Archive for the ‘Tea Party’ Category

How the 2010s Became the Decade of Debt – Daily Signal

At the end of 2009, the total federal debt was $12.3trilliona staggering amount of money.

Now, it stands at an astonishing $23.1trillion. Thats roughly $180,500 of debt for every U.S. household.

It is important for Americans to understand how we got here,and what lawmakers can do to bring back fiscal sanity.

Poor Handling of the FinancialCrisis

The federal government entered the 2010s with sky-highannual deficits. This had two primary causes.

First, the Great Recession reduced incomes and profits,which meant a sharp decrease in tax revenue. A slow economic recovery kept tax revenuerelatively low for several years.

Second, legislators used the recession as an excuse to massively increase the amount of federal spending. The 2009 stimulus package in particular led to record-setting spending levels.

President Barack Obama largely sold this additional spendingas a way to jump-start the economy. But the structure of the stimulus packagetold another story. The politically motivated design of the package meant thatit was ineffectiveat growing the economy.

What it did do effectively was grow the national debt. Lowtax revenue and high spending combined to generate federal deficits of over $1trillion per year starting in 2009.

Between the big-government stimulus and bank bailouts, millions of Americans were fed up with how both parties responded to the financial crisis. The tea party movement was born out of this backlash, and the 2010 election put dozens of believers in limited government in the House and the Senate.

Deficit ReductionEfforts Fell Short

Two events in 2011 showed both the promise and the limits of the tea partys political muscle. On the positive side, the practice of earmarking spending for narrow political purposes came to an end.

The publics concern over deficits led to the Budget Control Act of 2011, which raised the debt limit in exchange for rules meant to reduce the deficit in future years. The law had serious flaws, and tea party members roundly opposed it.

Although the law did serve to restrain spending for a fewyears, its flaws ultimately proved fatal.

First, the Budget Control Act created an ill-fated Committee on Deficit Reduction, which failed in producing follow-up legislation to reduce future deficits. This failure resulted in spending reductions through the annual discretionary spending process, known as sequestration.

Here, the Budget Control Acts primary flaw came to bear: It didnt create a single spending limit to cover everything, but instead created separate defense and nondefense categories, both of which were cut. This meant that sequestration did not distinguish between the vital work of national defense and the secondary activities, such as politically-driven business subsidies.

Defense-focused members of Congress constantly chafed at thespending limits. This gave leverage to members who desired ever-more domesticspending. As a result, Congress passed a series of bills to increase spendinglimits for both categories.

At first, these increases were somewhat modest and partiallypaid for to avoid growing the deficit. However, they established a precedent thatwould have devastating fiscal consequences.

The 2018 and 2019 spending deals were massive and undid much of the Budget Control Acts deficit reduction. Rather than doing the hard work of prioritizing what areas to spend taxpayer dollars on, the McConnell-Schumer and Mnuchin-Pelosi deals threw away any pretense of federal self-control.

At the same time, Congress has also allowedmandatory programs such as Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaidto balloon. Each of these programs is growing at an unsustainablerate, and combined they threaten to crowdout core priorities such as national defense.

This brings us to a terrifying prospect: The deficit for 2020 is expected to exceed $1 trillion once more. Worse, the deficit is projected to stay above $1 trillion for the rest of the coming decade.

What makes this situation especiallyunconscionable is the strength of the economy. A time of low unemploymentand no major wars is usually an occasion for low deficits and even balancedbudgets. Instead, Washington is abandoning its responsibilities.

But its not too late for that to change.

A Path to SeriousReform

The Heritage Foundations Blueprint for Balance provides a comprehensive guide for responsible policymakers to bring the federal debt under control.

This includes making pro-growth tax reform permanent and expanding on good tax policy; strengthening budget rules to impose fiscal discipline and legislative accountability; reforming Social Security and federal health care programs to target benefits toward the most vulnerable while reducing costs; and eliminating wasteful and inappropriate spending on federal agencies and programs that fail to deliver on national priorities.

Taking this path would preserve individual liberty,strengthen the economy, and enable civil society to flourish. It would also restorefairness for younger and future generations that would bear the burdenof the $23.1 trillion (and growing) national debt.

The 2010s were a decade of debt. The 2020s must be thedecade of balance.

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How the 2010s Became the Decade of Debt - Daily Signal

The Duchess of Cambridge starts early birthday celebration – Tatler

Tomorrow will see the Duchess of Cambridge turn 38, but the royal has already begun celebrating the occasion. This weekend, the Duke and Duchess welcomed friends to their Norfolk country home, Anmer Hall, for a pre-birthday gathering.

According to US news outlet People, guests are thought to have included Thomas van Straubenzee and his fiance Lucy Lanigan-OKeeffe, Lady Laura and James Meade, the Marquess and Marchioness of Cholmondeley, and Kates parents, Carole and Michael Middleton.

The Duchess of Cambridge

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The friends are a tight-knit group; Thomas van Straubenzee, one of Prince Williams closest friends, is godfather to Princess Charlotte. His fiance Lucy is also a teacher at Thomass Battersea, where William and Kates two eldest children are students. Lady Laura Meade is the godmother of Prince Louis and is married to another member of Williams inner circle, James Meade. David, 7th Marquess of Cholmondeley and his wife, Rose Hanbury, Marchioness of Cholmondeley, meanwhile, have been friends of the royal couple for over a decade. Although last year saw speculation of a falling out between Rose and Kate, there was no sign of animosity among the friends when they joined the Queen at church in Sandringham on Sunday.

The Marchioness of Cholmondeley

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Indeed the Norfolk January weekend seems to have become something of a tradition for the Duke and Duchess, encompassing activities that are thought to include shooting and a dinner with the Queen at Sandringham House.

They royal couple also hosted friends this time last year, before attending the St Mary Magdalene Church Sunday service the next morning. This year saw William, Kate and their friends smartly dressed for the occasion, looking no less worse the wear for the weekends festivities.

Lucy Lanigan-OKeeffe and Thomas van Straubenzee

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Seemingly not a fan of lavish celebrations, Vanity Fair reported last year that the Duchess would mark the actual day of her 37th birthday with a small tea party at Kensington Palace, attended by her husband and children. Now back in London in time for the new school term, it is expected that Kate will again celebrate the day itself with an intimate gathering.

The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge

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The Duchess of Cambridge starts early birthday celebration - Tatler

Column: Decade of the billionaire victim – Milford Daily News

In 2010, banks foreclosed on more than a million homes.

In 2010, banks foreclosed on more than a million homes. The jobless rate for the year hovered just under 10%. But billionaire investor Stephen Schwarzman knew who the real injured party was: the wealthy.

When the Obama administration proposed closing the carried interest loophole, a tax break exploited by those in private equity, Schwarzman couldn't contain himself any longer. "It's like when Hitler invaded Poland in 1939," he claimed at a New York City gathering.

This wasn't the tea party, hiding its elite funders under the cover of representing the common man or woman. This was one of the wealthiest men in the United States stepping forward to loudly, proudly and angrily claim he'd been done wrong.

Schwarzman quickly apologized. But if we want to understand how the Great Recession led not to an economic overhaul but to record-breaking inequality and the election of Donald Trump - a-to-the-manor-born serial con artist and practitioner of the 1% whine nonpareil - it's helpful to remember Schwarzman, who turned out to be patient zero for what might just be the decade's ultimate grift: the rise of millionaires and billionaires as victims.

The Great Recession was supposed to embarrass the wealthy into slinking away embarrassed, grateful they didn't land in jail or worse. "There's an angry mob with pitchforks assembling, and they want to see some heads on pikes," Fortune opined in 2009. But as the stock and real estate markets recovered, so did the self-regard of the most moneyed among us. Shame? That was so Dow 7,550. It's now over 28,000.

Schwarzman has many a compatriot. Elite gatherings such as the Milken Institute's Global Conference and the annual World Economic Forum in Davos have become all but encounter sessions for misunderstood multimillionaires and billionaires to agree with one another in the face of calls that they pay their fair share. There's private equity mogul Leon Cooperman, who actually began to cry on CNBC when complaining about Sen. Elizabeth Warren's proposed wealth tax on fortunes in excess of $50 million. "I don't need Elizabeth Warren telling me that I'm a deadbeat and that billionaires are deadbeats," he said.

The rich victims are all around us. Craig Hall, the real-estate tycoon owner of the now infamous ostentatious Northern California wine cave where Pete Buttigieg held a high-dollar fundraiser? He told The New York Times about the criticisms, "It's just not fair." Jacqueline Sackler, wife of a Purdue Pharma heir, the company in part responsible for the opioid epidemic that's taken the lives of hundreds of thousands of Americans? The Wall Street Journal got a hold of an email in which she complained of what she calls the "situation" is "destroying" the family's reputation, and "dooms" her children.

And no one is more practiced at the art of billionaire self-pity than our president. He's the victim of a Democratic "witch hunt." Impeachment? "More due process was accorded to those accused in the Salem Witch Trials." Yet he signed into law a tax plan so favorable to billionaires in general, and real-estate interests in particular, it might as well have been tailored precisely for him.

But according to Republicans, the obscene gains of the wealthy aren't the problem. In 2012, GOP presidential nominee and multimillionaire Mitt Romney, speaking to a group of big-money donors, referred to 47% of Americans who didn't pay federal taxes and needed government benefits to get by as "takers," adding, they believe "they are entitled to health care, to food, to housing, to you-name it." (Entitled to food! Imagine that.)

The Trump administration, which boasts the wealthiest presidential Cabinet ever assembled, has spent almost three years attempting to make it harder for people to receive Medicaid, food assistance and even a free lunch at school. They are aided by self-appointed watchdogs, too, such as Minnesota retiree Rob Undersander, who outed himself as a millionaire so he could publicize the supposedly pressing issue of people who have six- and seven-figure net worth receiving food stamps because their income is below eligibility thresholds. (In fact, survey research shows such households account for about 3% of households receiving assistance via the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program).

Meanwhile, of course, the wealthy make out. Studies show, not surprisingly, that their opinions carry much more weight with politicians than those of more ordinary voters. But the claim of victimization is one way they seek to protect themselves from some popular anger and the financial consequences they might otherwise face, ensuring their power, wealth and privilege remains intact while they can continue to promote their self-perceived unique virtue and smarts. Here's one telling example: Despite Trump's campaign promises, the carried interest loophole remains a part of the federal tax code. Steve Schwarzman, your infamy was not in vain.

Helaine Olen is a contributor to Post Opinions and the author of "Pound Foolish: Exposing the Dark Side of the Personal Finance Industry."

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Column: Decade of the billionaire victim - Milford Daily News

TRAIL MIX | John Hickenlooper, Ken Buck epitomized their parties this decade – coloradopolitics.com

Decades, of course, are arbitrary classifications, but they can help make sense of what would otherwise be an endless churn of chatter and conflict.

As the second decade of the new century draws to a close and Coloradans brace themselves for the advent of the Roaring Twenties, its instructive to consider the personalities who have shaped the states politics in the last stretch.

No politicians have better embodied the tensions and triumphs of their parties over the past 10 years than Democrat John Hickenlooper and Republican Ken Buck.

Both moved to Colorado from the Northeast, perhaps fitting in a fast-growing state where more than half of all residents were born outside its borders.

Hickenlooper grew up in Philadelphia and earned degrees from Wesleyan University in Connecticut, soon landing in Colorado to work as a petroleum geologist during one of the states regular boom-and-bust periods.

Buck hails from Westchester County, a suburb of New York City, and earned a degree from Princeton University before heading west to get a law degree at the University of Wyoming.

In 1986, Hickenlooper was laid off from his job at Buckhorn Petroleum and began considering what to do next, eventually starting a brewpub in Denvers Lower Downtown neighborhood.

That same year, Buck went to work for then-U.S. Rep. Dick Cheney on the Iran-Contra investigation and later took a job in Washington, D.C., with the Justice Department before settling in Colorado to work as a federal prosecutor.

At the dawn of the 2010s, both men were long-serving local officials mounting their first statewide campaigns.

Hickenlooper, serving his second term as mayor of Denver, jumped in the race for governor in 2010 after the incumbent, Democrat Bill Ritter, set the political world on its ear with a relatively late announcement the former Denver district attorney wouldnt seek a second term.

Buck, the district attorney for Weld County, had been criss-crossing the state for months in a long-shot bid for the 2010 GOP U.S. Senate nomination to challenge Democrat Michael Bennet, who had been appointed to the seat a year earlier.

They both burst on the statewide scene in an unpredictable midterm election year dominated by a national backlash to the Obama administrations aggressive moves to address a financial crisis whose effects were still palpable.

It was a roller-coaster year that saw sure-things go down in flames once Republican voters had a chance to weigh in former U.S. Rep. Scott McInnis lost the GOPs gubernatorial nod to newcomer Dan Maes, and Buck wrested the Senate nomination from former Lt. Gov. Jane Norton.

Maes most clearly manifested the spirit of the Tea Party, which emerged to rail against government bailouts in the wake of the Great Recession but swiftly turned on GOP elites, leaving establishment picks like Norton in its wake.

Hickenlooper, who famously launched by taking a shower with his clothes on in an ad decrying negative campaigns, lucked out as the Republican Party tore itself to pieces over Maes, and former U.S. Rep. Tom Tancredo joined the field in late summer as a third-party candidate.

Although Hickenlooper and Buck carried their respective partys banners that November, their fortunes diverged on election night, with Hickenlooper winning the three-way race by a wide margin and Buck losing to Bennet by a hair.

Fast-forward to the end of the decade, and both remain among the enduring voices of their parties, though not without plenty of vocal challengers.

Hickenlooper won another term as governor in 2014 and reportedly made the short list for Hillary Clintons running mate in 2016. After running for the White House for a while this year, Hickenlooper gave in to pressure from national Democrats and declared his candidacy for the U.S. Senate.

Hickenloopers evolving position on fossil fuels over the decade from a cozy relationship with oil and gas interests to declaring climate change the defining challenge of our time mirrors the Democratic Partys, though some of his fellow party members complain the geologist didnt get on board fast enough and hasnt gone far enough.

In 2014, Buck won the first of three terms representing the heavily Republican 4th Congressional District in Congress, where he's belonged to the conservative House Freedom Caucus and has been among President Donald Trumps most vocal defenders.

Earlier this year, Buck was elected chairman of the Colorado Republican Party, fending off a challenge from a state lawmaker whose grassroots supporters charged that Buck had grown too cozy with the establishment.

Like Hickenlooper, Buck is said to have his eye on the U.S. Senate and could be positioning himself to challenge Bennet in the 2022 election.

Other politicians have gotten more votes from Coloradans than Hickenlooper and Buck.

Cynthia Coffman was the first Republican to receive more than 1 million votes, when she won her only term as attorney general in 2014. Her total, however, has since been surpassed. The GOP candidate who has gotten the most votes in Colorado is Darryl Glenn, the 2016 U.S. Senate nominee, followed by Donald Trump in 2016, and attorney general nominee George Brauchler in 2018.

Coffman, notably, was the only one of the top vote-getting Republicans who won their race in Colorado.

On the Democratic side of the ledger, Bennet holds the record for the most votes received in the state, in his 2016 win over Glenn, followed by Jared Polis total in his 2018 win for governor and Hillary Clintons 2016 win over Trump.

Among the hundreds of Democrats and Republicans who vied for the titles this decade, two runners-up stand out.

Republican Cory Gardner broke a decade-long losing streak by Republicans at the top of the ticket in Colorado in 2014 when the two-term congressman won election to the U.S. Senate. And he accomplished that by unseating Democrat Mark Udall, marking the first time since 1978 that Colorado senator was denied re-election.

Hickenlooper is hoping to deny Gardner a second term in next year election, but theres no denying a contention made by veteran Republican strategist Dick Wadhams that if Gardner hadnt won in 2014, the Colorado GOP could have been ushered into the wilderness for the rest of the decade.

Battles over taxes, energy and education have consumed plenty of oxygen this decade, but nothing influenced the political climate like the raging debate over health care, and no one incarnates that among Democrats more than Lt. Gov. Dianne Primavera.

The Broomfield Democrat began the decade by losing her bid for a third term in the state House to a Tea Party Republican but regained her seat in the next election and won another term after that.

A four-time cancer survivor, Primavera served as CEO of Komen Colorado before Polis picked her as his running mate. Soon after they were sworn in, he named her to head the governors Office of Saving People Money on Health Care.

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TRAIL MIX | John Hickenlooper, Ken Buck epitomized their parties this decade - coloradopolitics.com

Shields and Brooks on 2019 in review, 2020 predictions – PBS NewsHour

Mark Shields:

I think others are tempted to follow.

I think Lisa Murkowski, let's first acknowledge, she is unique. In the past 65 years, exactly one United States senator has won as a write-in candidate. She did that in 2010, after she lost the Republican primary to the Tea Party candidate backed by Sarah Palin and Laura Ingraham and Mark Levin and all sorts of other distinguished Americans.

And she came back and won as a write-in. So she stared into her political grave already. I mean, she knows. I mean, she's not a bed-wetter or a nervous Nellie, or whatever you want to call it, when it comes to anxiety.

So, I think that that gives her a certain independence that many of her colleagues in both parties don't have.

And I think I think it's significant. I think David's point about Mitch McConnell is an important one, that Mitch McConnell is strictly an inside player. He can't take it outside.

In other words, if it's a debate about outside, Mitch McConnell loses. He's a very formidable operator inside the Senate, sort of when nobody's looking in procedures and this and that.

But, I mean, this is a question. Are they going to just rush to judgment, ignore any witnesses, ignore testimony, and live by the lie which the president is telling, that is, I want these people to testify, I have forbidden them to testify, but I want them to testify, because I want it out in the open?

Well, you can't have it both ways.

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Shields and Brooks on 2019 in review, 2020 predictions - PBS NewsHour