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The SMM recorded fewer ceasefire violations in both Donetsk and Luhansk regions, however more explosions in Luhansk region, compared with the previous reporting period. The SMM continued monitoring the Zolote and Stanytsia Luhanska disengagement areas and recorded ceasefire violations near the Zolote disengagement area. Its access there and elsewhere remained restricted, including in Verkhnoshyrokivske.* The Mission saw weapons in violation of withdrawal lines in Stanytsia Luhanska. The SMM observed unexploded ordnance near Staromarivka and in the centre of Pikuzy. It again facilitated and monitored mine and unexploded ordnance clearance, co-ordinated by the Joint Centre for Control and Co-ordination, enabling the SMM to travel the M03 road between Svitlodarsk and Debaltseve. The Mission continued to facilitate and monitor repairs and maintenance to infrastructure in Shchastia, Popasna and Stanytsia Luhanska. It visited two border areas not under government control in Luhansk region. The SMM monitored a protest in Odessa.

In Donetsk region the SMM recorded fewer ceasefire violations,[1] including fewer explosions (about 70), compared with the previous reporting period (about 90 explosions).

On the evening of 17 August, while in DPR-controlled Donetsk city centre, in about one minute, the SMM heard 23 shots of small-arms fire 0.5-1km north-west.

On the evening of 17 August, while in government-controlled Svitlodarsk (57km north-east of Donetsk), in about three hours, the SMM heard almost 40 undetermined explosions and about 50 bursts of heavy-machine-gun fire, all 5-10km south-east. On 18 August, while in Svitlodarsk for about five hours, the SMM heard one undetermined explosion 6-8km south-east.

On the evening of 17 August, the SMM camera at the Donetsk Filtration Station (15km north of Donetsk) recorded three explosions assessed as impacts 2km south and, three hours later, it recorded, in sequence, one undetermined explosion, two projectiles in flight from east to west, one projectile from west to east, two projectiles from north-east to south-west, one projectile in vertical flight, two projectiles from south-west to north-east, one undetermined explosion, one outgoing explosion, one projectile from north-east to south-west and one projectile from west to east, all 2-4km south. On the night of 18 August, the same camera recorded two projectiles in flight from west to east and one undetermined explosion 2-3km south.

On the evening and night of 17-18 August, the SMM camera in Shyrokyne (20km east of Mariupol) recorded, in sequence, ten tracer rounds in flight from east to west, one tracer round from west to east, one tracer round from east to west, one tracer round from west to east, followed by aggregated totals of seven undetermined explosions, one outgoing explosion, one explosion assessed as an impact, two rocket-assisted projectiles in flight from west to east, 33 tracer rounds (20 from east to west and 13 from west to east) and five bursts from east to west, all at unknown distances north.

On 18 August, the SMM camera in government-controlled Avdiivka (17km north of Donetsk) recorded two explosions assessed as impacts 4-5km south-east. The same day, positioned in Avdiivka for about five hours, the SMM heard eight undetermined explosions 1-4km south-east.

In Luhansk region the SMM recorded fewer ceasefire violations, including, however, more explosions (about 115), compared with the previous reporting period (30 explosions).

On the evening and night of 17-18 August, while in government-controlled Popasna (69km west of Luhansk), the SMM heard about 70 explosions of infantry fighting vehicle (IFV) (BMP-1) cannon (73mm) fire, two explosions assessed as outgoing artillery rounds, three explosions assessed as impacts of mortar rounds, two shots of automatic-grenade-launcher fire and about 50 bursts of heavy-machine-gun fire, all 3-4km south-east, two explosions assessed as outgoing artillery rounds 10km south-east and two undetermined explosions 10km south-west. On 18 August, while in Popasna, the SMM heard five shots of small-arms fire 2km east.

On 18 August, positioned in LPR-controlled Holubivske (51km west of Luhansk), in 20 minutes, the SMM heard 15 undetermined explosions 7-10km north-west.

On 18 August, while in LPR-controlled Kadiivka (formerly Stakhanov, 50km west of Luhansk), in about five minutes, the SMM heard eight undetermined explosions 12-15km north-north-east.

The SMM followed up on reports of damage in residential areas caused by shelling. The SMM saw recent damage to a house at the eastern end of Akhmatova Street in DPR-controlled Pikuzy (formerly Kominternove, 23km north-east of Mariupol) sections of the corrugated roof had collapsed into the house, cinder blocks of the western-facing wall had collapsed and there were scorch marks on the north-, east- and west-facing exterior walls of the house. The SMM assessed that the damage was caused by impacts of rounds from undetermined weapon systems; however it was unable to assess the direction of fire.

The SMM continued to monitor the disengagement process and to pursue full access to the disengagement areas near Stanytsia Luhanska (16km north-east of Luhansk), Zolote (60km west of Luhansk) and Petrivske (41km south of Donetsk), as foreseen in the Framework Decision of the Trilateral Contact Group relating to disengagement of forces and hardware of 21 September 2016. The SMMs access remained restricted but the Mission was able to partially monitor them.*

On the evening of 17 August, the SMM camera in government-controlled Stanytsia Luhanska recorded one illumination flare from west to east 1.2km south, assessed as inside the disengagement area.

On the evening of 17 August, the SMM camera in government-controlled Zolote recorded one projectile in flight from north-west to south-east 3-5km east and three shots of small-arms fire 1.5km south-east, all assessed as outside the disengagement area.

On 18 August, positioned at the disengagement areas near Stanytsia Luhanska and Zolote, the SMM observed a calm situation.

The SMM continued to monitor the withdrawal of weapons, in implementation of the Package of Measures and its Addendum, as well as the Memorandum.

In violation of the respective withdrawal lines, in government controlled areas, on 17 August an SMM mid-range unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) spotted three stationary self-propelled howitzers (2S1 Gvozdika, 122mm) in the north-western outskirts of Stanytsia Luhanska.

The SMM observed the presence of armoured combat vehicles[2] in the security zone. In government-controlled areas, on 17 August, an SMM mid-range UAV spotted two stationary armoured personnel carriers (APC) (BTR-variant) and one probable IFV (BMP-variant) in the north-western outskirts of Stanytsia Luhanska. On 18 August, the SMM saw two stationary IFVs (BMP-2) in Starohnativka (51km south of Donetsk) and two stationary IFVs (one BTR-4 and one BRDM) and one automatic grenade launcher under camouflage netting in Makarove (19km north-east of Luhansk).

In areas not under government control, on 17 August the SMM saw seven stationary IFVs (BMP-1) in Nova Marivka (64km south of Donetsk), a truck towing an APC (MT-LB) in Kadiivka (formerly Stakhanov, 50km west of Luhansk) travelling south and tank (T-72) tracks on a road between Kadiivka and Kalynove (60km west of Luhansk).

The SMM continued to observe unexploded ordnance (UXO). Near a DPR checkpoint 2km east of government-controlled Staromarivka (62km south of Donetsk), a DPR member showed the SMM the remnants of a rocket-propelled grenade launcher (RPG-7) round which had bullet holes in its tail fin and its head. The SMM could not see a fuse. In addition, the SMM saw one of the five previously observed tail fins of mortar rounds embedded in the asphalt 130m east of the checkpoint, among other fragments of UXO. (See SMM Daily Report 24 July 2017).

The SMM saw that a previously observed tailfin of an 82mm mortar round sticking 2cm out of the asphalt between Akhmatovoi and Peremohy Streets in the centre of Pikuzy was still there and that no mine hazard signs had been erected. (See SMM Daily Report 13 August 2017).

The SMM facilitated and monitored the clearance of mines and UXO, co-ordinated by the Joint Centre for Control and Co-ordination (JCCC), of road M03 between Svitlodarsk and DPR-controlled Debaltseve (58km north-east of Donetsk), enabling the Mission to travel the road for the fourth time this year. (See SMM Daily Report 11 August 2017).

The SMM continued to facilitate and monitor repairs and maintenance, co-ordinated by the JCCC, to the ongoing works at the thermal power plant in government-controlled Shchastia, the Zolote-Popasna water pipeline in Popasna and water wells in Stanytsia Luhanska.

The SMM visited two border areas not under government control in Luhansk region. At the border crossing point near Voznesenivka (formerly Chervonopartyzansk, 65km south-east of Luhansk), in about one hour, the SMM saw 48 cars (26 with Russian Federation, 20 with Ukrainian and one with Georgian licence plates, and one with LPR plates) and 11 pedestrians (six men, three women and two children) in a queue to exit Ukraine and 19 cars (eight with Ukrainian and 11 with Russian Federation licence plates) and six pedestrians (three men and three women) enter Ukraine.

At the unstaffed pedestrian border crossing point in Verkhnoharasymivka (57km south-east of Luhansk), in about one hour and a half, the SMM saw eight people entering Ukraine and five people exiting.

On 17 August the SMM observed a protest outside the office of the movement Council of Public Security (CPS) in Odessa. The SMM saw a group of about 200 people (mostly men aged 16-40) which was led by the head of the Odessa regional branch of the political party Peoples Movement of Ukraine (RUH), and comprised of people known to the SMM as members of RUH and the movement Street Front. Protesters told the SMM that RUH called the protest to denounce CPS as a criminal organization. The SMM saw people holding banners in Ukrainian language that read Stop crime, do not spoil Odessa. The SMM also saw a smaller group of about 50 people (mostly men aged 16-40) comprised of those known to the SMM as members of the movement CPS, together with people from Odessa Automaidan, and the groups Self-Defence and Marine Self-Defence. The SMM observed the presence of about 50 riot police and 25 police officers who formed a cordon to separate the two groups when they began exchanging insults. The protest lasted for about one hour and ended without further incidents.

The SMM continued monitoring in Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Kyiv, Kherson, Kharkiv, Dnipro and Chernivtsi.

*Restrictions of the SMMs freedom of movement or other impediments to fulfilment of its mandate

The SMMs monitoring and freedom of movement are restricted by security hazards and threats, including risks posed by mines, UXO and other impediments which vary from day to day. The SMMs mandate provides for safe and secure access throughout Ukraine. All signatories of the Package of Measures have agreed on the need for this safe and secure access, that restriction of the SMMs freedom of movement constitutes a violation, and on the need for rapid response to these violations. They have also agreed that the JCCC should contribute to such response and co-ordinate mine clearance. The SMMs operations in Donetsk and Luhansk regions remained restricted following the fatal incident of 23 April near Pryshyb; these restrictions continued to limit the Missions observations; including at the disengagement area near Petrivske.

Denial of access:

Related to disengagement areas and mines/UXO:

The SMM was prevented from accessing areas in the Stanytsia Luhanska disengagement area, with the exception of the main road, due to the possible presence of mines and UXO. A Ukrainian Armed Forces officer at the JCCC told the SMM that no demining activities had taken place during the previous 24 hours in the area. The SMM did not consider it safe to proceed and informed the JCCC.

The possible presence of mines and UXO prevented the SMM from accessing secondary roads north of the Zolote disengagement area. At a checkpoint on the northern edge of the area a Ukrainian Armed Forces officer at the JCCC told the SMM that no demining had taken place over the previous 24 hours. The SMM informed the JCCC.

The possible presence of mines and UXO prevented the SMM from accessing secondary roads south of the Zolote disengagement area. Armed LPR members positioned on the southern side of the disengagement area told the SMM that no demining activity had been conducted in the area. The SMM did not consider it safe to proceed and informed the JCCC.

The SMM could not travel across the bridge in Shchastia due to the presence of mines. A Ukrainian Armed Forces officer at the JCCC told the SMM that mines on the road south of the bridge were still present. The SMM informed the JCCC.

Other impediments

[1] For a complete breakdown of the ceasefire violations, please see the annexed table. During this reporting period the SMM camera at the Oktiabr mine (Donetsk) remained non-operational.

[2] This hardware is not proscribed by the provisions of the Minsk agreements on the withdrawal of weapons.

Contacts

Alexandra Taylor Head of Press and Public Information Unit OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine 26 Turhenievska Street 01054 Kyiv Ukraine Mobile: +380 67 650 31 57 alexandra.taylor@osce.org smm-media@osce.org

Mariia Aleksevych Senior Press Assistant OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine 26 Turhenievska Street 01054 Kyiv Ukraine Office: +380 44 392 0849 Mobile: +380 50 381 5192 Mobile: +380 93 691 6790 mariia.aleksevych@osce.org smm-media@osce.org

Read the rest here:
Latest from the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine (SMM), based on information received as of 19:30, 18 ... - ReliefWeb

DNIPRO, Ukraine (Reuters) - The wall around the Yuzhmash rocket factory in east Ukraine is in places overgrown with weeds, a sign of hard times at a plant which a new study says could be the source of engines that power North Korean missiles.

Workers at the plant have had their hours cut and wages are in arrears, but Yuzhmash denies the study's finding that unhappy employees could have been induced to steal engine technology and sell it to illicit arms dealers who passed it on to Pyongyang.

The study by a former U.S. rocket scientist, published by the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), concluded that missile engines used by Pyongyang derive from designs linked to only a few former Soviet factories. It based its findings mainly on photographs taken by North Korea.

A Reuters reporter who visited Yuzhmash in the city of Dnipro this week found staff struggling to make ends meet and facilities falling into disrepair. The only visible security cameras and guards around the plant were at the main entrances.

"At the moment we're working a one-day week," said Valery Vasiliev, head of the trade union at Yuzhmash.

The average wage is around $160 a month but even that is not always paid on time, he said.

"Now there are some small wage arrears -- a bit more than 40 million hryvnias ($1.4 million). We're paying it off bit by bit. There are still debts for May and June," Vasiliev said.

Yuzhmash used to be part of a state-run conglomerate that built rockets for the Soviet space and defense programs.

When the Cold War ended, it became a Ukrainian state enterprise. Its workforce shrank but it limped on, producing space rockets, mostly in partnership with the Russian plants it had worked with in the Soviet era.

After Russia annexed the Crimea peninsula from Ukraine in 2014, and a conflict began between government forces and separatists in east Ukraine, those ties were disrupted.

Yuzhmash General Director Sergei Voit told workers in January that annual revenue had fallen to a quarter of what it was before the conflict.

He listed problems including "worn-out manufacturing capacity, a hugely difficult situation with personnel ... arrears on wages, power bills and debt repayments."

The plant's chief economist, Dmitriy Nikon, told Reuters that new contracts were being signed with customers, the factory's finances had stabilized and there were plans to raise salaries by the end of the year.

"It's still tough but nevertheless I think the worst of the crisis is over," he said.

Nikon said that on average staff work three days a week, not just one, and earned an average of around $230 per month.

Defending security at the plant, Nikon said the perimeter and areas inside it were guarded, and staff had to surrender sensitive documents after each shift.

"We have not had a single instance of a finished product or a document going missing," Nikon said.

A machine-worker who said he had worked at Yuzhmash for 36 years, but did not want to be identified because he feared repercussions, complained however of a lack of investment.

"The workers aren't happy but there's not much we can do. The young people have all left, but what can someone like me do?" he said. "They say the pay might get better soon because of new orders, but it can't really get worse... They still owe us (unpaid wages)."

Technology from Ukraine has attracted the interest of North Korea in the past. In 2012, two North Koreans were sentenced by a Ukrainian court to eight years in jail after approaching an employee at a firm affiliated to Yuzhmash seeking secret rocket propulsion documents.

The engine which is the subject of the new study is around two meters tall and one meter across. Yuzhmash's sister company Yuzhnoye, which handles design, said the engines used by North Korea did not match anything the plant had ever produced.

The factory no longer has the capacity to manufacture the RD-250 engines referred to in the IISS report, it said, and all RD-250 engines fit for flight use that it produced had left the factory and been shipped to legitimate clients.

Some U.S. intelligence officials also dispute the findings of the study.

Ukraine is a signatory to an international pact called the Missile Technology Control Regime but the pact has no external verification mechanism.

Ukrainian officials have said the components mentioned in the IISS study were more likely to have come from Russia. Moscow denies this.

Additional reporting by Pavel Polityuk, Editing by Timothy Heritage

Read the original:
Ukraine plant sucked into North Korea missile row has fallen on hard times - Reuters

The above image was created by Toby Lewin for a Blizzard Entertainment fan art contest in 2011, and has since spread far and wide around the internet and the world. On Tuesday, it popped up on a monument honoring Ukrainian soldiers.

A monument depicting a sword being driven into Russia was unveiled in Ukraine on Tuesday, and on the front of the statue is a modified version of the Diablo fan art. The image is of the character Tyrael holding a sword while surrounded by enemies, but his outstretched wings are painted blue and yellow to represent the Ukrainian flag.

The monument to Ukrainian soldiers and a close-up image of the modified 'Diablo' fan art.

Lewin said he's aware of his artwork being spread all over the place without attribution or permission, but this particular situation is pretty random.

"I get messages that it's being sold as a poster or mouse pad somewhere online but this is definitely the first war memorial," he said.

It's an impressive piece of art that conveys a lot of feelings, which is part of what gives it its popularity, Lewin guesses.

"I was pretty heavily depressed at the time, so struggled for weeks to claw the image together, but in the end perhaps part of that struggle was imprinted on the image and it became a metaphor for the individual struggle through uncertain odds and insurmountable challenges," he said. "Perhaps that's why it seems to resonate with some people."

The Ukrainian monument specifically honors soldiers that fought against Russian occupants in the Anti-Terrorist Operation Zone in eastern Ukraine. That area of Ukraine was invaded by Russia in 2014 and has been the site of an ongoing struggle between Ukrainians, Russia, and pro-Russia separatists.

Lewin doesn't seem too upset that a version of his artwork is being used in the Ukrainian monument.

"While it's frustrating that it's often used and resold without permission, part of me is also glad that some people find if meaningful," he said.

It should go without saying but, even if you have the best intentions, get an artist's permission if you want to use their artwork. Otherwise it's stealing.

View post:
'Diablo' fan art shows up on Ukrainian war memorial, to artist's surprise - Mashable

DW: Mr. Milbradt, what message does a former German state premier have for a country undergoing major political reforms like Ukraine?

Georg Milbradt: That it was right to move to decentralize the government. Meaning, it was right to give as much power in shaping daily life back to the people as possible, taking into account the interests of the country as a whole. Questions involving public services are best discussed and decided on the lower levels of government. It's easier to influence these things on the local level than it is on the national level.

Milbradt says that the locals have responded positively

Germany has a federal government and is divided into states - Ukraine on the other hand has seen the decentralization of state power. What are the differences between the two concepts?

Here, I'm only talking about the local level. Under a federal government there is a middle level: territories or states. It's not like that in Ukraine. In many federal states and centralized European countries there are self-administered regions - think of Poland, France or the Scandinavian countries. One has nothing to do with the other - they're only concerned with their communities, possibly also the larger territories or regions. There, the will of the people can be directly implemented. In a smaller community, in a place of fiveor ten thousand inhabitants, different policies are implemented than in a country of 45 million people like Ukraine.

Read more: NATO in Baltics learns from Ukraine's mistakes

You have been working here as a consultant for a long time and know the people and the country well. What are the greatest obstacles in regards to decentralization?

I want to begin in a different way: Ukraine has been seeing great success since the 2014 revolution. Decentralization had been discussed before then, but it wasn't until after the revolution that people had the chance to make it happen. And they began with the right step: giving the rural communities, i.e. the smallest communities, the opportunity to merge, giving them more rights and the appropriate amount of money for them to fulfill their news tasks.

When you go to these newly organized communities, you see that the mayors have actually accomplished something with their money and their new power. This is also reflected in the poll numbers in Ukraine: Decentralization is seen very positively by the population, especially in the rural areas. In the big cities - such as Kyiv - you can't tell, because Kyiv hasn't been impacted by these reforms yet.

Read more: Ukraine president calls for an end to Russian aggression

Ukraine's capital city, Kyiv, is not seeing direct effects of the decentralization

In the armed conflict against separatists and their Russian supporters in Donbass there is also talk of a special status, such as perhaps partial autonomy for communities like Donetsk and Luhansk. Can the concept of decentralization help bring an end to the conflict?

Not in regards to the separatists! I would say it's the opposite way around: If Ukraine succeeds in developing its economy through decentralization, as Poland did 25 years ago, then this will also have a big impact on those communities not under the control of the Ukrainian government.

Read more: Ukraine separatist 'Little Russia' sparks concern over peace deal

You are currently the special envoy of the German government for the Ukrainian reform agenda. At the center of this agenda is decentralization and good governance. Where will your emphasis lie?

I will initially focus on decentralization, since it's a strategically important point. Through this a part of good governance will already be accomplished. That will then be the second part that I'll focus on. Part of this will be reforming the public institutions. Since there is already a law that needs to be implemented, a corresponding law for the local level is needed. That's my second priority.

Western experts and observers in Kiev have had the impression in recent months that the country has been falling behind in the fight against corruption. What are your plans to give Ukraine a new impetus to fight corruption?

In the request that President Poroshenko sent the G7 countries through Chancellor Merkel, the topic of corruption was also addressed. But someone else must deal with this.

Georg Milbradt is the German special envoy for the Ukrainian reform agenda. He is occupied primarily with the theme of governance and decentralization. He was Minister President of the German state of Saxony from 2002 to 2008.

This interview was conducted by Christian F. Trippe.

Read more here:
Special Envoy Georg Milbradt: Ukraine has achieved major success - Deutsche Welle

Towns on Ukrainesceasefire line are markingthree years since some were retaken by government forces frompro-Russian separatists. But there is little cause for celebration:houses in Marinka, Krasnogorovka and Avdiivka bear the scars of war. Some of these scars are recent, including a large house with nine apartments that was destroyed in shelling in late July.

The war in eastern Ukraine is a forgotten conflict in many ways. It is talked aboutas frozen or hidden yetthere is little recognition that the fight is still rumbling on. Unlike Bosnia or the border between Georgia and the breakaway statelets of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, eastern Ukraine witnesses dozens of exchanges of fire a day. Visiting the front line forseveral days makes it clearjust how active this conflict still is.

In early July, Theresa May and Boris Johnson met with Ukraines Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman ata summit in London designed to show continued western support for Kiev. Delivering Ukraines ambitious reform agenda is not just good for Ukraine but good for the whole of Europe, Boris reassured his guests. The Foreign Secretary also said the UK was at the forefront of sending a British military training mission to aid Ukraines armed forces.

The US is even moredeeply involved in the Ukrainian imbroglio. Paul Manafort, Donald Trumps campaign chairman in 2016, was closely linked to Ukraines former pro-Russian President Viktor Yanukovych. An article in Bloomberg publishedin May noted that in the decade before he worked for Trump, Manaforts efforts did for Moscow what its finest minds had failed to do: help get a pro-Russian candidate installed in Kiev.

The deep connections that the 2014 Ukraine crises had to the West and Moscow arenow at the heart of the continued suspicion overshadowing relations. The Zapad military exercise in September in Belarus is being closely watched by NATO countries and neighbours over fears that it is more than just a military drill. In early August, Ukraine participated in a NATO exercisein Georgia called Noble Partner. Troops from the UK, Germany, Turkey, Slovenia and Armeniaall took part.

This is why what happens today on the ceasefire line in the Donbas matters. With more than 10,000 killed in the conflict so far, the border between the Ukraine army and the separatists is at the heart of the Wests conflict with Moscow. Ukraine is trying to become part of the EU and NATO. It wants to refurbish its army along NATO lines. Speaking to commentators and officials in Kiev it is clear that they feel the country has turned the corner on reforms and that the war has enabled the country to set a clear national agenda.

However, the soldiers on the ground are still seeing action almost every day. This includes larger calibre ordinance, such as 120 mm mortars, being fired a clear violation of the agreements signed in Minsk in February 2015 between Ukraine and Russia. The separatists in Donetsk and Lugansk, where millions of people still reside, show no sign of seeking peace or being willing to allow the Ukrainian government to return to these areas. Crimea, which was annexed by Russia in 2014, will not be returned to Ukraine. At the moment therefore it seems this is a slow war of attrition. Ukrainians argue this itis alsoa drain on Russias economy because Russia is close to the separatists. But the war is fought on Ukrainian soil and it istaking its toll on civilians and military personnel. For now, this low level conflictshows no sign of stopping any time soon.

Link:
Ukraine's slow war of attrition still rumbles on - Spectator.co.uk (blog)