)

Related: Administration Welcomes Passage of Infrastructure Bill, But Hurdles Remain for Rest of Bidens Domestic Agenda

But Paleologos said that Democrats failure in Virginia had already consigned next years crop of candidates to answering press questions about whether parents should have input in how schools are run. Pointing to past Republican successes with pre-election platforms like 1994s Contract with America, he predicted the GOP would seek to use education as a wedge to split liberal Democrats from the center.

Even if you pass some really progressive education legislation, Republican candidates are going to force Democrats to make some commitment to parental control over K-12 schools, Paleologos said. Now, a smart Democratic candidate would say, Yeah, Ill sign a Contract with Parents, but then theyre going to be at odds with their progressive base.

Youngkins victory served as a proof of concept for the notion that a deft Republican could win votes by crafting his closing argument around schools. But it also cast doubt on Democrats own campaign strategy of tying opponents to Donald Trump at every opportunity.

David Paleologos

Paleologos observed that the first-time candidates template one that could be exported next year to battleground states like Michigan, Wisconsin, and Maine, where Democratic governors will be running for reelection was to win back middle-class voters in the suburbs while one-upping Trump in rural areas, even without having Trump next to him. Its unknown how much Trump, who has supercharged Republican turnout in two national races, intends to campaign with GOP hopefuls next year, and recent polling suggests that he remains a deeply divisive figure. But Youngkin enjoyed a surge in downstate support even in Trumps absence, riding the former presidents endorsement to nearly half a million more votes than the Republican gubernatorial nominee received in 2017.

Republicans hopes for a red wave will rest on the enthusiasm of their base, which has shown itself to be extremely animated by K-12 issues. A Gallup poll released in August found that 73 percent of American parents were either somewhat or completely satisfied with the quality of their childrens education, roughly in line with previous years. But a detailed breakdown of the results provided by the organization found that 34 percent of Republicans described themselves as completely dissatisfied with schools, by far the highest level for that group since 2001. Twenty-five percent of independents said the same, representing a seven-point jump since before the pandemic began.

If the stage is set for a national push, the party seems ready to make one. In the immediate aftermath of last weeks elections, at the same time Democrats took steps to finalize the framework of their Build Back Better legislation, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy announced that Republicans would soon introduce a parents bill of rights to promote transparency in curricular content and protect the participation of parents in school governance.

Tea Party protestors in Washington, 2010. Anti-CRT activists could look to the Obama-era movement as a model for their efforts to oust Democrats in 2022. (Brooks Kraft LLC / Getty Images)

The question is whether such initiatives are the stuff that majorities are made on. The last midterm wave favoring Republicans came in 2010, when right-wing activists incensed over deficits, government spending, and Obamacare coalesced in an amorphous movement known as the Tea Party. A revival of that feat will require coordination and skilled messaging, Farnsworth said, but education could offer a useful conduit for conservative energies that exist already.

In many ways, the critical race theory debate of 2021 is just the latest version of the death panel conversation from Obamacare, or the Willie Horton story of 1988. The question isnt whether this is an accurate portrayal of whats going on, the question is whether this can be weaponized to benefit Republicans. In 2021, as in 2010, as in 1988, the answer is yes.

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Will the Tea Party of 2022 Emerge from the Debate over Schools? - Yahoo News

In my short three decades in Washington, I have seen two huge Republican waves and I am anticipating a third one a year from now.

The latest generic ballot has Republicans up a touchdown and a field goal, the largest margin I have ever witnessed. If the GOP screws this one up, it will be the most epic fail in history.

There were signs that 1994 was going to be a big year for Republicans, but the establishment had become so used to Democrats running the House that nobody truly believed that then-Rep. Newt GingrichNewton (Newt) Leroy GingrichMORE (Ga.) could take the Speakers gavel. Those signs included an incompetent Clinton administration, abject corruption in the House, a favorable issue set for a center-right country, and a motivated and energized Republican conference.

It became pretty clear by the fall of 2009 that the shelf-life of the Democratic majority was expiring in November of 2010. Instead of focusing on the economy, the Obama administration spent all their political capital on health care reform. House Speaker Nancy PelosiNancy PelosiChristie: Trump rhetoric about stolen election led to Jan. 6 attack Biden signs trillion infrastructure bill into law Defiant Bannon warns of 'misdemeanor from hell' for Biden MORE (D-Calif.) made her moderates walk the plank on climate change legislation that never went anywhere in the Senate. And former President ObamaBarack Hussein ObamaEquilibrium/Sustainability Presented by Southern Company COVID-19 kills snow leopards at US zoo David Axelrod calls Rittenhouse judge 'defense attorney on the bench' Manchin set to make or break Biden's climate pledge MORE himself became a polarizing figure who inspired a Tea Party revolt.

The key difference between the 1994 and 2010 came with the governing agenda. Gingrich had one and Speaker John BoehnerJohn Andrew BoehnerRift widens between business groups and House GOP Juan Williams: Pelosi shows her power Debt ceiling games endanger US fiscal credibility again MORE (R-Ohio) didnt. The Contract with America had a specific set of promises that were achievable if you looked at the fine print, and those promises started with a complete overhaul of the House of Representatives. The Tea Party, on the other hand, was an incoherent jumble of the unachievable (repealing ObamaCare) and the incomprehensible (keep the governments hands off of Medicare) as the movement devolved into a mass of petty grifters who were using the passion of the moment to make a few bucks.

The next Republican wave will be a reaction to the progressive movements monumental overreach. As always happens, Republicans fail because they try to do too little, while the Democrats fail because they always try to do way too much. President Biden campaigned like he was former President Clinton in his second term but has tried to govern like he is FDR, LBJ or Obama.

The Biden bait-and-switch is only part of the Democrats problem. The American people dont want more government. Sure, they will take the handouts, because free money is hard to resist. But voters understand instinctively that there is no such thing as a free lunch. They blame the Democrats and the president for inflation and high gas prices (rightfully so), they blame the Democrats and the president for the risk of more government restrictions on freedom (rightfully so), they blame the Democrats and the president for failing schools (ex. the Glenn YoungkinGlenn YoungkinInfrastructure updates only get us halfway we need Build Back Better bill, too Kemp makes pitch to conservatives, independents in new campaign ad GOP looks to expand state legislature candidate tracking program ahead of midterms MORE victory in Virginia), and they blame the whole progressive movement for cancel culture, wokeness, defunding of the police and a general disdain of America and its cultural norms.

The left has become anti-American, anti-capitalist, anti-free speech, anti-liberty, pro-globalist, pro-lockdown, pro-socialist, pro-COVID-19 hysteria, pro-climate hysteria, pro-mask and pro-gender-bending. They have become very easy to run against.

That explains why Republicans will win in November. All the GOP has to say is we are not them and they will have a very good election. We are not crazy. We are not socialist. We are not hysterical. We are pro-family, pro-freedom, pro-economic growth, pro-getting people back to work.

The Republicans dont need a crazy agenda full of promises they cant keep. They dont need to relitigate the 2020 presidential election. They shouldnt spend anytime looking backward.

The Democrats believe that their only hope is to make this election about former President TrumpDonald TrumpHouse Freedom Caucus elects Rep. Scott Perry as new chairman Meadows 'between a rock and a hard space' with Trump, Jan. 6 panel On The Money Biden caps off infrastructure week MORE. The media likes that strategy because Trump is very good for ratings. But actually the only thing that will help the Democratic Party now is if they turn away from the progressive nonsense that has driven Bidens poll ratings to historic lows. That doesnt seem very likely. And so, prepare yourself for the next Republican wave. Its coming to a town near you.

Feehery is a partner at EFB Advocacy and blogs at http://www.thefeeherytheory.com. He served as spokesman to former Speaker Dennis HastertJohn (Dennis) Dennis HastertFeehery: The GOP could have done better Feehery: The theme song of the counterrevolution Feehery: Critical thinking theory MORE (R-Ill.), as communications director to former Rep. Tom DeLay (R-Texas) when he was majority whip and as a speechwriter to former House Minority Leader Bob Michel (R-Ill.).

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Feehery: The next Republican wave is coming | TheHill - The Hill