Archive for the ‘Tea Party’ Category

42nd Annual Teapot Festival kicks off in Trenton – WBBJ TV – WBBJ-TV

TRENTON, Tenn. The opening ceremony for the Trenton Teapot Festival was held on Sunday.

Every year the festival has a different theme. This years theme is, Let the Tea Times Roll.

The City of Trenton Mayor Tony Burriss shares that the inspiration behind this festival is that Trenton is the teapot capital of the world.

There is over 500 different teapots in City Hall.

Of course, invite anybody to come see them at any time, but that was the inspiration for getting this started, and we have been celebrating it ever since, Mayor Burriss said.

The music at the opening ceremony was provided by the Peabody High School rock ensemble and Susan Dowdy. The girls that participated in the tea party earlier that day also got to show off their outfits and the teapot art that they made.

Mayor Burriss thanks everyone for coming out and making the first day of the festival such a success.

Trenton is a close-knit town. When we have events like this, everybody comes out and enjoys each other and the festivities, said Mayor Burriss.

The festival will be celebrated all week long, with all sorts of fun activities that everyone can enjoy.

And its all capped off by our grand parade on the 6th of May, which is next Saturday, and we hope everybody will come out and be part of the parade and come visit us this week at theTeapot Festival, said Mayor Burriss.

This is the 42nd annual Trenton Teapot Festival.

Click here for more information and a schedule of events.

For more news in the Gibson County area, click here.

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42nd Annual Teapot Festival kicks off in Trenton - WBBJ TV - WBBJ-TV

High Tea Recipes: How To Host Your Own Sumptuous Afternoon … – Better Homes and Gardens

Afternoon tea is traditionally served on a pretty tiered cake stand

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High tea is one of the most popular experiences offered by hotels around Australia. But it hasn't always been called high tea. Over the past 25 years, it's become commonplace to call the traditional British "afternoon tea" (an elegant affair involving dainty finger sandwiches, scones and delectable sweet morsels), "high tea".

Afternoon tea has its origins in the early Victorian era of Britain, when Anna, 7th Duchess of Bedford, took to summoning a tray of tea, bread and butter, and cake to her room when her spirits started to flag at 4pm.

Her friends rather liked this idea and the trend took off. There was no looking back.

According to Helen Simpson in The London Ritz Book of Afternoon Tea, "By the 1880s ladies were changing into long tea gowns for the occasion, appetites sharpened by the customary afternoon drive in a carriage."

"Tea services had also kept pace, with side plates, bread and butter plates, cake stands and every conceivable accompaniment advancing across the drawing room. There was a newly translucent delicacy about the tea china itself thanks to Josiah Spode, who had at the start of the century invented bone china, a beautiful and inexpensive form of porcelain which kept tea hot even though it was so fine that you could see your fingers' shadows through it."

Today, afternoon tea is "still a graceful event, and brings people together for a brief hour's pleasure and refreshment".

Afternoon tea at The Ritz

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What is commonly referred to as "high tea" in Australia and known as "afternoon tea" in Britain is basically the same experience: an elegant spread of sandwiches, small savoury dishes, scones and delicate cakes and pastries.

However, high tea is traditionally a completely different concept to afternoon tea in Britain. According to Simpson,"high tea is not a dainty affair.

"It usefully divides day from night, being held at six o'clock, rather than at the more idle and elegant afternoon-tea hour of four to five. It is hearty enough to make dinner unnecessary."

Simpson goes on to elaborate, "What You Will Find At High Tea: a large table spread with a white cloth; a heavy brown Firestone teapot pouring tea strong enough, as they say, to trot a mouse on; a side of smoked ham, perhaps, or an egg-and-bacon pie; a generous wedge of cheese; a dish of tomatoes and a bunch of watercress; some savoury dish like potted shrimps or even jugged kippers; scrambled eggs; bread-and-butter with pots of jam and honey; a plate of sandwiches; hot toasted tea cakes; and appetite-cutting cakes, often baked from recipes unique to the region, full of dried fruit and oatmeal and ginger.

"What You Will NOT Find At High Tea: delicate pretty cakes like mille feuilles or meringues; frosted confections; creamy gteaux; little fingers crooked over teacups; silver teapots and fine porcelain; social chit chat."

A whimsical spread is served

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Today, having afternoon tea at an elegant hotel in London, or a high tea at a hotel in Australia, is a popular culinary experience, with many chefs taking a whimsical approach to the the traditional afternoon tea menu.

At London's The Berkeley for example, you can partake in a rather fashionable Prt--Portea, with a line-up of sweet confections inspired by the latestcatwalks. (You can expect the likes of a Herms bag crafted out of Victoria sponge sandwiched with apricot jam, wrapped in chocolate and finished with a chocolate feather plume!)

Meanwhile in Australia, pastry chef Adriano Zumbo takes a more theatrical approach at Sydney's QT with the likes of Caesar-salad "sliders" and a "garden patch" of green peas, mint and carrots, presented on an impressive black tower of boxes.

However, at London hotels such as The Dorchester, Claridges and The Ritz, chefs adhere to a strictly classic afternoon tea menu of finger sandwiches, scones and an assortment of dainty cakes and pastries.

Tea, is of course served with a wide selection of black and green teas to choose from. Most hotels also offer a glass of sparkling wine or Champagne for a special celebratory note.

Only the finest ribbon sandwiches are served at London's Claridges

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According to Simpson, "afternoon tea must always start with sandwiches."

"You are not allowed to move on to the cakes and muffins until you have blunted the teeth of your appetite with a sandwich," she warns.

Take inspiration from the following sandwich ideas to create your own refined crustless wonders.

Chicken and cashew sandwiches

A great chicken sandwich is a must-have for a traditional high tea. This recipe is extra tasty, with the addition of crunchy cashews, finely sliced cucumber and chives. Get the recipe here.

Smoked salmon and cucumber finger sandwiches

Combining creamy creme fraiche, zesty lemon, and fresh dill creates a flavour that pairs perfectly with smoked salmon. Get the recipe here.

Crab and cucumber tea sandwiches

Crab, celery and lemonzest mixed with aioli makes this delish fillingto sandwich. Crownwith cucumber ribbonsand salmon roe, andyoull have your veryown high tea at home. Get the recipe here.

Cucumber and egg finger sandwiches

A tasty combination of two afternoon tea classics (egg and cucumber), these finger sandwiches will be a high tea hit! Get the recipe here.

Smoked trout blini

These elegant bite-sized canapes may look tricky to make but thanks to the store-bought blinis they can be made in a pinch. Get the recipe here.

Mine quiche puffs

With only five ingredients, these bite-sized quiche puffs are a cinch to make, and they would make a traditional addition to your high tea experience. Get the recipe here.

Salmon croustades

Croustades, meaning 'little cups', look fancy but are easy to make. You just bake discs of white bread and fill with yum! There are only a few ingredients, making life easy! Get the recipe here.

Crisp wafer cones with chicken and walnut salad

Get your tea party started the right way with these elegant, but very simple, savoury cones. A crispy take on the traditional chicken sandwich! Get the recipe here.

Caramelised onion tarts

The sweetness of caramelised onions alongside crumbled goat's cheese makes these mini tartlets a delicious moreish bite that you need to serve at your next party. Get the recipe here.

Spinach, feta and lemon pasties

These middle Eastern-inspired nibbles are vegetarian friendly and you can never go wrong with the flavour combination of spinach and feta. Get the recipe here.

Olive and goat's cheese bites

Use delicious Australian cheeses and a generous hint of spice to entertain the vegetarian way.Arranged on rye crisps and garnish with a piece of dill, these hors d'oeuvres are a little bit fancy and will certainly impress your guests. Get the recipe here.

Mini Yorkshire puddings with rare beef and horseradish

Everyone's favourite addition to a classic British Sunday roast now comes in mini form. Get the recipe here.

A mainstay of a traditional afternoon tea, scones are very simple little cakes and are usually served with jam and cream. In Cornwall and Devon, a 'cream tea' is served with clotted cream. Scones should be served freshly baked, still warm from the oven. Most hotels in London offer both plain and sultana scones with clotted cream and jam, but feel free to riff on the traditional recipes with alternative flavours.

Classic plain scones

A step-by-step recipe (with photos) for classic scones, along with variations including blueberry scones, cheese and herb scones, date scones and sun-dried and tomato scones. Get the recipe here.

Sweet tea scones with sultana and cinnamon

Fast Ed's spin on the classic scones recipe includes black tea,sultanas and cinnamon. Get the recipe now. Get the recipe now.

Mini cheese scones

These savoury scones are served with a creamy cheese mixture and (optional) gherkins. Get the recipe here.

Complete your afternoon tea with an assortment of small cakes and pastries. These bite-sized sweet treats are usually exquisitely decorated and are presented in the prettiest colours, with a variety of flavours and textures.

Mini cream cheese tarts

These mini cream cheese tarts are simple and require only a few ingredients, making them an excellent choice for a quick dessert or a party treat. Get the recipe here.

Choc brownie bites

Topped with caramel ganache, these bite-sized brownie treats are a fancier version of your typical cafe-style brownie. Get the recipe here.

Raspberry meringue blondies

Dainty berry-filled morsels crowned with a cloud of meringue. Perfect with a cup of tea. Get the recipe here.

Lemon curd tartlets

This lemon and raspberry curd tartlet recipe is quick and easy to prepare, made with just a few simple ingredients, including caster sugar, eggs, lemon juice, and butter. Get the recipe here.

White chocolate rose cakes

These miniature cakes are fluffy, moist, and infused with the subtle sweetness of white chocolate, rosewater and cream cheese. Get the recipe now.

Mini lime pies

Just add white chocolate swooshes to custard-filled, cream-topped pies to give them wings! Get the recipe here.

Chocolate caramel cups

Sweet, sticky and a little bit salty. There's nothing like choc-caramel to up your afternoon game.Using mini muffin trays, make these delectable caramel cups and try not to eat them all at once. Get the recipe here.

Strawberry bundt cakes

Piled with fairy floss and rose petals, these bite-sized bundt cakes haveall the grace and style of beautiful swooshing dancing dresses. Get the recipe here.

Caramel chocolate fudge rolls

Close your eyes, take a bite and wait for the melting moment. This grown-up fudgy treat is studded with pecans and rolled in dark chocolate. Get the recipe here.

Chocolate truffles

Serve as delightful afternoon tea petit fours.Roll them out with your choice of either chocolate sprinkles, desiccated coconut, chopped pistachios or cocoa powder. Get the recipe here.

Passionfruit macarons

Macarons are an afternoon tea crowd-pleaser. Bursting with homemade passionfruit curd, these tangy morsels will elevate your high tea. Get the recipe here.

Now all you need to do is serve your afternoon tea on a gorgeous tiered cake stand.

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High Tea Recipes: How To Host Your Own Sumptuous Afternoon ... - Better Homes and Gardens

Congress still deadlocked on debt ceiling as Democrats declare … – PBS

Laura Barron-Lopez: President Joe Biden and House Speaker Kevin McCarthy are locked in a high-stakes standoff over raising the nation's debt with weeks to go before the federal government is unable to pay its bills. The two men have challenged each other for months as the deadline draws near with the president calling for a clean increase to the debt limit and a separate GOP budget plan, while Speaker McCarthy has called on President Biden to negotiate now over spending cuts.

And on Wednesday, McCarthy notched a symbolic win when his debt ceiling and spending cuts bill passed in the House, albeit along party lines and by two votes. A buoyant McCarthy spoke to reporters after the vote.

Kevin McCarthy: We lifted the debt limit. The Democrats need to do their job. The president can no longer ignore by not negotiating.

Laura Barron-Lopez: Republicans hope the bill's passing will increase pressure on the president to meet with the speaker, but Senate Democrats made clear that Speaker McCarthy's bill is, quote, dead on arrival in the upper chamber. And when asked by reporters if he would negotiate with McCarthy over the debt limit, President Biden did not budge.

Joe Biden: I'm happy to meet with McCarthy but not on whether or not the debt limit gets extended. That is not negotiable.

Laura Barron-Lopez: Joining us to discuss this and more, Dan Balz, the chief correspondent at The Washington Post, John Bresnahan, a co-founder of Punchbowl News, Mario Parker, the White House and Politics Editor for Bloomberg News, and Melanie Zanona, Capitol Hill Reporter for CNN. Thank you for being here.

I think it is important first to establish first the stakes for this conversation. If the country defaults on its debt, here is what would happen, we would quickly lose about one million jobs, there's a possibility of a recession, the credit rating for the country tanks, which would be followed by increasing interest rates, likely cuts to Medicare and social security benefits and military paychecks delayed. That's not everything that would happen. That's a number of the possible catastrophic things that would.

John, Republicans made clear with this bill that they are not going to agree to a clean debt limit increase. They want spending cuts. But this bill does not specify the spending cuts that they really want. Is this a serious proposal to balance the budget?

John Bresnahan, Co-Founder, Punchbowl News: It is and it isn't. It is both at the same time because they are calling for pretty dramatic spending cuts. They want to bring back, they want to return spending to the F.Y. 2022 level, two years ago, it's $130 billion less than we're spending now, than the government is spending now. So, it is a pretty dramatic cut.

And they don't want to cut the Pentagon, and they don't want to cut veteran spending, they say. So, they are going to cut everything else that is called non-defense discretionary. This is the interior department, the commerce department, the labor department. They're going make pretty -- to get to where they want, they are going to have to have huge cuts to those agencies. It's never going to happen.

This is what they are calling for. This is what their opening position is in this debate, and they want to force Biden to kind of talk on their ground where they are talking about spending cuts, caps, cuts. They don't want to talk about spending more money or raising taxes. They want to talk about cutting spending in as dramatic a way as they can.

Laura Barron-Lopez: And if they actually even achieve it, there are economists who say that those cuts themselves could potentially send the country into a recession.

But, Mario, I want to ask you about the White House, because right now, they aren't changing their tune. The president is not changing his tune. So, what are you hearing about how they are going to respond to this GOP bill?

Mario Parker, White House and Politics Editor, Bloomberg News: Yes. Well, the pressure is starting to build on the White House, right? They thought that they had the upper hand, particularly through the lens of what we saw in January, the number of votes that it needed, the number of times they had to vote in order for Speaker McCarthy to get the gavel.

Well, the gambit is starting to backfire slightly on the White House. You are seeing the U.S. Chamber of Commerce come out and urged Biden to meet with McCarthy. You are seeing a little bit of lackluster responses from folks like Josh Gottheimer. You are seeing the business roundtable apply pressure also.

And don't forget, President Biden's talking point prior to the passage of the bill in the House had been, well, show me something, they don't have anything. Well, now, they do. And so now, the onus is on the president to at least start to be open to speaking with McCarthy, lest he get viewed as the one who is being an extremist in this situation.

Laura Barron-Lopez: Melanie, say that the top congressional leaders, McCarthy included, reach a deal with President Biden, it's going to be nothing like what was just passed, to John's point. So, can Kevin McCarthy get all of his Republicans to support a deal with Democrats?

Melanie Zanona, Capitol Hill Reporter, CNN: That is the big question, and he's going to have to get those Republicans on board. He might not need their votes if he cuts a Democratic deal, because you can pass something if you have Democratic votes in the House, but he needs them for his speakership. Because they have made clear, the right flank, that they do not want anything watered down in their opinions of what they already past. They have this tool known as the motion vacate, which the ability to essentially force a vote to oust the sitting speaker, they are threatening to use that if they don't get what they want. So, that is hanging over McCarthy's head.

And that is why it's going to be challenge to -- I can't even imagine what this deal would like, to be honest, that something that all the Democrats can support and all the Republicans can support and that they could actually pass. So, they are starting to think about what that would look like, like what can Kevin McCarthy get, because, right now, it's hard enough to get even this conservative wish list past through the House.

Laura Barron-Lopez: I mean, do we even known -- based on what you know about McCarthy's leadership style, do you think he is interested in a deal with Democrats, one that could bring conservatives along?

Melanie Zanona: Yes, I actually do. I think he absolutely wants to get this done. He does not want to default on his hands, either. He recognizes the stakes as well. And even though they're starting to feel confident that wouldn't get the blame, no one really knows how it is going to shake out. I do think they want a solution, but he's very cognizant of these different competing dynamics that he has to deal with.

Laura Barron-Lopez: And, Dan, you have said you think that passage of this GOP bill could actually escalate the possibility that we hit the brink, that we could potentially get closer to the fiscal cliff. Why do you think that is?

Dan Balz, Chief Correspondent, The Washington Post: Well, I think the two sides are still so far apart and they are both done in on their respective positions. And I think that we are going to get closer and closer to the brink before there is some movement toward a negotiation. I think, inevitably, President Biden will get drawn into this. I don't quite know when and how it will happen. I have no idea what the deal would be that would put it together.

We have to remember, in 2011, we went through a similar process with a president who was starting his re-election campaign, Barack Obama. And in that case, the vice president, Joe Biden, did a lot of negotiating on both raising the debt ceiling and cutting spending. He was there at the beginning of those negotiations and when they blew up and they had to cut a very messy deal in the end, he was there to help bring that together. So, he has been through this.

And there is something at stake for him in this that I think relates to his 2024 re-election campaign, which is this is an early moment of definition for him and the Republican Party. And if he plays this smartly and well, he comes out perhaps stronger. But if this thing blows up and the economy tanks, that is going to hurt him as well as the Republicans. So, I think it behooves him to think about whether there is a way to get into negotiations that can produce a deal, but this is a more challenging Republican Party to negotiate with than even that tea party of 2011, as John well knows.

Laura Barron-Lopez: So, you think that there is risk, though, for both Republicans as well as President Biden?

Dan Balz: Absolutely, yes.

Laura Barron-Lopez: Bres, you -- Punchbowl talked to Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer about what passed through the House by Kevin McCarthy. And he thinks that this bill could potentially be heading the country towards a default as well. So, is he standing by President Biden? Is he standing by the position that the White House holds that you don't negotiate with Republicans on this?

John Bresnahan: Oh, absolutely. I think the Hill Democrats are even harsher on this than the White House is. I mean, I have talked to folks in the west wing, and they are like maybe we can get to the table if McCarthy passes this bill when they were trying to put it together, and now, they were talking about -- you know, they are under pressure from Jeffries and Schumer, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and Schumer, not at this moment to negotiate.

I do think it is fascinating, though, Democrats -- and we were talking about -- Mel and I were talking about this before. In the last day, I have gotten two Senate Democrats to call me and be like, what does McCarthy really want, like they are not talking to each other. They are really -- I mean, we're four months into this Congress and they are still kind of just --

Laura Barron-Lopez: The Senate Democrats aren't talking to McCarthy?

John Bresnahan: And McCarthy is not talking to them. I mean, they're not talking to each other. And it's amazing to me that there is so little discussion and we could be hitting this default day, the X date, they call it, in a couple weeks. It could be June, it could be July. We don't actually know yet. But it is fascinating that they don't have a read on him at all, really, what does he have to have to make a deal. And I think that is a huge problem.

And then beyond that, they have no idea what is happening in the House Republican conference. They really don't. A lot of these members are new. They have not dealt with him before. Biden does not know them, The White House doesn't them. Schumer does not know them. So, I mean, it's a real -- I mean, we could blunder our way into a worse situation than 2011 very easily. I mean, they could just keep talking past each other and we could find ourselves on the verge of a default.

Laura Barron-Lopez: But as Mario said, the White House is facing some more pressure potentially from this bill to come to the table. I mean, do you -- are you hearing any additional pressure coming from Democrats now towards the White House to negotiate?

John Bresnahan: I mean, there are some moderate Democrats interested.

Melanie Zanona: Just like rank and file Democrats.

John Bresnahan: Yes, you're talking about Gottheimer. Joe Manchin has been very vocal about this. I do think they will -- you know, the House is out for a week. I think they will go back home. I think they'll start to hear more from folks on Main Street.

This is starting to percolate a little bit into Main Street. It had not really yet. I think Wall Street has started to really pay attention to this. I mean, you are seeing insurance on a possible default going up, the cost of that going up. So, I think people are starting to pay attention to it because, really, they -- I mean, we are four months into this Congress and there has been very little movement until this week, until this vote. So, finally, there is something, but both sides are still kind of just staring at each other.

Mario Parker: And to John's point, yes, this is starting to emanate outside of Washington, right? We were all kind of watching the politics of it. But when you start talking about things like delayed social security payments, Medicaid, Medicare beneficiaries, higher interest rates just on your mortgage or your car loans, those are the type of things that get constituents calling their representatives, and you don't want those calls if you are a representative.

Dan Balz: And the economy is in a fragile spot, right? And it is not as though this is a robust economy that could take a bit of a shock. There's so much nervousness that what we saw with the banking industry. Jobs market looks strong still, but in all other ways, if we got the kind of jolt that we are talking about or even come close, it's going to set off some real concerns.

Laura Barron-Lopez: And do you think that -- you mentioned 2011 and us reaching the fiscal cliff there. Do you think this is a 2011-level scenario?

Dan Balz: I think it could be worse in part what you have been talking about, which is there is no communication, there is no understanding. I mean, the only thing I can think of, and you all might have a better sense of this than I do, is that the relationship between the president and Mitch McConnell may be a back-doorway into something. But I think we are a ways away from that. I think there's a lot of brinkmanship yet to happen.

Laura Barron-Lopez: And, Melanie, you mentioned the possibility of Democrats providing votes in the House to get past this. Do you have any sense of if Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries is actually going to want to do this, to give votes?

Melanie Zanona: As of today, they are holding their position that there are going to be no negotiations and just a clean debt ceiling hike. But I think the closer we get to that X date, and we should be getting more information next week about what that X date, I think the closer we get to that, we might start to see some movement there.

Laura Barron-Lopez: And I just want to ask again, I mean, the stakes of this, John, is there any sense that lawmakers really are feeling it, are feeling how close we could come to the brink?

John Bresnahan: I know Mel and I talk to these guys all the time. There's a large part of the House Republican conference that does not believe a default is a real crisis, that we can pay our interest on the debt, we can make enough payments to keep -- the default is not real, that's a phony funny thing, and I think this is extraordinarily dangerous.

And like you said, 2011, in 2011, John Boehner was the speaker, and he at least had a relationship with Biden. He knew not so much President Obama at that point, but he knew Biden and there was McConnell and the debt was a lot smaller than what we are talking about. But I can remember sitting outside in office in 2011 and Boehner came out and he had been talking to the tea party guys, and he is like, I can't talk to these guys. He's telling the reporters this.

I think it is worse now. I mean, McCarthy barely survived by the skin of his teeth, and at that point, Boehner was still viable. I mean, McCarthy barely got there. So, I do think he wants to govern appropriately, but I do -- can he survive this? I'm not entirely sure.

Laura Barron-Lopez: Can his speakership survive this, right, yes.

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Congress still deadlocked on debt ceiling as Democrats declare ... - PBS

Danger and deja vu: what 2011 can tell us about the US debt ceiling crisis – The Guardian

US economy

Congress appears to be facing its biggest debt standoff in years and the consequences of default could be disastrous

Sun 30 Apr 2023 03.00 EDT

Angry at the size of the government debt, House Republicans have passed a bill that ties spending cuts to any lifting of the USs debt limit. A tense fight is escalating, with Democrats refusing to budge and hardline Republicans digging in. Without a solution, economists and others warn, the US could be plunged into an economic catastrophe.

You can be forgiven a sense of deja vu. This has all happened before. Only this time, it could be worse.

The federal government has a legal maximum on how much debt it can accumulate often called the debt ceiling or the debt limit. Congress has to vote to raise that limit and has done so 78 times since 1960 often without fuss. But in recent years, the debt negotiations have become Washingtons most heated and potentially dangerous debate.

This years fight looks like the most high-risk one since 2011, when Republicans used the debt limit debate as a bargaining chip for spending cuts. It was a fight to the bitter end. One former congressman told the New York Times that the battle drew parallels and distinctions with other tumultuous times such as the civil war.

With stock markets reeling and 72 hours left before the US would have defaulted on its debts, a disaster that threatened to wreak havoc on the economy, Republicans and Democrats finally agreed on a bill that raised the debt ceiling by $900bn and cut spending by nearly the same amount.

For Republicans, particularly the new rightwing Tea Party members who refused to budge even as default loomed, it was a political win.

Politics are once again deeply embedded in this years debt ceiling debate and many see a mirroring of the debt ceiling crisis of 2011.

The House speaker, Kevin McCarthy, is caught between his partys moderate and far-right factions. Though McCarthy rallied his party behind a House bill, Democrats are so far refusing to negotiate.

The US treasury is already running on fumes. In January, the treasury started using extraordinary measures to avoid defaulting on US debts while the debate over raising the limit started. Some estimate that the US governments default date the so-called X date when the government officially runs out of funds to pay its bills will arrive in late July, giving the GOP and Democrats less than three months to find a solution.

The US has never defaulted on its debt. Failure to find a solution would send stock markets reeling, recipients of federal benefits might not get their monthly checks, parts of government would grind to a halt and long-term damage would be inflicted on the US economy, according to the Federal Reserve chair, Jerome Powell.

Fights over the US debt ceiling are common and usually resolved after a session of bloviating. Wall Street has so far ignored this scrap, betting on a repeat. But, as in 2011, all that could change as the X date approaches. This time the Tea Party Republicans have been replaced by even more hardline politicians the Freedom Caucus who begrudgingly signed on to McCarthys plan but have sworn to hold out for cost cuts no matter the price.

What will damage the economy is what weve seen the last two years: record spending, record inflation, record debt. We already know thats damaging the economy, Representative Jim Jordan, a founding member of the Freedom Caucus, told Reuters.

David Kamin, a New York University law professor who served as an economic adviser to the Obama and Biden administrations, including during the 2011 crisis, said: Congress has negotiated [the debt ceiling] over the many decades that its been in its current form. But what is different about this episode, and the episode in 2011, is the very credible threat from the Republican side to not raise the debt limit, to demand a large set of policy in exchange for a vote. He added: That then sets up a dangerous negotiation where whats at stake is severe repercussions for the economy.

A default would be catastrophic for the US and global economy, creating instability in financial markets and interrupting government services. But, as the 2011 crisis showed, even getting close to default comes with a price. Markets plummeted and the ratings agency S&P downgraded the USs credit rating for the first time in history, making it more expensive for the country to borrow money. The cost to borrow went up $1.3bn the next year and continued to be more expensive years later, essentially offsetting some of the negotiations cost-cutting measures.

To some economists, that was just the short-term impact. The spending cuts ushered in years of budget tightening with long-lasting impacts.

We were still in a pretty depressed economy and in recovery from the great recession when those cuts were instituted. They just made the recovery last far longer than it should have, said Josh Bivens, chief economist for the Economic Policy Institute, a leftwing thinktank. Over the next six or seven years, really valuable public goods and services were not delivered because they were cut so sharply.

Government spending tends to rise after recessions but per-capita federal spending fell after the debt crisis. Bivens argues that if government spending had continued at its normal levels, the unemployment rate would have returned to its pre-recession level five or six years before 2017, when the job market finally recovered its losses.

This time the Republican bill, called the Limit, Save and Grow Act, would increase the debt ceiling by $1.5tn in exchange for $1.47tn in cuts during the next fiscal year and a 1% spending increase cap thereafter. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that the bill would cut federal spending by $4.8tn over the next 10 years.

The bill would mean cuts to things like defense, education and social services over time, though Republicans have outlined few specific cuts in the bill. House Republicans are proposing scrapping Joe Bidens student relief program, making more stringent work requirements for government benefits, namely Medicaid, and rolling back several Inflation Reduction Act investments, particularly clean energy tax credits.

The IRS would lose $71bn in funding under the new bill, a move that would lead to more lenient tax collection and ultimately cost the federal government $120bn over the next decade. Republicans have been targeting the IRS for budget cuts for over a decade, weakening the agencys tax enforcement over corporations and the wealthy and allowing $18bn in lost government revenue, ProPublica estimated in 2018.

While Republicans are using old tricks from 2011, Democrats appear to have learned some lessons from the Obama-era spat. After 2011, the Obama administration refused to negotiate over the debt ceiling. Biden and other Democratic leaders have continued the practice: the Senate majority leader, Chuck Schumer, called the Republican bill dead on arrival when it got to the Senate.

President Biden will never force middle-class and working families to bear the burden of tax cuts for the wealthiest, as this bill does, the White House press secretary, Karine Jean-Pierre, said in a statement on Wednesday. Congressional Republicans must act immediately and without conditions to avoid default and ensure that the full faith and credit of the United States is not put at risk.

The question now is: what are the political costs for the Democrats and Republicans? As the crisis deepens, how long will they hold and who will fold?

Despite Republicans preaching fiscal discipline, US debt actually rose by $7.8tn under the Trump administration. Spending cuts would also probably target GOP-friendly expenditures. The party has already had to make a tough compromise over ethanol tax credits, which were ultimately left untouched at the behest of Corn Belt Republican lawmakers. And McCarthy still lost four Republican votes, the most he can afford to lose with the Republicans slim House majority. He has little room to compromise even if he can get Biden to negotiate.

Matt Gaetz, a Republican representative from Florida and another Freedom Caucus member, voted against McCarthys bill and said in a statement that it would increase Americas debt by $16tn over the next 10 years.

Gaslighting nearly $50tn in debt to America is something my conscious [sic] cannot abide at this time, Gaetz said.

Kamin pointed out that Republicans only focus on the debt ceiling as a leverage point when there is a Democratic president the debt ceiling was raised three times during Trumps presidency showing that their objective is less about actually reducing the deficit than it is about playing politics.

The Republican party at least elements of the Republican party have organized themselves using this as a litmus test for adherence to their beliefs and are really focused on it as a central element of their agenda, Kamin said. But the fight is not fundamentally about deficits and debt, he said. It is a fight about politics.

As in 2011, the two sides are locked in a game of chicken and waiting for the opposition to cave. If neither side blinks, the impact on the economy will be felt for years to come.

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Danger and deja vu: what 2011 can tell us about the US debt ceiling crisis - The Guardian

Staying Clear-Eyed About Republican Radicalism on the Debt Ceiling – The Bulwark

We are nearing a crash into the debt ceiling, the most tangible threat to the full faith and credit of the United States in our lifetimes. But unless youre paying close attention, you might not know why default is a genuine threat, nor why this crisis is really happening.

The problem is that much of the press coverage reflects neither the direness of the situation nor the reality of whose actions are actually threatening default. Most of the stories published in the mainstream media in the last few days have been about House Speaker Kevin McCarthys ability to get his plan through the House. The stories before that were largely about why President Joe Biden has not met with McCarthy to negotiate, or when he will hold the meeting. But to treat this as a normal political negotiation, or as one where both sides are equally at fault, is to distort reality.

Take, for example, how the story was covered last Thursday by Politicos Playbook, a daily newsletter read widely every morning by the political and journalistic establishments. Playbooks reporting on House Republicans passage of their debt ceiling plan was basically a paean to McCarthys adroitness in eking out a one-vote victory and speculation about the future of his speakership. There was nothing on what was in the billnothing about how radical and cynical it is. (More on that in a moment.)

Or take this New York Times report from Thursday covering the options now faced by Biden, focusing largely on tactics, as if this were a normal and typical negotiationone where Biden is not cooperating because he wont meet with McCarthy to do the horsetrading necessary to reach a deal.

To be sure, both Politico and the Times have covered this issue in depth elsewhere. And there are other mainstream outlets that have offered blunt, accurate reporting and analysis.

But the tendency to slide into familiar journalistic rutsto focus on the mechanics of dealmaking rather than on what makes the situation historically abnormal and dangerousmust be constantly resisted.

How radical is the proposal that House Republicans passed? You can read the bill for yourself here, but Washington Post columnist Catherine Rampell summarized it well: Under the plan, most overall nondefense discretionary spending would be slashed by nearly one-third on average in 2024, after adjusting for inflation. The cuts would then expand to roughly 59 percent, on average, by 2033, according to estimates from both the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities and the Center for American Progress.

How cynical is the Republican proposal? It was not passed with any expectation that it would become law, since everyone knows that the Democratic-led Senate and the Democratic president would not allow that to happen. It is a complete nonstarter. Which means that the GOP is using the possibility of devastating cuts to programs on which millions of Americans relyeviscerating crucial public services and safety net protectionsas a kind of symbolic gesture for the purposes of negotiation.

How historically extreme is the Republican proposal? Of course, we have seen politicians take that kind of stance in the past, only to cut the necessary deals. Ronald Reagan, when governor of California, took a hardline stance over budget negotiationsonly to compromise and say, That sound you hear is the concrete cracking around my feet. But Reagan was a more traditional politician, unlike todays radical House Republicans like Bob Good, Ralph Norman, Matt Gaetz, Scott Perry, Marjorie Taylor Greene, and dozens more. They have already signaled that if McCarthy compromises to dilute the proposalthe proposal that, again, cannot pass but that McCarthy promised them was a bottom line, a floor not a ceilingthey will punish him.

In 2011, the United States came close to breaching the debt ceiling. Egged on by House Republican leaders Kevin McCarthy and Eric Cantor, Tea Party lawmakers pushed President Barack Obama with a series of demands, holding the debt limit hostage right to the brink, until Speaker John Boehner rescued Americas full faith and credit. But the consequences of the near miss were still severe. Americas credit rating was downgraded for the first time in history, and the resulting rise in interest rates cost taxpayers billions of dollars in the years that followed.

Boehners heroic action was not exactly popular with his GOP colleagues; it was the harbinger of the end of his speakership. And four years later, the Tea Party movement was supplanted by a new organization in the House, the Freedom Caucus, formed because the existing right-wing caucus, the Republican Study Committee that dated back to the 1970s, was not extreme enough. Today, the Freedom Caucus is driving the House agenda, with Speaker McCarthy following, not leading.

There is another historical analogy to consider besides 2011one that also illustrates the recklessness of House Republican on fiscal matters. In late 2008, with the devastating financial collapse, President George W. Bush sent Hank Paulson and Ben Bernanke, the Treasury secretary and Fed chairman, to Capitol Hill with the message that without a massive bailout of financial institutions we would face a global depression. All congressional leaders in both parties agreed, as did the two presidential candidates, Republican John McCain and Democrat Barack Obama. But despite personal lobbying by Bush, House Republicans killed the plan on the House floor. Only after a precipitous drop in the Dow did they relent.

And they were moderates compared to todays House Republican radicalssomething McCarthy knows full well. It would only take one member to call for a vote on his speakership, and four or five defections would doom him.

But far more than McCarthys speakership is at stake. A hard core of the House GOP extremists would be fine with a default.

For many, blowing up government would make the price of economic chaos worth it.

For others, the likelihood that a default would be blamed more on the president makes it a tempting ploy.

Andto come back to where we startedthe likelihood that Biden gets blamed is enhanced when the press portrays the issue as a conventional political clash over spending. If this were genuinely about fiscal discipline, Republicans like McCarthy would not have voted three times during the Trump presidency for clean hikes in the debt ceilingas the debt rose by a staggering $7.8 trillion.

Using the debt ceiling as a hostage is not new. But its use as a cudgel, with a core of hardline GOP lawmakers ready and willing to endure a default and a weak speaker of the House unable to stop them, is new and dangerous, and ought be reported that way. If Republicans believe that they will not face the consequences for their recklessness, we are far more likely to go over the cliff and into the first default in American history.

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Staying Clear-Eyed About Republican Radicalism on the Debt Ceiling - The Bulwark