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In "Imitation" episode 7, Kwon Ryeok (Lee Jun-yeong) and Ma-ha (Jung Ji-so) started dating and went on date to a secret spot only the idols know.

Unfortunately, the paparazzi caught them, and in episode 8 of Imitation, we will see Ma-ha and the Tea Party on the verge of getting caught in a controversy because of their relationship. Shax fandom is extremely possessive of their idols, especially Kwon Ryeok.

If they were to learn of the relationship between Shax and Ma-ha, they would definitely abandon the band and that would bring about a huge loss to the company that manages Shax.

Also read: BTS's V becomes fifth Korean soloist to reach 3 million followers as fans await release of his first mixtape

Until now, the CEO of the company, Park Jin-Man (Kong Jung-hwan) was unaware of their relationship. Kwon Ryeok's manager had tried his best to hide the truth. He had even tried to stop Kwon Ryeok from meeting Ma-ha but that had instead harmed Kwon Ryeok.

So now, they are all collectively in a mess, and the CEO of Shax's managing company is out to get Tea Party. Tea Party's manager, Ji-hak (Danny Ahn), is someone the CEO doesn't like too much, because he was handling Shax when Eun-joo disappeared following the death of his girlfriend.

So there is leftover hatred between Jin-man and Ji-hak, which would also need to be resolved. Based on the promo for Imitation's next episode, Jin-Man will use the former CEO of Tea Party's ex-agency, the same one that handled Ma-ha, Ria and Hyun-ji when they were still Omega 3.

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This band also abandoned them after the death of one of its former members. So Jin-man definitely has something evil planned for Ma-ha and her friends. The question now is how they will sidestep this obstacle.

At the moment, the show doesn't follow the comics at all. The webcomic features Kwon Ryeok as powerful enough to control his agency, and the newspapers, as the son of a conglomerate family. So far, there has been no hint of this in the show.

That leaves Ji-hak to deal with the mess that Ma-ha has created in Imitation. Ma-ha will also face opposition from Hyun-ji who, as of now, is unaware of Ma-ha's relationship with Kwon Ryeok.

Tea party manager Ji-hak, in Imitiation episode 8's promo, is seen approaching the journalist who has been following him around. He asks her a favor.

Also read: What is BTS Jimins net worth? Exploring the K-Pop singers wealth as he ranks #1 in individual idol brand reputation

Ji-hak tells her that he wants an article published and in return he will owe her one. The question now is, what exactly will Ji-hak reveal? Will he reveal Ma-ha and Kwon Ryeok's relationship or a scoop about Eun-jo in Imitation? After all, he is the only person from Eun-jo's past who has met him again.

No one from Shax, in Imitation, even knows that Eun-jo is back in Seoul. He seems to have taken up photography, which is much different from the character arc that Eun-jo had in the comic. In the webcomic, Eun-jo was driven away from Shax by Kwon Ryeok's powerful brother.

Will there be a chance for Eun-jo to return to Shax now? There are also chances for Eun-jo to finally open up about why he had to leave the band and his relationship with former member of Omega 3 as well in Imitation.

Imitation episode 8 will air on June 25th at 11.20 on KBS 2 and can be streamed on Viki.

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Imitation episode 8: Can Kwon Ryeok save Ma-ha and Tea Party from his CEO's evil trap? - Sportskeeda

The calendar may say June, but what promises to be a bruising 2022 election cycle is unofficially underway in Texas, with candidates and potential candidates already crisscrossing the state, hitting up their supporters for money and testing campaign slogans.

Billboards for Republican Don Huffines for governor dot the interstates as Texans head to the beach this summer. Meanwhile potential Republican gubernatorial candidate Allen West, of Garland, is speaking to GOP activists from the Dallas Metroplex to the coastline, leading to speculation that he, too, could jump into the race.

Democrat Beto ORourke hasnt announced whether hell run for governor, but he just finished a 22-city road trip reminiscent of his go-everywhere U.S. Senate campaign in 2018, making it clear he hasnt ruled it out either.

And while all that is going on, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott is trying to shore up his right flank by traveling to the Texas border this week with former President Donald Trump at his side to deliver a tough-on-border-security message.

Its all earlier than we are used to and earlier than what weve seen in past years, said Brandon Rottinghaus, a University of Houston political science professor.

The secretary of state wont even start qualifying candidates to run for governor and other state offices until November.

TEXAS TAKE: Get political headlines from across the state sent directly to your inbox

Though both major parties are at a crossroads, it is mainly Republicans who are hastening the 2022 cycle, in part because those launching primary challenges have to get to work early if they hope to knock off incumbents who often have more money and name recognition. Rottinghaus said that means the candidates need to assess early how far they can go to appeal to Trump Republicans without alienating moderates who will be needed in the ever-tightening battles for statewide offices such as governor, lieutenant governor and attorney general.

Then there is the dramatically changing electorate in Texas.

Gov. Greg Abbott speaks during a press conference on details of his plan for Texas to build a border wall and provide $250 million in state funds as a "down payment."

Since Abbotts last reelection, in 2018, the state has added 1.7 million more voters. And over the last eight years, 3.5 million more voters have been added. Counties such as Harris and Bexar, where statewide Republicans won races just eight years ago, went so heavily for Joe Biden in the 2020 presidential election that he came within 6 percentage points of winning Texas the best showing for a Democratic presidential candidate in a quarter-century.

In the last two weeks, two high-profile Republicans announced primary challenges to Attorney General Ken Paxton, two others have filed to run for state land commissioner, and Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller and Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick announced they are staying put and running for reelection, instead of challenging Abbott, as some predicted.

Democrats face the same primary timeline, but ORourke can afford to wait longer, based on his name identification and proven fundraising skills. George W. Bush did the same in 1993 when he announced his campaign for governor against Democrat Ann Richards one year from the general election.

Lesser known Democrats dont have that same luxury and have had to start even earlier. Democrat Mike Collier, who ran against Patrick in 2018, announced his campaign for lieutenant governor in April. And in the attorney generals race, former Galveston Mayor Joe Jaworski, a Democrat, announced his candidacy seven months ago.

Abbott starts his reelection campaign with major advantages. Having been a statewide officeholder for 25 years and after a year and a half of controlling the Texas response to the pandemic Abbott, 63, has a name recognition advantage over any potential challenger and more than $39 million in his campaign account to fend them off.

But even with all that, Abbott moved quickly to get Trumps endorsement an acknowledgment that Trump still holds major sway with GOP voters, particularly the super voters who dont miss primary elections.

Governor Greg Abbott will continue to be a great leader for the Lone Star State, and has my complete and total endorsement for reelection. He will never let you down! Trump said in a statement in early June.

Gov. Greg Abbott speaks during a campaign stop at the Jefferson County Republican Party's office in Port Neches in 2018.

On Wednesday, Abbott and Trump will tour parts of the Texas border a favorite issue of Trumps but also one that Abbott has spent considerable time talking about over the last two months as Texas has seen a record surge of Border Patrol encounters with migrants crossing into Texas between Del Rio and Brownsville.

I thank President Trump for his leadership, and I will continue to fight for the values that make Texas the greatest state in America, Abbott said after Trump endorsed him.

But all that Trump support isnt deterring Abbotts best-known challenger. Huffines, a former state senator from Dallas, has already put up dozens of billboards around Texas announcing his campaign with border security themes. One on Interstate 35 in Williamson County calls for building a border wall; another near Corpus Christi along Interstate 37 calls for stopping giving illegals our money.

I am the clear Trump candidate in the Texas governors race, Huffines said.

Huffines made finishing the wall a central part of his campaign and is reminding people that he made that pledge before Abbott committed Texas to doing more work on wall construction.

When I am governor, we will finish building the wall, Huffines said.

Those two may have serious competition in the race soon if West jumps in. West, the current Republican Party of Texas chairman, is also a former congressman, early tea party leader and author who continues to have a national following. West announced he will resign from his party post in July and has told reporters that hes weighing what his next political move is specifically refusing to rule out running for governor.

Any primary challenge for Abbott is a novelty for the two-term governor. Abbott has been a statewide official for 25 years, including stints as a Texas Supreme Court justice and attorney general, and he never has had a serious primary opponent.

In 2018, he won his primary with 90 percent of the GOP vote and defeated Democrat Lupe Valdez in November by carrying 56 percent of the vote to Valdezs 43 percent.

On the Democratic side, it is all about ORourkes next move. While the former congressman from El Paso has not announced hes running for anything, hes acting very much like a candidate by traveling the state, hosting a major rally at the Texas Capitol about voting rights and sending out fundraising appeals for his political action committee that continues to raise money.

Asked if hes going to run for governor, ORourke said his focus now is helping Texas House and Senate Democrats fight what he calls voter suppression bills.

Im going to see this fight through to the finish, ORourke said. And once we do that, we can start thinking about other things.

A supporter for former U.S. Representative Beto O'Rourke holds up a sign at the state Capitol on June 20.

At the June 20 rally he organized, ORourke tried to share the spotlight with other Democrats who could be statewide contenders in 2022 in their own right, whether ORourke runs or not.

State Sen. Royce West of Dallas and state Reps. Jasmine Crockett of Dallas, Gina Hinojosa of Austin and Trey Martinez Fischer of San Antonio were among the speakers. Crockett, Hinojosa and Martinez Fischer were key leaders when Democrats in the House walked out in the closing hours of the Legislature to prevent Republicans from passing a massive elections bill.

But Democrats say they have a deep bench with other potential statewide candidates, including U.S. Reps. Sylvia Garcia of Houston and Veronica Escobar of El Paso both of whom were featured during the Democratic National Convention last summer and county judges such as Harris Countys Lina Hidalgo and Dallas Countys Clay Jenkins who have found themselves in pointed policy disagreements with Abbott over the handling of the pandemic.

At the ORourke-led rally, Democrats made clear that whoever runs is going to lay the blame for the states faulty power grid on Abbott and Republican leaders throughout the government who have run the state for two decades.

Democrats are also watching for how Republicans in the statehouse handle redistricting for the states congressional and legislative districts to see what opportunities there may be to move up the political ladder.

Because census data was delayed by the pandemic, the Legislature is expected to meet in a special session this fall to redraw all the lines including adding two new congressional districts because of Texas continued population growth.

That has created questions about whether the March 1 election will even be able to go on. Republican leaders in the Legislature have already floated the possibility of moving the Texas primaries to next May to give lawmakers more time to draw districts and get them through potential court challenges.

jeremy.wallace@chron.com

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Is June too soon? 2022 elections off to early start in Texas Houston Chronicle Wallace, J - Houston Chronicle

Right out of lockdown, wine in a plastic cup and cheese plates would do. Now theme parties with flashy accessories feel more like they match the giddy moment.

In East Hampton over the weekend, one host brought out watercress sandwiches and parasols for a tea party. Another, Champagne guns.

The shiny plastic guns -- loaded with Veuve Clicquot -- sprayed guests hanging out near the DJ, pool-side. The idea was to re-create some of the spectacle of Cloud Nine Alpine Bistro, an Aspen restaurant that can only be reached on skis.

One person who got drenched in bubbly was the guest of honor, Tommy Tollesson, the general manager of Cloud Nine, and a fixture of Aspen fun, having arrived a ski bum a few decades ago from his native Sweden.

Jane DeFlorio and Tommy Tollesson

Photographer: Amanda Gordon/Bloomberg

But its important to note that Champagne was not the drink of choice at the event. The party pour was Entourage ros, which Tollesson created with friends a few years ago, inspired by Saint Tropez and Aspen, and made with grapes from Provence.

During the pandemic, Tollesson shipped many bottles to clients craving a connection to these resort destinations. If you cant go to Saint Tropez and Aspen, maybe Saint Tropez and Aspen can come to your house, Tollesson said. Now with many parts of the world reopening, hes working on expanding where the ros is sold -- including in Dallas, Palm Beach, New York and the Hamptons.

What I like about this wine is that its so light, but its got that minerality and goes really well with food, said Caroline Williams, a sommelier and founder of Curated Cellar. Its low enough in alcohol you can drink it during the day.

Julie Macklowe and Caroline Williams

Photographer: Amanda Gordon/Bloomberg

Host Jane DeFlorio sipped hers wearing jean shorts and a fur hat -- with an ice pack tucked inside to keep cool. Shed set the dress code as bikini/ski chic. Pir Granoff, a partner in Amagansetts Best Pizza & Dive Bar, went with ski pants and goggles, and yes, there were a few bikinis spotted.

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Others in more typical Hamptons attire: Anna Nikolayevsky, founder of Axel Capital Management, caterer Janet OBrien, whose team passed truffled grilled cheese sandwiches and tuna tacos, and Julie and Billy Macklowe, whod come straight from a bat mitzvah in Montauk.

I hope if Covid killed one thing, it was the big bat mitzvah, Julie Macklowe said. Now its gone back to what it used to be: small, intimate, not at the Temple of Dendur.

As for those Champagne guns: they were obtained from the website kingofsparklers.com, said DeFlorio, a former retail and consumer investment banker who is on the boards of SITE Centers and the East Hampton Historical Society, among others. Her husband, who works in private equity, gave her one a few years ago for her birthday.

The Champagne guns at rest.

Photographer: Amanda Gordon/Bloomberg

Before it's here, it's on the Bloomberg Terminal.

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Hamptons Parties Return with Champagne Guns and Exclusive Rose - Bloomberg

On his very first day in office the new President Biden sent a comprehensive immigration bill to Congress to fulfill one of his major campaign promises. Will it work this time? A short look back at history shows just how difficult immigration reform can be. There have been two attempts at comprehensive immigration reform in the 21st century: one in 2007 and one in 2013. In both instances the political environment started out looking promising, and in both instances the legislation failed.

In 2006 there was every reason to be optimistic about the prospects for immigration reform. President George W. Bush was in his second term and thus had nothing to fear from a far-right challenge for his partys nomination. In addition, as a former governor of Texas, he had great familiarity with the issue and wanted very much to do something about it. He had bipartisan support in the Senate from two of its most revered members: Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) and Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-MA). In the 2006 elections, Democrats took control and Rep. Nancy Pelosi (CA) became the first woman speaker of the House. There was reason to assume that a strong, bipartisan coalition could be put together in favor of a comprehensive bill.

But that coalition never happened.

In the winter and spring of 2006 pro-immigration reform groups, many of them Mexican-American political action organizations, decided that they could help the prospect of the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act by organizing a series of high-profile national marches. Not content with the fact that President George W. Bush and most of the liberals in the Senate, including Senator Ted Kennedy, were planning to work together on a bipartisan bill, organizers assumed that bringing the fight out of Washington and to the country would help their cause.

All through the spring of 2006 organizers put together mega-events. A march in Chicago drew 100,000 marchers. It was followed by demonstrations in Tampa, Houston, Dallas and even Salt Lake City. The biggest demonstration of all took place in Los Angeles on March 25, 2006, when more than 500,000 people marched and attended rallies at the Civic Center and in MacArthur Park. Even more marches took place on May Day (May 1) a day otherwise known as International Workers Daya traditional time of demonstrations for trade unions and other left-wing political causes.

The marches were widely covered by a mostly favorable media. Marchers waved American flags (some upside downwhich can be a sign of distress or of disrespect) and Mexican flags. Signs were in Spanish and EnglishSi se puede was a popular one, as was Today we march, tomorrow we vote. In both breadth and enthusiasm, these marches evoked the large civil rights demonstrations of the 1960s.

However, the consensus immediately after the fact was that the demonstrations backfired. Even though organizers had tried to get marchers to leave the Mexican flags at home, their argument was only partially successful against arguments about ethnic pride. The Federation for American Immigration Reform, an anti-immigration group, saw its membership increase. Members of Congress felt the backlash. Republican lawmakers saw their offices flooded with phone calls as a result of the marches. Senator Trent Lott (R-MS) said They lost me, when I saw so many Mexican flags.[1] The size and magnitude of the demonstrations had some kind of backfire effect, said John McLoughlin, a Republican pollster working for House members and Senators seeking re-election.

With a large chunk of the Republican Party energized by their nativist base to oppose the 2007 bill, President Bush needed solid Democratic support. But the Democrats had their own factional problems. In April 2006 the Chairman of the Democratic National Committee, Howard Dean, referred to the guest worker provisions in the bill as indentured servitude. And AFL-CIO President John Sweeny openly opposed the guest worker provisions as well. Opposition came from Black lawmakers too. Speaking on National Public Radio, political scientist Ron Walters pointed to the response of the Congressional Black Caucus to a liberal immigration bill produced by one of its own members, Sheila Jackson Lee of Texas. Only 9 of the 43 caucus members supported it.

The factional divides among House Democrats were present among Democratic voters as well. A 2005 Pew poll asked Democrats questions about immigration and divided them into liberals, conservatives and disadvantaged democrats (referring to economic disadvantage). Note the stark differences between liberals and both disadvantaged Democrats and conservatives.

Table 1: Other Fissures in the Democratic Coalition (Source: Pew Research Center)

The immigration bill died in the summer of 2007 when proponents failed to garner the 60 votes in the Senate required to move the bill forward. And in the House, Speaker Pelosi needed 50 to 70 Republican votes to move forward but a resolution in the Republican conference opposing the Senate bill passed by 114 to 21. She decided not to bring it to the floor.

It took six years before a second comprehensive immigration bill was introduced into Congress. As in 2007, many political experts thought that this time the stars were aligned. Democrats had picked up seats in the Senate in the 2012 elections that gave them a comfortable majority. And Democratic President Barack Obama had won a second term in office with a strong backing from Hispanic voters, leading national Republicans to discuss the need to deal with immigration in the face of the growing Hispanic vote. While Republicans still controlled the House, Democrats had picked up seats. On June 27, 2013, Senate bill 744, a second comprehensive immigration bill, passed the Senate on a 68 to 32 vote. The bill had been created by a bipartisan gang of 8 four Democratic senators and four Republican senatorsand its passage created the expectation that there would be quick action in the House as well.[2]

Contributing to this optimism was the fact that this time around the Democratic coalition was less divided. In the six years since failure of the 2007 legislation, the labor movement had changed and included many more Hispanics in its membership. Rick Trumka, President of the AFL-CIO had this to say about the new legislation:

Our role is to make sure that road map leads to citizenship achievable not only in theory but in fact. Workers care for the elderly, mow our lawns or drive our taxis, work hard and deserve a reliable road map to citizenship. And so the labor movements entire grassroots structure will be mobilized throughout this process and across this country to make sure the road map is inclusive.

The Congressional Black Caucus was a bit less enthusiastic but still expressed support for the effort while complaining that the Diversity Visa Program had been eliminated.[3] And the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the agricultural lobby were on board as well.

Meanwhile, the Obama administration had continued efforts begun during the Bush administration to prove that the United States could police the borders. In 2013 federal prosecutions for immigration crimes reached an all-time high.

But Obamas get-tough actions at the border infuriated Hispanic activists and failed to convince some Republicans that the border was under control.

If the factions of the Democratic Party had softened in the years between 2007 and 2013, the factions in the Republican Party had hardened. In 2013, Speaker John Boehner was facing significant intra-party infighting, largely due to the growing voice of the Tea Party activists in his conferencea group that would contribute to his historic resignation just two years later. To please the hard-liners in his party he rejected the Senate bill in favor of a series of smaller bills and then, when suspicion was that these smaller bills would go to conference with the hated Senate bill, he had to promise not to compromise.

And then, as is so often the case in politics, something happened that on the face of it had nothing to do with immigration reform but that killed it nonetheless. Majority Leader Eric Cantor, widely expected to succeed Boehner as speaker, lost his Republican primary to a right-wing tea party supporter who among other things campaigned on opposition to immigration reform. Republicans were spooked by Cantors loss. If a member of the leadership could lose to an unknown Tea Party challenger, they could too. Boehner never brought the legislation to the floor, in spite of the fact that it probably could have passed with a united Democratic caucus and some more moderate business-oriented Republicans.

What will happen this time around is anyones guess. Immigration reform has always had a way of eluding the best-laid plans of powerful people. The Republican Party is still in limbo, with many members clearly anti-immigrant and others fearful of an anti-immigrant primary electorate. While Democrats are less divided than Republicans, their margins are so small that they cant afford to lose anyone.

Immigration reform may be as difficult in the third decade of the 21st century as it was in the first and second. This is in part because of a fundamental paradox. On the one hand, the United States is a country of immigrants; on the other hand, it is a country that has always been worried about being overrun by immigrants. And this makes reform especially difficult.

[1] Otis L. Graham Jr. Immigration Reform and Americas Unchosen Future (Bloomington Indiana, Author House 2008), page 437.

[2] The Democrats were: Michael Bennett (CO) Dick Durbin (ILL) Bob Menendez (NJ) and Chuck Schumer (NY). The Republicans were: Lindsey Graham (South Carolina), Jeff Flake (AZ) John McCain (AZ) and Marco Rubio (FLA)

[3] The Diversity Visa Program is a lottery for obtaining a green card to work in the United States.

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Can Biden pass immigration reform? History says it will be tough - Brookings Institution

By Casey HarperThe Center Squarehttps://www.thecentersquare.com/

Several Republicans in the U.S. House and Senate sent a letter to the IRS June 25 demanding the agency correct a ruling they say could have major implications for churches and faith-based organizations in the U.S.

Fifteen members signed the letter to IRS Commissioner Charles Rettig about a Christian group in Texas called Christians Engaged. The group released a letter from the IRS stating that the federal tax agency denied the group 501(c)(3) nonprofit status, saying "Bible teachings are typically affiliated with the [Republican] party and candidates.

That line of reasoning has sparked significant controversy.

These issues have always been at the core of Christian belief and classifying them as inherently political is patently absurd, the Republican letter reads. If the IRS applied this interpretation broadly, it would jeopardize the tax-exempt status of thousands of Christian churches around the country.

Christians Engaged works to get Christians more active in government. They are challenging the IRS' denial. Now, they have the support of several members of Congress, whose Friday letter accuses the IRS of political biases.

We write today to express extreme concern regarding a recent Internal Revenue Service (IRS) determination on the tax-exempt status of Christians Engaged, a nonprofit organization located in Texas, the letter says. We urge you to personally review this determination, and remove the individual, or individuals, responsible for the blatantly biased, discriminatory, and flawed reasoning that led to the determination.

Sens. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, Marco Rubio, R-Fla., and Mike Lee, R-Utah signed onto the letter, which goes on to call for the firing of the IRS employees responsible for the decision.

The IRS must objectively analyze applications for tax-exempt status and cannot allow political biases to creep into its decisions, the letter says. We urge you to immediately review Christians Engageds application for 501(c)(3) status personally, and terminate the IRS staff involved in the flawed and politically motivated reasoning behind the determination.

The IRS has not yet responded to the letter.

Christians Engaged incorporated in 2019 as a nonprofit in Texas. The groups mission is nonpartisan religious and civic education, focusing on encouraging and educating Christians to be civically engaged as a part of their religious practice.

The recent determination on Christians Engageds tax-exempt status further exposed the corruption and liberal bias running rampant at the IRS, said Rep. Chip Roy, R-Texas. This discriminatory action against a Christian nonprofit is an overt attack on religious liberty by a tyrannical federal government. Moreover, this decision comes at a time when members of both parties are trying to increase the ability of the IRS to harass individual Americans, businesses, and organizations."

The controversy comes at a time when President Joe Biden has advocated for expanding the IRS to allow for more aggressive auditing in an attempt to raise revenue for his spending plans.

Commissioner Rettig must review this decision and hold accountable the IRS staff involved, and rather than expand the IRS's power, as the new infrastructure deal proposes, we should abolish it, Roy said.

The IRS came under heavy fire during the Obama administration for targeting conservatives in the Tea Party. Republicans Friday alluded to that treatment in their concern about this latest case.

Religious institutions should not be punished for their fundamental Judeo-Christian values. I am deeply concerned that the IRS is once again being weaponized against everyday Americans, said Rep. Doug Lamborn, R-Colo. Their latest attempt to remove tax-exempt status from Christians Engaged sends a chilling warning that Americans First Amendment rights are under siege. We cannot allow any political bias at the IRS.

Other critics lumped the issue in with other key lines of attack against the Biden administration in recent weeks.

Biden/Harris IRS targets conservatives, Rep. Jim Jordan, R-Ohio, wrote on Twitter. Biden/Harris DOJ sues Georgia for voting laws. Biden/Harris DHS ignores the border crisis. And now Democrats in Congress want to give the Biden/Harris FTC more unchecked powers. Bad!Casey Harper is a senior reporter for the Washington, D.C. bureau. He previously worked for The Daily Caller, The Hill, and Sinclair Broadcast Group. A graduate of Hillsdale College, Harper's has also appeared in Fox News, Fox Business and USA Today.

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GOP questions IRS ruling that could jeopardize tax-exempt status of churches - The Highland County Press