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Take time to talk as virtual tea party returns - Arran Banner

With Donald Trump now largely absent from the national stage, there has been greater talk of the potential for a return tobipartisanshipbetween Democrats and Republicans in Congress. As part of ourBuilding Back Betterseries,David T. Smithwrites that while there has been a brief revival ofbipartisanshipin response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the rise in partisan polarization over the last three decades means that cooperation in Congress onanythingelse is very unlikely.

Joe Bidenrepeatedlypromiseda return tobipartisanshipin his 2020presidential electioncampaign. Claiming decades of experience in negotiating with his Republican opponentsin the US Senate, Biden appealed topeopleexhaustedby political polarisation.He urged Republicansalong with other Americansto reject Trumps re-electionand return topolitical normality, where civility reigns and cooperation is possible.

But polarisationinthe Trump era wasnt an anomaly. It was a continuation of trends that have been visible for decades, anditwont be reversed byTrumps exit from the White House.Polarisation isevenworsein Congress than outside it, andwith thesmallest Congressional majorities now operatingsince the 1930s, thereisacutepressure on both sides not to break ranks.

Biden grasped this dynamic quickly,rejectingaRepublican counteroffer to his $1.9 trillionAmerican Rescue Planthat was less than a third of the size.The planpassed Congress through the process ofbudget reconciliation,whichrequires a simple majority in the Senate rather than the three-fifthsneededto break a filibuster. Democrats will not be able to use the same processfor Bidens ambitious plans torebuild American infrastructure, or forvoting rights legislationthat would counteract Republican attempts tomake voting harder.

Bipartisanship isnt impossiblein America. Just last year, legislators on both sides reacted to COVID-19bypassingstimulus packagesthat were bigger than anything Biden is proposing now. But this reflected a unique,short-lived consensus between the parties about the nature of theemergency they were facing.That consensusevaporatedwithin months.

The best-known measures of polarisation in Congress come from the long-runningVoteviewproject, currently hosted by UCLAs Department of Political Science. Using a procedurecalledDW-NOMINATE,Voteviewassigns ideological positions toevery memberof Congresssince 1789based on their voting records.Republicans and Democrats have been getting moreideologicallypolarised since the mid-70s, and the last decade has seenrecord gapsbetween the averageleft-rightscores of the two parties(Figure1). There used to be abigoverlap between conservative Democrats and liberal Republicans, but by 2012 that hadcompletely disappeared, and since then the most liberal Republican in Congress has always been to the right of the most conservative Democrat.

Figure 1 Liberal-conservative partisan polarization by chamber

One of the factors pulling Democrats to the left is the historical decline of Southern Democrats,asconservative white Southerners moved to the Republican Partyfollowing the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts.Thisrealignmenthappened in conjunction with the right-wing ascendancy in the Republican Party that began with Barry Goldwaterin the 1960sand culminated inRonald Reagan.Conservative institutions from theNRAto theSouthern Baptist Conventionalso hadright-wingrevolutions in the late1970s, pushing Republicans furtheraway from their Democratic counterparts.

Bill Clinton was the first Democrat towinthe White House afterReagan, and he and fellow Southerner Al Gore were still able tofindpockets ofSouthern supportin the1990s. But the 1994midtermelectionssaw Republicans take the House of Representatives for the first time in 40 years, led by the right-wing radicalNewtGingrich. Gingrichs uncompromising style of politics, which included adisastrous shutdownof the federal government, created the template for the Tea Party backlash against Barack Obama.MeanwhileDemocrats, afterlosing their lastruralconservative votersin the2000 election, increasingly embraced liberal causesonce seen as politically risky,such assame-sex marriage, gun control and Black Lives Matter.In both parties,manylegislatorsregarded asmoderateshave retired and been replacedby new members more aligned with the partys current direction.

Biden is so far not facing a Tea Party-style backlash. Its still early days, but by the same point in Obamas Presidency the right-wing opposition was alreadyout in the streetsagainst his stimulus package and healthcare plans. Biden couldnt get any Republican votes for his American RescuePlan, but Republicans have beenrelatively quiet in their opposition, instead focusing on red-meat issues such asborder controlandpolitical correctness in childrens books.

This might signal a quiet acceptance by Republicans that even their supporters are no longermovedby outrage over government debt and big spending, especially since Donald Trumpnever seemed to have a problem with it.Biden isholding out hopethat some Republicans can be persuaded to support a massive new infrastructure plan,but this seems unlikely. The Republican Senators who were most willing to side with Democrats against Trump were also thosemost opposedto new infrastructure spending when Trump proposed it.

Biden may not have much time to court bipartisanship.Democrats will have to outperformnearly every historical precedentto hold onto either house of Congress inthe2022midterms.Biden has sofaravoideddebates aboutabolishingthe filibuster, which would make it easier,though still difficult, to pass major legislation.Some argue this is necessary for Democrats to make the whole political system fairerandgive them a chance of winningin a gametilted against them. It would potentially allow Democrats toend partisan gerrymanderingand add DC and Puerto Rico as states(though that may be possible evenwiththe filibusterstill in place).

Bidens nostalgic affection for Congressional traditions might not survive the first year of his presidency.Bipartisanship is possible in a national crisis, but Bidens goal is to put the national crisis behind him. To do that he first needs tohold his own partytogether in Congress. Bringing the country together can wait.

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Note: This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of USAPP American Politics and Policy, nor of the London School of Economics.

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David T. SmithUnited States Studies Centre,University of SydneyDavid T. Smith is Associate Professor in American Politics and Foreign Policy, jointly appointed between the United States Studies Centre and the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Sydney. He has a PhD in political science from the University of Michigan and a BA from the University of Sydney. His research examines political relations between states and minorities, with a focus on religion in the US.He is aFormer Visiting Fellowat the LSE US Centre.

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Building Back Better: Bipartisanship in a divided nation is an attractive mirage - USAPP American Politics and Policy (blog)

Kyle Melinn

Michigan Republican Party Chair Ron Weiser doesnt typically peak at public events for a reason. To be generous, his reputation isnt one of firing up a crowd.

The former ambassadors fort is raising money. Hes very good at it. If he cant raise it all, hell dig into his own deep pocket to cover the difference.

But on Thursday, Weiser was pushed into duty. The influential North Oakland County Republican Club had a meeting where a MIGOP presence was needed. His charismatic Co-chairwoman, Meshawn Maddock, was out of the town.

His first public speaking engagement since being elected MRP chairman was rough. The North Oakland County area is a former Tea Party hotbed. It went headfirst into Trumpism early in the 16 cycle. Now, its one of many homes to the grumpy disaffected.

To them, the election was rigged. The media is biased. Social progressivism is being shoved down their throat.

The illegals are crashing the southern border. COVID is BS and so are the governors restrictions. Theyd say more about it, but theyre tired of being shamed and canceled on social media.

Its to these irritable folks with their middle finger perpetually hoisted in the air that Weiser spoke. He clearly wasnt comfortable. Still, we all learned several notable key takeaways that are easy to miss simply looking at the headlines.

1. If you werent aware, the Republican Party base is cranky and theres a lot of them. Remember, Trump didnt win Michigan in 2016 by a lot and he didnt lose in 2020 by a lot. Polling would indicate theres a solid 40% of voters mostly rural, high school educated, blue collar voters who fall into Disaffected bucket.

2. Weiser referred to the governor, secretary of state and attorney general as the three witches who must be defeated in 2020. This wasnt a slip of the tongue. He said witches three times.

Weiser was throwing red-meat rhetoric to a hostile crowd and clearly went over the top with his burning at the stake political hyperbole. However, theres folks in the crowd who wished hed use a different word than witches. A rhyming word and starts with a B.To them, witches is a tame descriptor, kind of like fix the darn roads.

So, while the political left is going bonkers trying to keep the ball rolling on this story, just keep in mind that theres GOP grassroots who would be fine with a lot worse language. Dont be surprised if others use worse.

3. The crowd pressed Weiser on what should be done to U.S. Reps. Fred Upton and Peter Meijer for voting to impeach Trump. His answer: If primary voters dont like their vote, they can vote them out of office in 2022. That wasnt good enough. They wanted Weiser to openly say they need to go or something along those lines.

As chairman of the party, Weiser isnt going to do that. Agitated and unsure of how else to get his point across, Weiser blurted out in clear frustration that they could be assassinated. He clearly wasnt advocating it. He was making a point that in a democracy, we vote people out we dont like. Thats it. He made the point poorly and wont do it again.

Weiser is walking a tight rope. Hes used to reasoning with successful people who understand the way the world and politics works. Many Republican supporters arent interested in reasonable right now.

4. Weiser mentioned a 2022 voting reform ballot proposal that will come out of whatever the governor vetoes from the legislative Republicans 40-some bills moving through the system. A return to ID checks before voting, even for absentees? No prepaid postage on AV ballots? Drop boxes closed at 5 p.m. the day before an election?

Who knows what will ultimately get thrown into the soup? Thats not the point. The point is the lengths Weiser and GOP leadership are going to connect with their disgruntled base.

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What we learned from Weiser's visit to North Oakland - City Pulse

Ordering a pot of tea in a Sydney cafe is a punish. Sydney cafes consistently say stuff you to tea drinkers. And they do it with the most passive aggressive of misdirects: an elaborate, unique-to-this-cafe-look-how-much-we-care tea service rig.

If you are naive enough to order tea in a cafe, it will be served to you as a kind of still life with tea pot scenario. The waitstaff will grandly set down in front of you a breadboard/tray arrangement holding atop it a cup (no saucer, so last year) a giant cast iron tea pot and milk in something funky, like a miniature milk bottle. If theyre really trying to create the illusion of care, theyll include a tea strainer. But for reasons that will soon become apparent, you wont be needing that tea strainer. Its another shiny, magicians misdirect.

The basics for a good cup of tea are simple: tea leaves, loose in a pot, boiled water. Why cant cafes get it right.Credit:Marina Oliphant

Now that youve received your tea rig (and its taken up the entire table so that nothing else fits) youre probably feeling optimistic. It seems like theyve really put a lot of thought into your tea and as such, it looks like today is going to be a good tea day. Then you pour it out and its just pale, watery liquid that makes you sad. You cant even add milk because the tea has got no tea-ness to speak of.

When you lift the lid of the pot to check whats going on, youll discover the first of two insults 1) a cut-price tea bag (one of those up yours tea wanker pillow-bags without a string or a tag) and 2) the tea pillow is imprisoned in the mesh sieve insert at the top of the teapot. The sieve insert thing that is meant for tea leaves! Is this some kind of joke?

You can free the bag from the sieve, you can stir it, you can twirl the pot this way and that but that tea is not getting any better, ever. Its just going to continue to ruin your morning. At this point, not even the teeny tiny milk bottle for a mouses tea party can cheer you up.

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Memo to Sydney cafes: tea isnt that hard. And it doesnt need to be served on a breadboard as a still life. The most basic requirement for a good cup of tea is simple: tea leaves, loose in a pot, just add boiled water (I dont even care what temperature the water boils at or how long its boiled, Im not fussy). The end. Thats it. Easy.

And milk on the side? First, can we just assume that is whats happening. Dont ask me if I want milk on the side, as though having milk with English Breakfast tea is some kind of Jack Nicholson in As Good As It Gets weirdo request. Lets all just assume that English Breakfast tea comes with milk on the side. Because it does. And the milk thing is pretty simple too, it doesnt need to be served in something fun like a test tube for guinea pigs or a beaker or an avant-garde orb with a teeny tiny spout. Just a small-ish jug will suffice.

Tea strainer is optional. Its optional. I mean, Im not a total tea wanker.

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Memo to Sydney cafes: tea isnt that hard. So why do you get it so wrong? - Sydney Morning Herald

Antiscience has emerged as a dominant and highly lethal force, and one that threatens global security, as much as do terrorism and nuclear proliferation. We must mount a counteroffensive and build new infrastructure to combat antiscience, just as we have for these other more widely recognized and established threats.

Antiscience is the rejection of mainstream scientific views and methods or their replacement with unproven or deliberately misleading theories, often for nefarious and political gains. It targets prominent scientists and attempts to discredit them. The destructive potential of antiscience was fully realized in the U.S.S.R. under Joseph Stalin. Millions of Russian peasants died from starvation and famine during the 1930s and 1940s because Stalin embraced the pseudoscientific views of Trofim Lysenko that promoted catastrophic wheat and other harvest failures. Soviet scientists who did not share Lysenkos vernalization theories lost their positions or, like the plant geneticist, Nikolai Vavilov, starved to death in a gulag.

Now antiscience is causing mass deaths once again in this COVID-19 pandemic. Beginning in the spring of 2020, the Trump White House launched a coordinated disinformation campaign that dismissed the severity of the epidemic in the United States, attributed COVID deaths to other causes, claimed hospital admissions were due to a catch-up in elective surgeries, and asserted that ultimately that the epidemic would spontaneously evaporate. It also promoted hydroxychloroquine as a spectacular cure, while downplaying the importance of masks. Other authoritarian or populist regimes in Brazil, Mexico, Nicaragua, Philippines and Tanzania adopted some or all of these elements.

As both a vaccine scientist and a parent of an adult daughter with autism and intellectual disabilities, I have years of experience going up against the antivaccine lobby, which claims vaccines cause autism or other chronic conditions. This prepared me to quickly recognize the outrageous claims made by members of the Trump White House staff, and to connect the dots to label them as antiscience disinformation. Despite my best efforts to sound the alarm and call it out, the antiscience disinformation created mass havoc in the red states. During the summer of 2020, COVID-19 accelerated in states of the South as governors prematurely lifted restrictions to create a second and unnecessary wave of COVID-19 cases and deaths. Then following a large motorcycle rally in Sturgis, S.Dak., a third surge unfolded in the fall in the Upper Midwest. A hallmark of both waves were thousands of individuals who tied their identity and political allegiance on the right to defying masks and social distancing. A nadir was a highly publicized ICU nurse who wept as she recounted the dying words of one of her patients who insisted COVID-19 was a hoax.

Now, a new test of defiance and simultaneous allegiance to the Republican Party has emerged in the form of resisting COVID-19 vaccines. At least three surveys from the Kaiser Family Foundation, our study published in the journal Social Science and Medicine, and the PBS News Hour/NPR/Marist poll each point to Republicans or white Republicans as a top vaccine-resistant group in America. At least one in four Republican House members will refuse COVID-19 vaccines. Once again, we should anticipate that many of these individuals could lose their lives from COVID-19 in the coming months.

Historically, antiscience was not a major element of the Republican Party. The National Academy of Sciences was founded in the Lincoln administration; NASA in the Eisenhower administration, and PEPFAR (U.S. Presidents Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief), PMI (Presidents Malaria Initiative) and the NTDs (neglected tropical diseases) program were launched in the George W. Bush Administration. I was a professor and chair of microbiology at George Washington University, based in Washington, D.C., during the 2000s and worked closely with members of the Bush White House to shape these programs.

I trace the adoption of antiscience as a major platform of the GOP to the year 2015 when the antivaccine movement pivoted to political extremism on the right. It first began in Southern California when a measles epidemic erupted following widespread vaccine exemptions. The California legislature shut down these exemptions to protect the public health, but this ignited a health freedom rallying cry. Health freedom then gained strength and accelerated in Texas where it formed a political action committee linked to the Tea Party. Protests against vaccines became a major platform of the Tea Party; this then generalized in 2020 to defy masks and social distancing. Further accelerating these trends were right wing think tanks such as the American Institute of Economic Research that sponsored the Great Barrington Declaration, and the Hoover Institution at Stanford University, the home of physician Scott Atlas, who became a senior advisor to the Trump White House coronavirus task force.

The full antiscience agenda of the Republican Party has now gone beyond our national borders. In the summer of 2020, the language of the antiscience political right in America was front and center at antimask and antivaccine rallies in Berlin, London and Paris. In the Berlin rally, news outlets reported ties to QAnon and extremist groups. Adding to this toxic mix are emerging reports from U.S. and British intelligence that the Putin-led Russian government is working to destabilize democracies through elaborate programs of COVID-19 antivaccine and antiscience disinformation. Public refusal of COVID-19 vaccines now extends to India, Brazil, South Africa and many low- and middle-income countries.

We are approaching three million deaths from the COVID-19 pandemic, and it is increasingly apparent that the SARS CoV2 alone is not responsible. Facilitating the spread of COVID-19 is an expanded and globalizing antiscience movement that began modestly under a health freedom banner adopted by the Republican Tea Party in Texas. Thousands of deaths have so far resulted from antiscience, and this may only be the beginning as we are now seeing the impact on vaccine refusal across the U.S., Europe and the low- and middle-income countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America.

Containing antiscience will require work and an interdisciplinary approach. For innovative and comprehensive solutions, we might look at interagency task forces in the U.S. government or among the agencies of the United Nations. Given the role of state actors such as Russia, and antivaccine organizations that monetize the internet, we should anticipate that any counteroffensive could be complex and multifaceted. The stakes are high given the high death toll that is already accelerating from the one-two punch of SARS CoV2 and antiscience. We must be prepared to implement a sophisticated infrastructure to counteract this, similar to what we have already done for more established global threats. Antiscience is now a large and formidable security issue.

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The Antiscience Movement Is Escalating, Going Global and Killing Thousands - Scientific American