Archive for the ‘Tea Party’ Category

Maryland Congressional Primaries: Parrott to Take on Trone in Fall – The Epoch Times

As expected, all seven incumbent Maryland congressional representatives and a U.S. senator on the states July 19 primary ballots easily won their parties nods and will defend their seats in November.

Not expected were anticipated close races in both party primaries for governor, the Republican preliminary in Congressional District 6 (CD 6), and the Democratic primary in CD 4 to never materialize.

Clear frontrunners mounted huge leads in key races projected to be competitive with winners in several declared within hours after polls closed despite hundreds of thousands of mail-in votes uncounted.

A unique-to-Maryland law prohibits elections officials from beginning to count mail-in ballots until no sooner than 10 a.m. the Thursday after an election.

With more than 505,000 of the states 4.1 million registered voters requesting 2022 primary mail-in ballots for the primary, those uncounted votes were expected to leave some races too close to call by election night.

Not expected in CD 6 was Del. Neil Parrott (R-Hagerstown) cruising to an easy victory, being declared the winner about two hours after the polls closed.

Parrott had65.1 percent of the tally in blowing past 25-year-old investigative journalist Matthew Foldi in what was projected to be a close race.

Parrott, 51, a Maryland State Highway Administration traffic engineer and former Frederick Deputy Director of Engineering, is a Tea Party activist elected to the General Assembly in 2010.

He will face two-term Rep. David Trone (D-Md.), who brushed off nominal primary opposition but will face a stiff challenge in the general election against Parrott in a post-2020 Census reconfigured district.

CD 6 had previously been solid Democratic before deep blue areas in Montgomery County were shifted out of the district in post-Census remapping.

The district spans much of the states western panhandle framed by Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia, where there is a higher density of Republican voters.

The Cook Political Report and Larry J. Sabatos Crystal Ball rate it as lean Democratic, while Inside Elections with Nathan L. Gonzales classifies it as likely Democratic.

In the nine-candidate CD 4, Democratic primary, twice-elected States Attorney for Prince Georges County Glenn Ivey was nearly 16 percentage points ahead of former Rep. Donna Edwards four hours after polls closed on July 19.

Ivey, former Maryland Public Service Commission chair, and Edwards, who served four House terms after being the first black woman elected by Marylanders to Congress in 2008, were among nine hopefuls seeking to succeed three-term Rep. Anthony Brown (D-Md), who is running for state Attorney General.

The winner will likely face Jeff Warner, who was cruising past George McDermott, making his sixth congressional bid, in their CD 6 Republican primary.

Otherwise, even without mail-in ballots counted in tallies, many of the primary races appear set if not formally called.

In the Democratic U.S. Senate primary, Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) garnered three-quarters of the vote in defeating Michelle Smith.

He will likely face Chris Chaffee, who was leading the 10-candidate Republican primary with 22.1 percent of the tally, more than 12,000 votes ahead of second-place Lorie Friend three hours after polls closed July 19.

Van Hollen will be a heavy favorite in the general election against Chaffee, who is running for the U.S. Senate for the fourth time. A building contractor, Chaffee also ran for the U.S. House in CD 5 in 2010 and 2014.

In CD 1, six-term Rep. Andrew Harris (R-Md.), Marylands lone congressional Republican, was the only sitting rep not being tested in a primary. He will be the favorite in November to defeat Heather Mizeur, who garnered nearly 70 percent of the vote in her Democratic primary against Dave Harden.

The Cook Political Report, Inside Elections with Nathan L. Gonzales, and Larry J. Sabatos Crystal Ball all rate CD 1 as solid Republican.

All of the states other congressional districtsexcept CD 6are rated as solid and safe Democratic.

In CD 2, 10-term Rep. Dutch Ruppersberger (D-Md.) easily breezed by two party rivals and will be the heavy favorite to defeat Nicolee Ambrose, who was comfortably leading in the districts three-candidate GOP primary.

CD 3s eight-term Rep. John Sarbanes (D-Md) was having little problem brushing off two challengers in his Democratic primary and will likely face Republican Yuripzy Morgan in the general election if her large lead is sustained when mail-in ballots are tallied.

House Majority Leader Rep. Steny Hoyer (D-Md.), who has served 42 years in Congress, had little problem dispatching two party rivals in the CD 5 Democratic primary. He also isnt expected to be challenged in November by the winner of the GOP primary, former U.S. Capitol Police officer Chris Palombi.

CD 7s first-term Rep. Kweisi Mfume (D-Md.) had a comfortable lead over three party rivals and is near certain to advance to November against Scott Collier, the winner of the four-candidate Republican primary.

In CD 8, three-term Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.) scored more than 90 percent of the vote in advancing to the November ballot.

The lead impeachment manager for former President Donald Trumps second impeachment, who sits on the House Select Committee on the Jan. 6 breach of the Capital, will face Gregory Coll, who cruised to the GOP nod in his primary.

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John Haughey has been a working journalist since 1978 with an extensive background in local government, state legislatures, and growth and development. A graduate of the University of Wyoming, he is a Navy veteran who fought fires at sea during three deployments aboard USS Constellation. Hes been a reporter for daily newspapers in California, Washington, Wyoming, New York, and Florida; a staff writer for Manhattan-based business trade publications.

Continued here:
Maryland Congressional Primaries: Parrott to Take on Trone in Fall - The Epoch Times

David Segal, Populist Coalition Builder, Runs for Congress in Rhode Island – The American Prospect

Its not exactly a secret that the midterms are likely to lead to divided government. Should that happen, opportunities for progressive advances narrow to a handful of discrete issues with transpartisan support. Im not talking about the usual bipartisanship that reveals itself as a stalking horse for corporate interests. There are some issueslike war policy, Big Tech dominance, taking down the ocean shipping cartelwhere the divide is not necessarily left vs. right, but populist vs. establishment.

The singular figure at the center of practically all previous transpartisan coalitions in Washington over the past decade, and more in his home state before that, is running for Congress. David Segal, a candidate for the open seat in Rhode Islands second congressional district, is one of the few Democrats campaigning on his ability to be effective no matter who controls the House.

A moment like this is one where its all the more important to elect people with a demonstrated track record on issues, Segal said in an interview in May. I got legislation on renewable energy and criminal justice [in Rhode Island] with one of the most right-wing governors in the country. I stopped cuts to city and state government. Ive been able to forward an agenda on war powers reform even with Republican majorities in the House. The monopoly issue Ive been working on is one with some genuine cross-partisan esteem.

Segal is running in a field of six to replace retiring Rep. Jim Langevin; the primary, one of the nations last, is September 13. The current front-runner is Rhode Island state treasurer Seth Magaziner, the son of Ira Magaziner, policy advisor and architect of the ill-fated Clinton health care plan. In addition to having run statewide, Magaziner has outraised the field and holds several major endorsements.

But Segal believes he is better positioned for the political moment in a seat that, while solidly Democratic since 1991 (Biden won the old version of the district by 13 points and it got more Democratic in redistricting), has shown signs of being competitive this year. His unique blend of legislative experience and outside advocacy, building support across the aisle, rallying factions in both parties to block unfavorable bills, and highlighting executive branch appointments, could serve him well in the next Congress, he says.

I have worked almost literally every day for the last 20 years to build the sorts of broad coalitions that you need to build to make progress for people, Segal said. There are moments of common concern, even among a broad, diverse electorate. Thats a more compelling story to tell rather than presenting the notion that we will be able to nibble around the edges.

(Full disclosure: Segal has been quoted in several articles Ive written in the past. He also co-edited a book to which I contributed a chapter, and has written or co-written five stories at the Prospect.)

DESPITE BEING ONLY 42 YEARS OLD, Segal really has been involved in high-level politics for two decades. In 2001, after college at Columbia, he moved to Providence, Rhode Island, getting involved in a living wage fight and tackling police department dysfunction. By 2002, he was elected to the Providence City Council on a Green Party ticketthe first Green to win an election in Rhode Island history, and one of the states youngest elected officials ever. A photo from that era at a rally for local custodians shows exactly how young Segal was when he got started.

On the city council, Segal often pushed David Cicilline, who at the time was the citys somewhat moderate mayor (he is currently representing Rhode Islands other congressional district and has become a stalwart Progressive Caucus member). The council advanced elements of the living wage ordinance and other measures, like ensuring eviction notices for tenants were in multiple languages.

Segal switched parties to the Democrats and won a seat in the Rhode Island House of Representatives in 2006, spending two terms there. He was part of a small group of progressives in a Democratic-dominated but largely establishment caucus. At the time, Republican Gov. Donald Carcieri, and Democratic House Speaker William Murphy and Senate President Joseph Montalbano, were all pro-life. But in 2007 Segal was one of four co-sponsors of legislation to codify Roe v. Wade into law. It was not an issue with a lot of energy behind it, Segal said. Over the decade it became more salient. In 2019 the measure finally passed.

During his tenure, Segal passed a renewable-energy bill in 2007 before the Green New Deal was a thing, and passed criminal justice reform in Rhode Island before that rose to prominence. In 2009, at the height of the Great Recession, he led a coalition to block substantial cuts in funding to cities and towns, and restored what would have been the end of the states capital gains tax. A story in the now-defunct local alt-weekly The Phoenix in 2007 entitled The Hippest Guy in State Government noted Segals inside-outside game, marveling at the fact that he was the only elected official who was a blogger, and that hed amassed an online army of 433 Facebook friends.

This is his second try for a House seat; Segal lost to Cicilline in 2010. In between then and now, he co-founded (with the late Aaron Swartz) the national advocacy group Demand Progress, which works on issues of militarism, surveillance, tech censorship, net neutrality, and monopoly power.

The Demand Progress work built on Segals tendency to gather unusual coalitions. The first major effort was a transpartisan protest in 2011 against two bills, the Stop Online Piracy Act and the Protect Intellectual Property Act (SOPA/PIPA), that would have been a giveaway to entertainment and software companies and seemed destined for passage. Opponents argued they would block online free speech. Segal helped rally thousands of websites against the bill, from Google to Etsy, from progressives to the Tea Party, all of which participated in an internet blackout that generated millions of contacts to Congress. The bills were eventually dropped in early 2012.

In addition, Segals group has brought together Democrats and Republicans to fight government surveillance through the PATRIOT Act and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), and to re-establish congressional supremacy in declarations of war. Demand Progress was at the forefront of a bipartisan War Powers Act resolution to end U.S. involvement in the war in Yemen, which passed Congress in 2018, and another limiting President Trumps ability to strike Iran, which passed in 2020. The Yemen vote was the first War Powers resolution to pass in the Senate since the War Powers Act became law in 1973. Congressional power over warmaking should be respected, Segal said. Regardless of what people think of the potential of military action, we agree that there should be function of democratic process.

While the Yemen war has not formally ended (its in a somewhat fragile cease-fire at the moment), a new War Powers resolution has been introduced in both chambers on a bipartisan basis, something Demand Progress helped to organize.

Demand Progress has also been out front on confronting monopoly power, initially in the tech sector but eventually encompassing corporate control more broadly. The organization initiated the No Corporate Cabinet campaign which played a major role in shaping personnel in the Biden administration, and it has been active in promoting net neutrality, which was briefly the law of the land under President Obamas FCC.

Sitting on top of all that, they want a Democratic Party that is going to do things. They want to elect people that understand how important this moment in time appears to be, Segal said.

IN SEVERAL INTERVIEWS over the past few months, Segal has told me about an unusually eclectic mix of priorities (for congressional candidates, anyway): constraining the runaway military budget; using international mechanisms like the IMF to fund poor and developing countries through special drawing rights; taking on concentration in agriculture, energy, and baby formula markets; responding to inflation through crackdowns on price gouging (like an excess profits tax, with the proceeds returned to the public); improving supply chain functionality; plus filibuster reform, climate policy, and much more.

We last talked as President Biden was wrapping up his visit to the Middle East. I was pleased during the campaign when he said Saudi Arabia would be recognized as a pariah, Segal said. Obviously this was a step backward. He said that it would push him more to organize bipartisan support for the War Powers resolution on Yemen, where the Saudis have been an interventionist force.

War Powers resolutions are privileged, which means they can be brought up for a vote even if leadership doesnt favor them. Similarly, Segal talked about discharge petitions, which can be used in the House to get votes on bills not backed by leadership if a majority of members sign. This creative thinking on how to work within the structures of Congress to make change is critical.

When I asked Segal what he was picking up from voters in the district, as he knocked doors and gathered petitions to qualify for the ballot, he ticked off some specificsabortion, inflationand then added, Sitting on top of all that, they want a Democratic Party that is going to do things. They want to elect people that understand how important this moment in time appears to be. They need people in office who are not there to push half-measures and appease corporations while purporting to do something.

Segal has earned endorsements from green groups and leaders like Bill McKibben. Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) endorsed Segal and held an event with him about corporate power. We need leaders like David making decisions at policy tables, she said at the event.

But Magaziner, who was initially running for governor before switching to the House seat when it came open, has assembled a formidable war chest, raising over $2 million for the race, only $27,000 of which is from small-dollar donors (contributing $200 or less). Segal has raised about $469,000, which is the third-most in the race. Theres been no outside spending thus far.

Magaziner also holds endorsements from several traditional labor unions, like the building trades, SEIU, UNITE Here, and the state AFL-CIO. The state Democratic Party and outgoing Rep. Langevin endorsed Magaziner as well, along with House Reps. Steny Hoyer (D-MD), Jake Auchincloss (D-MA), and most recently Seth Moulton (D-MA).

Auchincloss, in his endorsement, warned that the district was a swing seat, pointing to a poll showing Republican Cranston Mayor Allan Fung, a two-time candidate for governor, defeating all Democrats by 6-10 points in hypothetical matchups. We have got to fight every congressional race as though its the deciding margin, Auchincloss, a former Republican, cautioned.

That poll was taken in June, right before the Supreme Courts overturning of Roe, which has led to a slight move back to Democrats in the generic congressional ballot. More to the point, Fungs name recognition relative to most everyone on the Democratic side could have driven some of the results. The last Republican to hold the 2nd district seat in Rhode Island was Claudine Schneider more than 30 years ago.

The framing of electability as the main factor in the race would absolve Magaziner from having to compete over issues. Magaziners top priorities are fairly mainstream Democratic Party ideas.

Other candidates in the race include Joy Fox, a former spokesperson for Langevin, Rhode Islands previous governor (and current Commerce Secretary) Gina Raimondo, and the state Department of Corrections; Sara Morgenthau, who worked in the National Travel and Tourism office of the Commerce Department; and Omar Bah, founder of the Refugee Dream Center.

While polling shows Magaziner in front, his support tops out around 30 percent. Segals pollster explained in June that internal polling showed Segal at 17.5 percent among voters who could name all the candidates, within 11 points of Magaziner. While Seth has been a known quantity for seven years, the polling clearly shows that voters are not sold on him and, even with just a minimal amount of campaigning from other candidates, the numbers will be very different, very fast, the pollster, Dan Cohen, told local radio.

If Segal can make it to Washington, theres no question that it wont be politics as usual. Theres real populist grassroots energy in this district, he told me. People know the government can do more for them.

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David Segal, Populist Coalition Builder, Runs for Congress in Rhode Island - The American Prospect

The Boston Tea Party you never read about – Lewiston Morning Tribune

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The Boston Tea Party you never read about - Lewiston Morning Tribune

‘We need a Tea Party-style uprising’: Fuel protests divide opinion among Telegraph readers – The Telegraph

Readers in support of the fuel protests

@Peter Hicks:

I sympathise with the protesters. There does need to be a mass Tea Party-style uprising over the excessive tax this Government levies on the people. We are being oppressed and robbed, its that simple.

"Fuel duty is outrageously excessive and one of many totally unnecessary taxes. Britain will need a low-tax, hard-border revolution to save itself from its spiral of ruin and decay. Not to mention getting rid of 50 per cent or more of the civil service. The biggest cost to economic activity is the Government.

@Richard Lee:

I fully support this. Fuel prices are down to a greedy Government. 20 years ago the protests were about fuel hitting 1 a litre when a barrel of oil was $147. Now, fuel is 2 a litre and a barrel of oil is around $109, all due to tax.

The Government is in control of the price and is wilfully ruining people's lives, and for what? A badly thought-through useless green agenda. This is about the impoverishment and control of the masses.

@Stephen Rees:

My attitude to these protesters is entirely different to that of Insulate Britain protesters. They are protesting against ridiculous fuel prices that are wrecking their livelihoods, in many cases, and causing genuine hardship.

"More to the point, the Government can easily combat this by reducing fuel tax, removing green levies and scrapping VAT on fuel. Some of these may be reinstated when oil prices eventually settle down - but relief of the pain now will help the economy, reduce inflation and win brownie points from the electorate rather than further alienating them.

@Neil Owen:

Whilst I do not condone the action, it is beyond belief that any politician should be surprised by actions such as these by 'ordinary people'. We have had high crude prices before, but the price of everyday fuel has never rocketed like this. A lack of real action by the Government just comes across as them being duplicitous in these events. People will remember this come the election.

@Ricardo Montalban:

Good. The Government could help by reducing the point-of-sale tax taken to that before Russia invaded Ukraine, but it has not done that. Likewise for tax on energy companies, but tax needs to go out to businesses and individuals, not to the Treasury.

Care workers, for example - how are they supposed to make ends meet driving to clients? It is the Government's job to ease disruptions due to economic shocks, not to add to the woe.

@Simon Cox:

They protest at high fuel prices, but cause thousands of motorists to use more fuel in traffic jams across the UK, when the political elite do not suffer at all, so it has no impact on those few individuals who could change things. Other than the newspaper headlines, it's a waste of time, and other people's fuel.

@Dondon JJ:

I'm a little surprised to see so much support for this action, which seems to excuse it purely on the grounds of these people being members of the motorists tribe rather than anything else, and paints a rather sorry picture of modern political allegiances.

@John Vaccaro:

I agree wholeheartedly with the protesters sentiments. However, blocking the motorway network may be counterproductive to the cause of lowering prices. I'd prefer they take the protest directly to Johnson and those in power, whose policies account for around half of the cost of a litre of fuel.

@Gillian Burton:

As much as Ive grown to despise this Government, that I voted for, and all its hot air non-policies, I highly disagree with deliberately bringing the countrys main artery road routes to a standstill as a way to protest. This makes the grinning gentleman in the van and his accomplices no better than Extinction Rebellion.

@Peter Miles:

What do these people actually want? They blame the Government, but it's not the Government which sets the price of fuel. That price is set by the retailers who, in turn, have to reflect wholesale prices which are rising due to Putin starting a war among other reasons.

I suppose some would say that the Chancellor should reduce or remove the duty on fuel, but then what? Protests at the rise in income tax needed to make that loss up, or maybe reduce expenditure on the NHS or benefits?

In reality, the protesters are just a tiny minority moaning they want something done without suggesting what, while making life difficult for everyone else.

Link:
'We need a Tea Party-style uprising': Fuel protests divide opinion among Telegraph readers - The Telegraph

Bay: On point: Flash mobs, tea parties and Tocqueville – Times-News

In February 2009, a young man posting on a website dubbed The Urban Prankster Network (Headquarters for Global Agents of Stealth Comedy!) suggested a novel way to cool off the city of Austin, Texas, when the inevitable hell of a Texas summer bakes streets and fries brains: a citywide water gun and water balloon war waged by a flash mob.

It could happen. American flash mobs often involve goofy stunts the digital social network and cellphone with text-message age equivalent of 1950s-era collegians cramming sophomores into a phone booth (when phone booths still existed).

A flash mob organizer might send four accomplices a message like this: Paint yourself blue and show up at Sixth and Congress in two hours. In concept, the ability to communicate quickly and virally (think exponents each friend contacts four more friends, and those friends four more) quickly multiplies the number of blue-painted crazies unexpectedly crowding a downtown sidewalk.

A couple of years ago, I overheard two mothers discussing a high school party that included a flash mob-like activity. A text message provided the insta-mob location. Alas, one of the moms had to drive her son to and from the mob scene. Thats an old lesson reinforced: Even improvised anarchy may require parental logistical support.

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San Francisco, however, is fed up with flash mobs that leave litter. The San Francisco Chronicle assured its readers that the citys looming crackdown was not political, ideological or cultural, but a Valentines Day flash mob pillow fight left heaps of icky, sticky feathers for sanitation workers in other words, clean-up costs. The pillow brawl was billed as the fourth annual, which indicates less flash and more coordination. Unless event organizers take responsibility for the trash, the city may shut the next one down. Heres the bumper sticker: Leave Trash? No Flash.

One hundred seventy-four years after the publication of his Democracy in America, French aristocrat and author Alexis de Tocqueville remains the most insightful analyst of American political mores. Tocqueville didnt anticipate flash mob technology, but he understood them in Americas context. He noted in volume two of his masterpiece that Americans formed public associations for many reasons, including entertainment. Freedom of association flows from the First Amendments guarantee of freedom of peaceable assembly.

Tocqueville also noted that this freedom is dangerous. In Europe, crowds signaled revolt. American democracy had produced a paradox, one that had a subtle but profound national security dimension. Tocqueville concluded the liberty of association had become a necessary guarantee against the tyranny of the majority. Civil associations presumably even pillow fights facilitated political association, and free political association kept American democracy vibrant. Association was the dangerous means for thwarting the majoritys omnipotence.

Tocquevilles observations and San Franciscos impending trash-bred quash of flash mobs led me to the internet. I typed in flash mob and tea party. The Google search produced an article on anti-stimulus protests occurring throughout the United States. Scores of demonstrations against congressional pork spending, congressional earmark spending, lack of oversight in bailout spending and congressional corruption have sprung up around the United States.

In some cases, several hundred people have gathered organized using flash mob communications techniques. The tea party protesters connect their contemporary gripes with the same anti-tax and anti-autocrat sentiment that spawned the Boston Tea Party of 1773. The internet and cellphones are simply swifter couriers for delivering messages from bloggers and protest organizers, the rough contemporary equivalents of the committees of correspondence that linked American revolutionaries in the 18th century.

Yes, hyper-left San Francisco insists it has no ideological issues with flash mobs ... but tyrants do. In 2006, Zimbabwes military cracked down on cellphone companies because they provide independent connections (i.e., communications) inside and outside the country. This threatened national security. The military wanted to limit the outflow of information on Zimbabwes terrible internal conditions and deny demonstrators a tool for organizing.

Tocqueville wrote: It cannot be denied that the unrestrained liberty of association for political purposes is the privilege which a people is longest in learning how to exercise.

Americans, he concluded, had learned. The privilege, and its enabling knack, remains revolutionary.

Austin Bay is an author, syndicated columnist, professor, developmental aid advocate, radio commentator, retired reserve soldier, war game designer.

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Bay: On point: Flash mobs, tea parties and Tocqueville - Times-News