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Turkey and Ukraine on Wednesday celebrated the 29th anniversary of their diplomatic relations.

Emine Dzheppar, deputy foreign minister of Ukraine, hailed the relations between the two countries in a tweet. We highly value the strong connection between Ukraine and Turkey. Turkic heritage of Ukraine and its indigenous people - Crimean Tatars - is a cornerstone of our friendship, she said.

She stressed the "great potential of the strategic partnership between Ukraine and Turkey.

Turkey's Foreign Ministry marked the day in a tweet saying: We value our cooperation with our strategic partner #Ukraine. Will continue to develop our relations in every field.

Ukraines ambassador to Turkey Andrii Sybiha also tweeted that Ukraine-Turkey cooperation has a centuries-old history, with a promising future ahead.

We wish two countries a strategic partnership, successful and mutually beneficial for many years! he wrote.

Turkey officially recognized Ukraines independence on Dec. 16, 1991, after its separation from the Soviet Union.

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Turkey, Ukraine hail 29 years of diplomatic relations - Anadolu Agency

Michael Bociurkiw is a global affairs analyst and host of the podcast Global Impact.

Last week, U.S. President Joe Biden picked up the phone to call Russian President Vladimir Putin and, in addition to warning him that there would be consequences for harming U.S. allies something Donald Trump never managed to bring himself to say reaffirmed Americas firm support for Ukraines sovereignty.

Of all the foreign policy challenges facing the Biden administration, Ukraine may top the list. But the file shouldnt just be marked as urgent. It should include an additional warning label: Proceed with caution.

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Thats because in the almost two years since Volodymyr Zelensky won Ukraines presidential election by a landslide, the country has fallen into a dangerous backslide on the very reforms it signed up for in return for multibillion-dollar financing from multilateral donors.

The crisis, sparked by the notoriously corrupt Constitutional Courts October, 2020, decision to curb the powers of the National Agency on Corruption Prevention and suspend some anti-corruption legislation, prompted the U.S. embassy in Kyiv to issue a statement saying that Ukraines partners, including Canada, were following the developments with growing concern. The agencys powers were subsequently restored by parliament, but other key measures such as requiring elected and public officials to file asset declarations remain in limbo. As such, lying about assets or failing to file those declarations are not punishable by jail time.

Swept into office on an anti-graft platform, Mr. Zelensky seems to be drowning in the face of the very forces he campaigned against. The political stench is starting to waft into his offices after the Prosecutor Generals Office transferred the jurisdiction of a bribery case against Oleg Tatarov, Mr. Zelenskys deputy chief of staff responsible for law enforcement, sparing him from arrest. And recently the administration said it would abandon pledges to donors to deregulate natural gas prices.

The countrys oligarchs are probably quietly toasting their weak showman president, who hasnt found a way to rein them in. Chief among them is Igor Kolomoisky, a former business partner of Mr. Zelenskys, a part-owner of Ukraine International Airlines (which lost Flight 752 when it was shot down over Tehran last year, killing 176 people including 138 people travelling to Canada) and one of Ukraines wealthiest men. He has been accused by the U.S Department of Justice of money laundering.

Canadas Ukrainian diaspora, which has considerable influence in Ottawa and Kyiv, should resist the temptation to give the Zelensky administration a free pass to ignore agreements designed to push Ukraine toward a future within the rules-based multilateral system and out from under the influence of capricious oligarchs.

For its part, the Zelensky administration should prove to its allies, donors and supporters that it intends to stay the course with the very reforms it promised.

First, the government should demonstrate concrete progress on reintroducing anti-corruption measures that have been suspended. Getting rid of tainted officials in his circle, including Mr. Tatarov, would be a good way to assure international donors that Mr. Zelensky is serious about his work.

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Second, Mr. Kolomoisky should be prosecuted. Ukraine cannot take action its justice system is too broken but there are numerous ongoing investigations involving him in the United States that could strip him of all his U.S.-based assets and see him locked up. This is a necessary move that would send a message.

Third, Mr. Zelensky should push back much more strongly against the pro-Russian and oligarch-controlled members of parliament who are stymying reforms. The feeling among this group of bandits seems to be that its time to turn things in their favour, especially with a government distracted by one of the bloodiest wars in Europe on its eastern front with Russia, as well as a worsening pandemic. Tackling this sentiment will mean removing the corrupt judges who contribute to the oligarchs personal enrichment. The old guard wants to drag Ukraine back to the times when they could siphon public money off with impunity and play Russian-style politics. We will not let them succeed, Foreign Affairs Minister Dmytro Kuleba wrote in an Atlantic Council blog.

This will be a challenging year for Ukraine. Having contracted COVID-19 himself, Mr. Zelensky has bungled the response to the pandemic, with Ukraine now in 17th place worldwide for confirmed cases. Its economy contracted an estimated 5 per cent in 2020.

Ukraine is fighting a battle on three fronts: in the east, against Russian-backed rebels; nationwide, in trying to crush the COVID-19 curve; and pushing back against corrupt forces. If it wins the latter, it will be in a much stronger position to claim victory over the first two.

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Is Ukraine still serious about anti-corruption reforms? - The Globe and Mail

KYIV, 3 February 2021 The Special Representative of the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office in Ukraine and in the Trilateral Contact Group (TCG), Ambassador Heidi Grau, made the following statement to the press after the regular meetings of the TCG and its Working Groups held through video conferencing:

According to data of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission (SMM), the average number of ceasefire violations in the conflict zone remains well below the levels recorded prior to the entry into force of the Measures to Strengthen the Ceasefire on 27 July 2020. These Measures agreed by the TG are overall respected.

At today's TCG meeting, however, a trend of increasing tensions was noted, including the increase in the number of ceasefire violations. In particular, on 28 January, the SMM recorded the highest level of violations since the Measures to Strengthen the Ceasefire came into force.

Participants in the Security Working Group meeting discussed the conditions for carrying out repair and reconstruction works at the gas distribution station near the city of Marinka, including the possibility of assistance by the OSCE SMM in coordinating the necessary security guarantees and ensuring enhanced monitoring of the works.

In addition, the general security situation in the conflict zone, the observance of the ceasefire regime and the effectiveness of the co-ordination mechanism for responding to its violations were discussed.

The debates of the Political Working Group focused on issues related to the implementation of the tasking given by the TCG to develop a draft action plan in full compliance with the Minsk agreements.

The Humanitarian Working Group discussed the operational details of the future functioning of the entry-exit crossing points (EECPs) on the contact line near Zolote and Shchastia of the Luhansk region.

Mindful of the interests of civilians in the conflict zone, I urge the participants of the TCG to take early action to resolve all open questions on the way to the simultaneous opening of these EECPs.

During the Working Group's discussions, issues of the mutual release and exchange of conflict-related detainees were also duly considered.

Discussions in the Economic Working Group were mainly devoted to such topics as the provision of water supplies across the contact line in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of Ukraine as well as environmental issues, in particular the question of an international inspection of the storage sites of radioactive materials in certain areas of Donetsk and Luhansk regions.

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Press Statement of Special Representative Grau after the regular Meeting of Trilateral Contact Group on 03 February 2021 - Ukraine - ReliefWeb

A Ukrainian soldier sporting national colors pictured during a Kyiv military parade. (REUTERS/Gleb Garanich)

One of the biggest international landmarks in 2021 will be the thirtieth anniversary of the Soviet collapse. The historical significance of this event is not in doubt, but the nature of the coming commemorations is likely to differ strikingly in the various independent nations that make up the post-Soviet world.

For the Baltic States, the collapse of the USSR is an increasingly distant memory from a bygone era. In Putins Russia, it is an open wound and a lingering source of national humiliation. In Ukraine, it is unfinished business.

Many of the obstacles encountered by post-Soviet Ukraine have been equally evident elsewhere in the former Soviet Empire. From chronic corruption and over-powerful oligarchs to crumbling infrastructure and widespread poverty, the biggest practical problems facing Ukrainian society since 1991 have been entirely typical for the region.

What makes the Ukrainian experience stand out is the role of Russia. Among all the former Soviet republics, Ukraine occupies a unique place in the Russian imagination that positions it close to the heart of Russias own sense of self. Even today, many Russians have difficulty dealing with the notion of Ukraine as a separate and independent nation.

This is hardly surprising. Modern Russia traces its roots back to ancient Ukraine and the mighty state that emerged in the early Middle Ages around the Ukrainian capital Kyiv. Other Ukrainian cities such as Odesa, Kharkiv, and Donetsk play similarly prominent roles in Russias national story, along with entire Ukrainian regions including the Donbas and the Crimean peninsula.

From language and religion to familial and cultural ties, the two modern countries remain intricately linked in ways that continue to blur the boundaries between them. However, the relationship is far from equal. On the contrary, Russia has dominated Ukraine for so long and in so comprehensive a manner that it has succeeded in distorting the very essence of Ukraines national identity.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

From the 1600s onwards, centuries of increasingly direct Russian control over Ukraine enabled wave upon wave of russification. Similar processes took place elsewhere in the Czarist and Soviet empires, but nowhere was it quite as intense as in Ukraine.

For hundreds of years, the Russian authorities actively suppressed all vestiges of a separate and distinct Ukrainian identity. Ukrainians found themselves reduced to the status of Little Russians; their language derided and outlawed as a mere dialect; their history erased or rewritten to reflect Russian imperial visions.

Meanwhile, huge numbers of Russians were encouraged to settle in Ukraine, particularly in the sparsely populated steppe lands in the south and east of the country. Even today, these regions continue to constitute the heartlands of Russian influence in Ukraine.

Under Stalin, Ukraines russification reached an apocalyptic nadir. The manmade famine of 1932-33 killed millions of Ukrainians, while years of Stalinist terror deliberately targeted the spiritual, intellectual, and cultural leadership of the Ukrainian nation. By the final decades of the Soviet era, the russification of Ukrainian society had advanced so far that the entire concept of Ukrainian statehood qualified as dangerous extremism.

This deeply dysfunctional background makes Ukraines 1991 referendum, when more than 92% of voters backed the creation of an independent Ukraine, all the more remarkable. It also goes a long way towards explaining the relentless political instability that has plagued Ukraine ever since.

The dawn of Ukrainian independence did not mean a definitive end to Russian influence. Instead, direct control gave way to indirect management through Moscows deep penetration of Ukraines political and business elites. Pro-Russian political parties and Russian-backed Ukrainian media continued to promote Kremlin-friendly narratives, while the Russian Orthodox Church provided a spiritual dimension to this informal empire.

Enduring Russian influence has greatly complicated post-Soviet Ukraines nation-building efforts. It has bred remarkable degrees of hostility among some sections of society towards everyday manifestations of Ukrainian statehood, and helped fuel an endless procession of memory wars. Attempts to redefine the countrys past in Ukrainian terms have consistently provoked howls of protest from the millions of Ukrainians who continue to embrace the old Russia-centric interpretations of regional history.

Ultimately, Ukraines awkward balancing act between Russian past and independent present was doomed to fail. The relationship never really recovered from the shock of Ukraines pro-European Orange Revolution in 2004. The final collapse came ten years later when Ukrainians once again took to the streets in their millions to protest Russian efforts to block an Association Agreement with the European Union.

Russias military response to Ukraines European choice exposed the ugly imperial reality behind Moscows traditional appeals to Slavonic fraternity. It also backfired disastrously. Instead of provoking the collapse of Ukrainian statehood, Russias 2014 invasion of Crimea and eastern Ukraine succeeded in galvanizing Ukrainian national identity in ways that few had previously imagined possible. Seven years on, a clear majority of Ukrainians now see Russia as the aggressor state in a war that has come to define the nations ongoing struggle for true independence.

This struggle remains far from over. Many now regard the election of President Zelennskyy as a dangerous step in the wrong direction. Since taking office in spring 2019, Zelenskyy has appointed numerous figures with pro-Russian backgrounds to senior government posts. Unlike his predecessor Petro Poroshenko, he has downplayed the importance of Ukraines efforts to establish a national historical narrative of its own, preferring instead to avoid the minefield of memory politics whenever possible.

Russia is also far from ready to admit defeat. Despite the damage done to Russian influence in Ukraine by the ongoing occupation of Crimea and unresolved conflict in the east of the country, Ukraines pro-Kremlin Opposition Platform-For Life party remains the second largest political force in the national parliament. Pro-Russian forces still control much of Ukraines mainstream media and Russian pop culture remains a ubiquitous aspect of Ukrainian daily life.

Nevertheless, it is virtually impossible to conceive of any scenario that would allow for a return to the pre-war status quo of 2014. The conflict has touched too many lives and shattered too many illusions for that to happen. Every single day for almost seven years, tens of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers have defended the country against Russian aggression. Longstanding economic ties have been broken. Extended families have stopped communicating. Meanwhile, the entire Ukrainian population has witnessed the vile propaganda relentlessly pumped out by Russia to blacken Ukraines name. This makes meaningful reconciliation a distant prospect. When it does finally come, any thaw will stop well short of the intimacy that once existed between the two nations.

The most realistic forecast is for Russian influence to remain in gradual decline throughout the coming decade as the last truly Soviet generation of Ukrainians shuffles slowly towards retirement and are replaced by post-Soviet Ukrainians who are more inclined to see their future as part of the Western world. Moscow will retain the ability to throw its considerable weight around in Ukraine for many years to come, but it will no longer be capable of dictating the course of events entirely.

The slow-motion eclipse of Russias informal empire in Ukraine looks destined to become the single greatest geopolitical consequence of the Soviet collapse. The glacial pace of this process has obscured its importance, but it has the potential to transform the political map of Europe. As we approach the thirtieth anniversary of the USSRs demise, Ukraine is now closer than ever to escaping the Russian sphere of influence, and the man most directly responsible is Vladimir Putin himself.

Peter Dickinson is Editor of the Atlantic Councils UkraineAlert Service.

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Centers mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

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Putin's war drives Ukraine towards true independence - Atlantic Council

President-elect Joe Biden's son was in the spotlight during the presidential campaign for his business dealings with Ukraine and China. USA TODAY

Since near the start of his campaign for the presidency, President-elect Joe Biden has been dogged by accusations of corruption relating to his involvement in the ouster of a top corruption prosecutor in Ukraine.

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The conspiracy theories about Biden and his family crested in the weeks before the 2020 presidential election, when major conservative political figures repeated claims of varying truthfulness about Biden and his son Hunter.

One recent Facebook post by Omar Faruque repeats several of these claims, alleging that Biden was involved in corruption and that members of the Obama administration and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., covered up his criminality. It also begins with the claim that Biden "never won the election."

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USA TODAY reached out to Faruquefor comment.

Biden won the 2020 election. Further, there is no evidence that Biden participated in corrupt or otherwise improper behavior in Ukraine. The various conspiracy theories about the Biden family and Ukraine draw on false information and perpetuate inaccurate narratives about Bidens time as vice president and his victory in the November election.

Biden was certified as the winner of the 2020 presidential election by the United States Congress on Jan. 6. That was preceded by a Dec. 14 vote during which states' electorsacross the country formally cast their votes for the president and vice president, confirming that Biden won 306 Electoral College votes to President Donald Trumps 232 votes.

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The Trump campaign filed dozens of lawsuits contesting the results of the election, and state legislatures held hearings to scrutinize potential evidence of fraud in the election.

In high-profile battleground states that Biden won, like Arizona, Georgia, Michigan and Pennsylvania, the electoral apparatus was examinedby state and federal courts, federal investigators and state audits. Journalists also investigated the election for evidence of fraud and found no evidence of widespread fraud.

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The Supreme Court struck down two lawsuits alleging widespread fraud in the election.

Just after the election, the Department of Homeland Security's Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agencydeclared that the general electionwas the most secure in U.S. history.

Conspiracy theories to the contrary have been repeatedly debunked by investigations led by Republicans and Democrats alike.

Accusations that Biden was involved in corruption in Ukraine trace back to his part in Western democracy promotion efforts in Ukraine in 2014. Shortly after Russia invaded the country that same year, Biden helped to spearhead the alliance of countries thatsought to bolster Ukrainian democracy against Russian aggression.

More: A tabloid got a trove of data on Hunter Biden from Rudy Giuliani. Now, the FBI is probing a possible disinformation campaign.

As part of that effort, Western diplomats and Ukraine watchers in 2016 called for the firing of Ukraines general prosecutor, Viktor Shokin, who officials did not believe was adequately prosecuting corruption in the young democracy.

Conspiracy theories, like the Facebook post, insinuate that Biden sought to withhold money from Ukraine for some reasons of corruption.

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The conspiracy theory has been repeated by the official White House account to draw a false equivalence between Bidens involvement in Ukraine and Trumps pressuring of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in a call that resulted in his first impeachment.

This narrative is inaccurate; as part of the broader Western effort to strengthen democracy in Ukraine, the Obama administration determined that using $1 billion in aid to Ukraine as leverage was in the interest of the United States, its Western allies and Ukraine itself.

Regardless of the merits of that decision, Biden did not stand to directly benefit financially or politically from the move, nor was he the final decision-maker on the issue.

Both Bidens have denied any wrongdoing.

Comments alleging that Biden said You son of a bitch to Ukrainian officials are true, per Bidens own comments during a panel at the Council on Foreign Relations, a Washington, D.C., think tank. The comment, though, is not indicative of any kind of corruption.

Various other conspiracy theories have alleged that the Obama administration knew about potential corruption in Ukraine involving Biden, but the information was somehow covered up. These conspiracy theories, again included in the Facebook post, also occasionally allege that Pelosi impeached Trump as a political move for Biden.

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Explainer: Biden, allies pushed out Ukrainian prosecutor because he didn't pursue corruption cases

There is no evidence that the Obama administration conducted investigations into Bidens involvement in Ukraine.

A Republican-led Senate investigationinto the Biden familys activities in Ukraine, concluded in September, confirmed that some Obama administration officials expressed concern about Bidens son, Hunter, being seated on the board of Ukrainian gas company Burisma Holdings after Biden began leading anti-corruption efforts in the country.

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That same Senate investigation, however, found no evidence of wrongdoing on the part of the senior Biden. The central claim of conspiracy theories about the Biden family and Ukraine, that Biden sought the removal of Shokin to protect Burisma, is false.

Fact check: Claims that Hunter Biden received $3.5M from Russia are unproven, lack context

There is also no evidence to suggest that Pelosi sought to impeach Trump to cover up alleged wrongdoing by Biden or anyone else. It is unclear how Trumps impeachment would eliminate evidence of wrongdoing on the part of either Biden.

Various iterations of conspiracy theories alleging wrongdoing on the part of Joe Biden in Ukraine have been investigated and debunked. Claims that the 2020 presidential election was the result of corruption are also false. The merging of the two conspiracy theories creates an equally incorrect narrative. We rate this claim FALSE based on our research.

Thank you for supporting our journalism. You cansubscribe to our print edition, ad-free app or electronic newspaper replica here.

Our fact check work is supported in part by a grant from Facebook.

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Fact check: False conspiracy theories allege connection between Biden victory and Ukraine - USA TODAY