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The Tea Party Patriots Citizens Fund warned against a "Washington insider" to run Trump's White House, specifically naming Republican National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus, who is said to be one of Trump's top two choices.

Jenny Beth Martin, the co-founder of TPPCF, told CNN in a statement that the group wants Trump to "drain the swamp."

"No Washington insider, regardless of who it is, should serve as President Trump's chief of staff," Martin said. "Appointing Reince Priebus (or any other DC establishment insider) would make it more difficult, not less, for President Trump to achieve the change the people voted for. It's time to drain the swamp -- not promote insiders beholden to the Washington establishment who helped create it."

Priebus would be a reassuring presence to establishment Republicans still uncertain about what a Trump White House will look like.

He would also bring decades of political experience and understanding of the wheels of power -- as a Washington insider.

Trump campaigned on the message that he'd flip Washington upside down and would "drain the swamp" of elite politicians who have been in Washington for decades.

The TPPCF campaigned for Trump during the 2016 election, including doing grassroots efforts to reach voters in battleground states the last six weeks of the campaign.

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A tea party is a formal, ritualized gathering for the small meal called afternoon tea.[1][2]

Formal tea parties are often characterized by the use of prestige utensils, such as porcelain, bone china or silver. The table is made to look its prettiest, with cloth napkins and matching cups and plates. In addition to tea, larger parties may provide punch, or in cold weather, hot chocolate. The tea is accompanied by a variety of foods that are easy to manage while in a sitting room: thin sandwiches, such as cucumber or tomato, cake slices, buns or rolls, cookies, biscuits and scones are all common.

The afternoon tea party was a feature of great houses in the Victorian and Edwardian ages in the United Kingdom and the Gilded Age in the United States, as well as in all continental Europe (France, Germany, and above all in the Russian Empire). The formal tea party still survives as a special event, as in the debutante teas of some affluent American communities.

In the older version, servants stayed outside the room until needed. Writing in 1922, Emily Post asserted that servants were never to enter the room unless rung for, to bring in fresh water and dishes or to remove used dishes.[3] This was partly due to the rigidity of social convention at the time, but it also reflected the intimate nature of the afternoon tea. Proving the truth of 18th-century author Henry Fielding's quip that "love and scandal are the best sweeteners of tea", the custom of banning servants from the drawing room during tea shows the hostess's desire to encourage free conversation among her guests. Most of the formalities of that age have disappeared, particularly since World War II, when economic changes made household servants a rarity, but afternoon tea can still provide a good opportunity for intimate conversation and a refreshing light meal.

A less formal large afternoon party for tea was known during the 18th and 19th centuries as a "kettle drum". A widespread but possibly false folk etymology suggests that the name "kettle drum" may have originated in the informal tea gatherings hosted by British camp officers' wives during East India Company rule or the British occupation of India, during which kettle drums are claimed to have served as tea tables in the camps.[4][5] Alternately, "kettle drum" may have been an amalgam of "drum" 18th-century slang for a vivacious party and "kettle" for the tea served.[6] At kettle drums, guests traditionally came for short periods and left at will, mingled and conversed with little formality, and partook of tea, chocolate, lemonade, cakes, and sandwiches. Guests were expected to dress for ordinary daytime visiting, but not more formally.

Tea parties are also created by young children where the guests consist of stuffed animals, dolls, friends (both real and imaginary) and family members.[7]

In the chapter "A Mad Tea-Party" in Alice's Adventures in Wonderland, Alice becomes a guest at a tea party along with the March Hare, the Hatter, and a sleeping Dormouse who remains asleep for most of the chapter. The other characters give Alice many riddles and stories, including the famous 'Why is a raven like a writing desk?'. The Hatter reveals that they have tea all day because time has punished him by eternally standing still at 6 pm (tea time). Alice becomes insulted and tired of being bombarded with riddles and she leaves claiming that it was the stupidest tea party that she had ever been to.[8]

Yum cha is the Chinese equivalent of a tea party, though it is usually held in a restaurant.[9]

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Tea party - Wikipedia

After six years of monthly meetings, discussions and debates on issues facing the community, state and nation, the Newport-Mesa Tea Party Patriots gathered for the last time on Thursday night in Costa Mesa.

The final meeting came just two days after arguably the greatest triumph for a national movement that has long battled the political establishment: the election of Donald Trump as the country's next president.

"We pretty much accomplished our goal we have an outsider as the president," local tea party leader and founder Tom Pollitt said Thursday. "So we feel pretty good about that."

The national tea party movement touts conservative principles such as smaller government, lower taxes and policies opposed to illegal immigration.

Pollitt told the crowd of about 60 people in the Halecrest Park clubhouse that the local tea party chapter is disbanding partly because he has decided to focus his attention elsewhere perhaps on starting a local Christian school.

It's possible, he said, that the group could be re-formed at some point.

"It was the tea party and the tea party movement throughout the country that made people aware that there was a problem, and it got them stirred up," Pollitt said. "The establishment was the problem, and now we've got somebody who is outside the establishment and we're going to have some real changes."

Several local, state and federal politicians spoke at the final meeting, including Rep. Dana Rohrabacher (R-Costa Mesa), state Sen. John Moorlach (R-Costa Mesa), Costa Mesa Mayor Pro Tem Jim Righeimer, Newport Beach City Councilman Scott Peotter and Costa Mesa Councilman-elect Allan Mansoor.

The meeting was festive, with speakers and other attendees celebrating Republican Trump's triumph over Democrat Hillary Clinton in Tuesday's presidential election.

"What we've got now is a great opportunity to reach out to our fellow Americans and say, 'Give us a new chance in the Republican Party; give us a chance to show we are for working people in our country and we are first and foremost for the well-being of the United States,'" Rohrabacher said.

Peotter said the local tea party chapter "has been one of the few reliably conservative organizations in this area." He praised its members for supporting like-minded candidates.

Noting that Clinton beat Trump in Orange County, usually a Republican stronghold, he said: "How we're going to change and win back our county is to get out there and work. So keep up the good work, even though the tea party is no longer here."

luke.money@latimes.com

Twitter:@LukeMMoney

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REACTIONS

California politicians had mixed reactions to Donald Trump's victory.

Jerry Brown California's Democratic governor called for unity following Trump's election.

"As President Lincoln said, 'A house divided against itself cannot stand,'" Brown said. "With the deep divisions in our country, it is incumbent on all of us especially the new leadership in Washington to take steps that heal those divisions, not deepen them."

"In California, we will do our part to find common ground whenever possible. But as Californians, we will also stay true to our basic principles. We will protect the precious rights of our people and continue to confront the existential threat of our time devastating climate change."

Alex Padilla California's secretary of state sharply criticized the addition of Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, a staunch opponent of illegal immigration, to Trump's transition team.

"Mr. Trump's selection of Kris Kobach to the immigration transition team sends a deeply troubling message that telegraphs an imminent assault on our collective voting rights and civil rights," Padilla said.

Ken Calvert "Throughout this campaign Donald Trump echoed the deep frustrations of many Americans about the lack of economic opportunities and the direction of our country," the Corona Republican congressman said.

"As President-elect Trump said ... now the real work must begin to enact the policies that will put our nation on a different path."

Is it a momentary release of anger? Or the start of something more?

That question lingers after a wave of protests in California and elsewhere against Donald Trumps victory Tuesday, Nov. 8 in the presidential election. Thousands on Wednesday and Thursday took to the streets to express their outrage about a candidate denounced by foes as a champion of racism, misogyny and homophobia.

Thousands protested in New York, Chicago, San Francisco, Los Angeles and other large U.S. cities. Protesters also rallied on college campuses nationwide.

Locally, a walking protest took place in downtown Riverside on Wednesday night and UC Riverside students planned to meet Thursday night to talk about protest plans. High schoolers Thursday walked out of classes in Montclair, San Gabriel and other Southern California schools.

Trumps underdog win over Hillary Clinton stunned her supporters as the real estate mogul and reality TV stars base of blue-collar whites outmatched Clintons coalition, which relied heavily on ethnic minorities. Republicans now control the White House, Congress and the majority of governorships and state legislatures.

After Barack Obama won the 2008 presidential election, the tea party movement rose and lifted the GOP to a congressional majority while providing an organized, sustained resistance to the Democratic president. Will there be a tea party of the left, or will the spirit fueling this weeks protests fade in the course of the Trump administration?

Its too early to say, said Renee Van Vechten, a political science professor at the University of Redlands. The tea party, she said, didnt take shape until about a year after Obama took office and grew with the help of talk radio and clearly defined leaders.

Yelling isnt enough. You cannot sustain a scream for a long time. It dies down over time, she said. Anger has to be channeled.

Van Vechten drew a distinction between an explicity anti-Trump movement and general opposition to the new president.

For an actual movement to take shape, it would be distinguishable because it coalesces around a set of principles that the opposing party leaders (Democrats) either havent fully embraced, or because of policies that seem unachievable without their activism, she said.

Occupy Wall Street grew organically because it seemed to people that Democrats and Republican politicians were in bed with Wall Street, and change had to be forced by activism from outside the system. Same with the tea party movement.

WHICH TRUMP?

Mark Peterson, a professor at UCLAs Luskin School of Public Affairs, said the anti-Trump protests arent a flash in the pan.

We have never had a president-elect like Donald Trump, who in the course of his career and the campaign has done so much to be offensive to such a large range of groups, Peterson said.

Trumps actions as president will influence the intensity of his opposition, Peterson said.

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Will Trump spur a tea party of the left? - Press Enterprise

To understand the Trump victory, it is worthwhile to look at the backlash movement that prefigured Trumps rise: the Tea Party.

Six years ago, I wrote a book, with Harvard professor Theda Skocpol, about the rise of the Tea Party and its impact on American politics. We described the Tea Party movement as a loose coalition of three forces.

These forces were likely to persist, we argued, even as the Tea Party brand went into decline. And that has certainly proven the case. Last night, we witnessed the continued relevance of the Tea Party coalition.

Donald Trump was willing to address immigration in terms substantially more extreme than his primary opponents, and this allowed him to harness rank-and-file Republicans sense of cultural resentment and ethnic nationalism. It was anti-immigrant rhetoric that distinguished Trump from his opponents for the nomination, and it was negative perceptions of foreigners, not economic insecurity, that distinguished his primary supporters. And in the general election, despite widespread media attention to the white working class as a bastion of Trumpism, early evidence suggests that college educated whites also voted Trump yesterday. As with the Tea Party, analyses that explain this conservative reaction as anger at an unracialized status quo or elites are a whitewash.

Trump was also, of course, a master of manipulating the media, including conservative online networks and Fox News. It is worth remembering his role in promoting the insidious untruths regarding President Obamas birthplace; Trump found a home in conservative online networks that had long pushed ideas into broader conservative circles, and from there into mainstream political discourse. But Trump, the reality star, also demonstrated an understanding of the commercial media as a whole in a campaign season that lasts a year or more, networks were willing and even eager to provide an entirely unbalanced level of coverage to his eye-catching campaign.

It has been widely, and wrongly, implied that the Trump victory is somehow a defeat for the Koch brothers. The billionaires of the ideological right found their place in the Trump campaign exactly where it counts: on the issues. Trumps vice president, Mike Pence, will likely have tremendous policymaking latitude. As the New York Times reported a few months ago, candidates for the VP slot were offered the opportunity to be the most powerful vice president in history In charge of domestic and foreign policy. Pences ties to the Koch network are very extensive, and his policies including immense tax cuts so extreme they met with resistance even from Republicans are everything the Koch Brothers could ask for. At the same time, unified Republican control means that we should expect the federal budget to look like the proposals of Paul Ryan, another politician in the Koch orbit. Those familiar with the economic condition of Kansas, where the Koch brand extreme free-marketism has been given its fullest test, can predict the consequences for the United States as a whole.

Thus the Trump presidency is of a piece with the Tea Party movement that preceded it. But in two vital ways, President Trump will be a fundamental break with the conservative politics of the last eight years.

First, the Republican coalition in the post-Tea Party era had been united in opposition. Now, they have unified control of the federal government. Republicans have been very good at saying no to the Affordable Care Act, to raising the debt ceiling, to compromise. Achieving austerity by gridlock allowed Republicans to paper over the substantial ideological divide between the priorities of rank-and-file conservatives and free market elites. Those divisions may now become more prominent.

Second, and most important, is the role of Trump himself in his own Administration. Trump has shown little interest in public policy, and a lot of interest in punishing his perceived enemies. He has threatened to jail his political opponent, repudiated basic Constitutional protections, and called for the United States to commit war crimes. Whether Trump can be convinced, or obliged, to operate within the norms of liberal democracy remains an open question.

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One of the hopeful aspects of my Tea Party research was the commitment of the grassroots activists to local political organizing to the day-to-day grind of holding meetings, printing fliers, calling Congressmen, running for school board. In that sense, their work was part of a proud American tradition of small-scale everyday engagement, a style of democracy that has long been imagined to protect America against demagoguery and tyranny. That their work has empowered a genuinely anti-democratic leader is an irony, and a tragedy.

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