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A member of an election commission carries a mobile ballot box in Ivano-Frankivsk region during Ukraine's May 2014 presidential election. (REUTERS/Kacper Pempel)

Ukraines public governance system is in dire need of transformation and President Zelenskyy has identified digitization as the best route towards greater accessibility and accountability. Our goal is to make sure that all relations with the state can be carried out with the help of a regular smartphone and the internet, commented Zelenskyy during the presentation of the governments Diia mobile application in February 2020. However, a promised move towards internet voting for Ukrainian elections may be premature for the countrys fledgling democracy.

Ukraines vision for digital transformation is ambitious and includes holding online voting for all elections and referendums. This aspiration to bring Ukraines public governance into the digital age should be applauded, but there are number of serious obstacles that must be taken into account when considering internet voting. Premature implementation of online voting could potentially have dire consequences for Ukraines democratic development, political stability, and electoral integrity.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

While the use of the internet for remote voting has considerable future potential, it is a new approach that has only been successfully implemented in very few cases and with limited scope. These cases all need to be considered before implementing wide-scale internet voting in Ukraine in order to learn crucial lessons, compare contexts, and realistically evaluate if it is an appropriate step forward for the country.

Internet voting was first used for binding political elections in 2000 in the United States in a pilot across several states targeting out-of-country voters. Since then, approximately a dozen countries have experimented with this technology. A few nations use internet voting in some parts of their country or for certain voters. The list includes Armenia, Australia, Canada, Panama, Switzerland, and the US.

Countries that use internet voting tend to target specific categories of voters. For example, this often includes out-of-country voters, diplomatic or military personnel posted abroad, domestic absentee voters, or voters with disabilities.

Estonia is the only country that uses internet voting nationwide, but this step came following decades of investment in a full e-governance transformation and infrastructure. In Estonia, todays internet voting system was added as part of an overall e-governance system that already had the trust of the public. This system is linked to mandatory electronic ID documents as well as a large-scale e-governance ecosystem that includes an inter-agency data exchange system.

The Estonian government has been developing both of these features since the 1990s. Only after extensive use and gradual expansion of preexisting services (in areas like social security, taxation, and property registration) did Estonia launch its online voting efforts, and even then only gradually.

Todays Ukraine exists in a very different context. It has a significantly larger population that does not yet have similar levels of trust in digital technologies, and its digitized identification system is significantly lacking. According to the most recent data, only 5.6 million Ukrainians (out of 40 million) have digital IDs, while the countrys citizen registry requires broad reform and modernization.

Internet voting is still a developing technology when it comes to security and trust. Many countries have chosen not to use it after conducting feasibility studies or pilots due to these concerns. Some did so after limited pilots of internet voting (the United Kingdom and Norway), others initially adopted internet voting but decided to discontinue it (India, France, the Netherlands, and Spain). Even a pilot of this technology, if not properly planned and communicated to voters, could have a lasting negative impact on public trust in electoral technology and election integrity.

Security, as well as the perception of security, should be a key consideration before implementing internet voting. Especially given the ongoing military conflict between Ukraine and Russia, there is a high risk of e-voting technology being compromised. It is important to note the recent leaks of personal information of citizens from state registries, and the recent history of sophisticated cyber attacks against Ukraine.

Countries that experience frequent and sometimes devastating cyber attacks must take all necessary measures to increase the resilience of their existing election infrastructure. At this stage, Ukraine does not have the necessary technological infrastructure to adequately pilot internet voting. If piloting did move forward, it would first have to be carefully researched, planned for and resourced. By no means should a pilot take place as part of a live election event.

Trust is probably the most critical aspect of any election process. Allegations of election fraud or irregularities, even if unfounded, can have a devastating impact on political stability, as we have recently seen in several high-profile elections.

In Ukraine, there is currently significant distrust of internet voting among voters and politicians. This distrust may threaten public willingness to accept election results through this system, particularly if those who lose an election accuse the system of fraud or manipulation.

The example of the recent US election is particularly revealing. Importantly, if an online voting exercise fails and the publics trust in e-democracy is impacted, this could have negative consequences for all tech initiatives and for democratic development itself in Ukraine.

In light of these concerns, the introduction of online voting or the conduct of a pilot exercise tied to a live election event in Ukraine requires a bit more thought. Fifty-four Ukrainian NGOs share this sentiment and co-signed IFESs Joint Statement on Internet Voting Pilot during Local Elections 2020 in early July last year.

Crucially, this does not mean that Ukraine should abandon the idea of digitizing and modernizing the election process. There is a clear need for a more transparent and accessible result management system. Ukraine could also consider implementing solutions for electronic voting and electronic counting including ballot scanners and verified voter paper trails, as well as crucial risk limiting audits.

However, these technological solutions can only be effectively introduced in the controlled environment of an election precinct, not in an individual voters home or on a smartphone, where it is more difficult to police instances of fraud, vote-buying, and coercion. It is also critical to ensure the Central Election Commissions leading role in discussing the implementation of any modern IT solutions for the electoral process, as it is the only institution mandated to take on the challenges of administering them.

Technology can serve as a tool to bring greater electoral integrity to a country, making government interactions with citizens more transparent, efficient, and accountable. Ukraine is right to aspire to this. However, if applied or used inappropriately, technology can also set a country back. Much progress has been made over the past decade to improve Ukraines electoral administration and protect electoral integrity. A misstep in introducing internet voting could now potentially cast doubt on the foundations of democracy in Ukraine and jeopardize this hard-won progress.

Serhii Savelii is the Senior Legal Officer of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) in Ukraine. Meredith Applegate is the Program Advisor for the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) for Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, and co-author of the IFES white paper Considerations on Internet Voting: An Overview for Electoral Decision-Makers.

Wed, Jul 29, 2020

The Ukrainian Institute was established in 2018 in order to make the most of the countrys untapped soft power potential, but this cultural diplomacy initiative faces numerous political and bureaucratic obstacles.

UkraineAlertbyMarina Pesenti

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Centers mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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The risks of rushing to internet voting in Ukraine - Atlantic Council

The national flags of Ukraine and the US on display outside Kyiv in this file photo from 2016. (REUTERS/Valentyn Ogirenko)

The election of Joe Biden raised the welcome prospect of a return to normalcy in the US-Ukraine relationship after his predecessor Donald Trump tried to use it for political advantage. But the first two months of the Biden administration has also demonstrated that this return to the norm is proving to be complicated.

While Kyiv has signaled its interest in starting a relationship with the new US administration at the highest level, there has still not been a phone call between President Zelenskyy and President Biden. It is true, as Ambassador Bill Taylor has observed, that the relationship does not require a presidential call. American and Ukrainian interests can be served without it.

Biden put down a marker in his first call with President Putin that Moscows aggression in Ukraine was a major obstacle to an improvement in US-Russian relations. This was a clear signal of strong American support for Ukraine in thwarting the Kremlins ongoing aggression in eastern Ukraines Donbas region.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

Perhaps if Ukraine had not appeared as an issue in the recent US presidential election, the call between presidents Biden and Zelenskyy might have already taken place. But these unusual circumstances have also yielded some good results.

The Biden administration has indicated that reform and the fight against corruption are a priority. And over the past few months, partly in an effort to hasten the presidential call, the Ukrainian president has taken more reform steps than at any time since he removed his reformist prime minister, Oleksiy Honcharuk, and most of the cabinet, one year ago.

Indeed, the process started before the inauguration, after the US Treasury Department sanctioned seven Ukrainians including Oleksandr Dubinsky, a senior MP in Zelenskyys Servant of the People Party and close colleague of Ukrainian oligarch Igor Kolomoisky, for interfering in the US presidential elections on behalf of Russia. Zelenskyy quickly had Dubinsky removed from his partys parliamentary faction, and then from the party itself.

More important was the decision taken by Ukraines National Security and Defense Council to ban three television stations controlled by the Ukrainian politician and close Putin associate Victor Medvedchuk. While some argue that this step was a violation of press freedoms, the decision was taken on national security grounds that these stations have been a regular conduit for Kremlin disinformation and were at least partly funded by assets from Kremlin-occupied Donbas.

Washington had sanctioned Medvedchuk in March 2014 because of his role in Russias occupation of Crimea, and had thought his relationship with former Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko peculiar. Zelenskyy has now rectified this.

The steps against Medvedchuk were followed by the leveling of fraud charges against the former CEO of Privatbank, Oleksandr Dubilet, and two of his deputies. Privatbank was taken away from oligarch Igor Kolomoisky in 2016 and nationalized after long-standing allegations of massive fraud at the bank.

These recent charges were interpreted as a major blow against Kolomoiskys efforts to regain ownership of Privatbank, or to receive compensation for losing it. In early March 2021, Washington announced visa sanctions against Kolomoisky and his family, a move which was taken very seriously in Ukraine.

Given the strength of entrenched interests in Ukraine, Zelenskyys strong steps have occurred in the face of major opposition and counter-steps. Even as the authorities go after senior Privatbank employees allegedly involved in fraud, a case has also been opened against Kateryna Rozhkova, First Deputy Governor of the National Bank of Ukraine, who played an important and laudatory role in the nationalization of Privatbank.

In fact, Rozhkova is being charged with treason and embezzlement precisely for her role in that effort. While serving as a timely reminder of the urgent need to reform Ukraines prosecution service and court system, this case also cuts against Zelenskyys efforts to woo Washington.

So, too, does the case brought by brothers Hrihoriy and Igor Surkis, who seek USD 350 million from the Ukrainian government that they allegedly lost as shareholders of Privatbank when the bank was nationalized. This case is widely viewed as a dress rehearsal for Kolomoiskys own efforts to either regain Privatbank or receive compensation.

The Surkis brothers won their suit in Kyivs notorious Pechersk Court last year. However, a subsequent Supreme Court ruling temporarily blocked the execution of the court decision. The case is returning to court this month. A decision to confirm the earlier Pechersk Court ruling would likewise resound in Western capitals.

Zelenskyy has consistently sought to clear the decks for a better relationship with Washington. Given the overlap of interests and values between the US and Ukraine, bilateral relations are going to get closer as the Biden administration settles in; but issues like the Rozhkova prosecution and the disposition of Privatbank assets can slow down Zelenskyys charm offensive. That would not serve US or Ukrainian interests.

John E. Herbst is Director of the Eurasia Center at the Atlantic Council and a former US ambassador to Ukraine.

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Centers mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

See the article here:
Returning the US-Ukraine relationship to normalcy - Atlantic Council

A new Consulate General of Ukraine in the United States will open in Houston, Texas, this year.

Such plans were announced by Ambassador of Ukraine to the United States Volodymyr Yelchenko, an Ukrinform correspondent reports.

"We will open a new consulate general in Houston this year. It was supposed to happen last year, but we were forced to postpone opening due to the pandemic," the diplomat said during an online conference organized by the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council.

The Ambassador stressed that the increase in the number of Ukrainian missions in the US was aimed at taking care of the needs of Ukrainian citizens and businesses. In this regard, Yelchenko thanked the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council which is also making efforts in this area.

As reported, Volodymyr Yelchenko was appointed as the Ambassador of Ukraine to the United States on January 6, 2020. He previously headed the Permanent Mission of Ukraine to the UN. On February 25, 2021, the President of Ukraine appointed Oksana Markarova to the post of Ambassador to the United States.

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Ukraine to open consulate general in Houston this year - Ukrinform. Ukraine and world news

Ukraine lacks the resources of the EU but is not eligible for support from the Green Climate Fund to decarbonise its economy

Ukraine is aiming to get to net zero emissions by 2060, under a government strategy published earlier this month.

Officials tell Climate Home News they would like to go faster, but do not know where the money will come from.

While its GDP per capita is significantly lower than the global average, Ukraine is classed as a developed country in the UN climate process, making it ineligible for support from the Green Climate Fund. Nor does it benefit from EU membership like many of its neighbours.

Irina Stavchuk, deputy minister of energy and environmental protection, told Climate Home News investments would have to triple in the 2040s to get near to climate neutrality by 2050. That is based on modelling by the London-based European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and Ukraines Institute for Economics and Forecasting.

Having these economic calculations, its very difficult for the government just to make promise without understanding how the investments would actually come and be delivered, she said.

Anna Ackermann, a campaigner from Kiev-based Eco Action, said 2050 was possible, at least in the energy sector. An Eco Action study with the Institute of Economic Forecasting in Ukraine showed a transition to 91% renewable energy by 2050 was economically feasible with existing technology.

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Oleksii Riabchyn is a climate adviser to deputy prime minister Olga Stefanishyna and environment and natural resources minister Roman Abramovsky.

He said Ukraine was trying to reach net zero as fast as possible but was in a different league to the EU when it comes to climate finance. We are Shakhtar Donetsk in the Ukrainian Premier League and they are Real Madrid, he said.

At UN climate talks, Ukraine has lobbied for access to GCF finance so far without success.

Riabchyn said the country was stuck in the middle and cut off from the finance when we are in a very hard situation when we have a war, economic recession and modernising our economy trying to do a very painful reform.

After Ukraines pro-EU 2014 revolution, Russia invaded parts of the east of Ukraine. Their forces continue to occupy these areas and the conflict, which has killed over 10,000 people and displaced over 1.5 million, continues.

Ukraines GDP per capita is the lowest in Europe and less than countries like Cuba, Bahrain and Botswana that have received GCF funding.

As it is not a member of the EU, Ukraine is not eligible for initiatives like the 17.5bn Just Transition Fund, which is helping coal-reliant countries like Poland to move away from fossil fuels fairly.

Its very easy to decide to close a mine. But its a very sophisticated policy what you do with the coal-mining region how you retrain the workers, there needs to be a just transition, said Riabchyn, and what resources are available for this?

Scientists push to add huge fish trawling emissions to national inventories

Ukraine can get support from the Global Environment Facility, which has funded several climate change programmes. And the EU offers some support under its neighbourhood policy.

Another potential source of revenue is Ukraines carbon tax, although at less than a dollar a tonne, it is the lowest carbon price in the world. It currently goes into the general budget but could be earmarked for a climate fund co-financed by international donors, Stavchuk suggested.

Stavchuk said one priority of the Ukrainian Green Deal would be to invest in energy efficiency. The country is one of the least energy efficient in the world.

Most Ukrainians have their heating bills subsidised so energy efficiency would save the government and residents money, Stavchuk said.

For electricity, Ukraine relies mostly on nuclear and coal power plants. Stavchuk said these plants are getting very old and the country needs renewable energy and modern balancing facilities.

Ukraines main energy company DTEK plans to phase out coal by 2040 and the government has applied to the Powering Past Coal alliance with a 2050 phase-out date, she said.

The country has large polluting industries like steel and cement. Exports of these products to the EU are threatened by the blocs proposed carbon border adjustment mechanism which would tax them at the border.

Economy minister Igor Petrashko is calling for an exemption from the border tax, on the basis Ukraine is working to align with EU climate standards including a 2050 net zero goal.

Ukraine has high hopes to develop hydrogen, for domestic use and for export. Europe has a romance with hydrogen and we are anticipating this will end with a marriage not, as usual, a divorce, said Riabchyn.

But Ackerman is sceptical. There are many unrealistic assumptions about the role of hydrogen that is considered to be so huge now to transform transport, heating, industries and everything. It should not be the priority.

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Stuck in the middle: Ukraine aims for net zero but struggles to access finance - Climate Home

Ukraine and Israel agreed to join efforts to improve the infrastructure of Uman and develop the city as an international center of Hasidic pilgrimage, the Embassy of Ukraine in the State of Israel has reported.

On March 24, Ukraine's Ambassador to Israel Yevhen Korniychuk met with President of the Rabbi Nachman International Charitable Foundation Nathan Ben-Nun and representatives of the Breslov Hasidism in Jerusalem.

During the meeting, issues related to the annual pilgrimage to the tomb of Rabbi Nachman during the celebration of the Jewish New Year were discussed.

The parties stressed the need to unite efforts to improve the city's infrastructure and develop Uman as an international center of Hasidic pilgrimage.

The ambassador informed the interlocutors about the negotiations between Ukraine and Israel regarding the mutual recognition of COVID-19 vaccine passports, which will open the border between the two states and resume tourism trips.

An agreement was reached on comprehensive cooperation in ensuring that representatives of the Hasidic community visit the city of Uman with maximum observance of Ukrainian legislation during the celebration of Rosh Hashanah in September this year.

As Ukrinform reported, on March 18, Ukrainian Interior Minister Arsen Avakov discussed with his Israeli counterpart Aryeh Deri issues related to the celebration of Rosh Hashanah in Uman and the possible organization of the arrival of pilgrims from Israel. The parties agreed that the key condition for this event will be the normalization of the epidemiological situation in Ukraine and the preliminary vaccination of pilgrims.

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Hasidic pilgrimage: Ukraine and Israel agree to improve infrastructure of Uman city - Ukrinform. Ukraine and world news