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DUBLIN--(BUSINESS WIRE)--The "Global Blockchain and Cryptocurrency Market 2021" report has been added to ResearchAndMarkets.com's offering.

The "Global Blockchain and Cryptocurrency Market 2021" reveals continuing interest of online retail and payments major global players in cryptocurrency and blockchain-based technology. The publication indicates also that developing countries are leading the market.

Cryptocurrency is gaining momentum globally, with developing markets setting the trends

The report cites studies showing that by 2030, blockchain technology is expected to be a significant contributor to the global GDP, lifting it up by close to USD 2 trillion. Meanwhile, if the situation as at present, developing countries will be setting the trends in cryptocurrency implementation and development.

Currently, Ukraine and Russia are leading the ranking of cryptocurrency adoption. Some African countries made it to the top ten despite their infrastructure challenges, and such Asian countries as China, Vietnam, India, Thailand, Pakistan, are already among the top 20 countries by cryptocurrency adoption. Middle East is also catching up, despite the fact that many countries in the region still do not allow any activities connected to blockchain.

The health crisis affects retail and service sectors unequally

Globally, businesses and consumers are becoming more open to blockchain technology and cryptocurrency, so that for major online retail and payments players there was no choice left, to meet the demand.

As cited in this publication, Visa and Mastercard expand their offerings by incorporating blockchain in different forms, PayPal announced intention to expand its cryptocurrency capabilities, Amazon and Apple are to introduce their digital currency projects, and Square, which was the first public company to allow transactions of Bitcoins via its Cash App, has made serious investments in this area.

All in all, despite these large companies being increasingly active with Blockchain, the market is likely to see many newcomers in the near future.

Report Coverage

Report Structure

Global Overview

Banks Activity and Trends

Companies Mentioned

For more information about this report visit https://www.researchandmarkets.com/r/wle43i

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Global Blockchain and Cryptocurrency Market Report 2021: Ukraine and Russia are Leading the Ranking of Cryptocurrency Adoption -...

Summary

Healthcare workers are at the forefront of Ukraines response to COVID-19, risking their lives and their physical and mental health. The conditions of work of healthcare workers not only affect their own rights, but also impact the rights of health service users, including their access to and quality of health services.

This briefing note examines the impact of the pandemic and the Governments response to it on the rights of healthcare workers in Ukraine, of which 83 per cent are women. It looks, in particular at the right to just and favourable conditions of work, to social security and to effective participation, and how their situation affects essential health services. The briefing note contains recommendations to the Government and local authorities to this end.Healthcare workers in Ukraine are underpaid, receiving salaries, which are below the national average. In many cases, healthcare workers, especially at middle and junior levels, receive a minimum wage that does not provide for a decent living for them and their families.

Temporary bonuses introduced by the Government have partly remedied the situation for some healthcare workers involved in the COVID-19 response, but also raised concerns about lack of pay security, transparency, accountability, equal pay for work of equal value and a further contribution to the gender pay gap.

Healthcare workers lack healthy and safe working conditions, in particular due to lack of sufficient personal protective equipment, effective infection prevention and control mechanism at the workplace and mental health and psychosocial support services. Health care workers also suffer from increased workloads and insufficient time for rest. At the same time, those with other caring responsibilities, mainly women due to prevalent gender roles in Ukraine, face the increased burden of unpaid care work, especially during periods when the Government suspended care and education services in response to COVID-19.

Health care workers also lack adequate social protection. Out of the more than 60,000 cases of health care workers infected by COVID-19 by February 2021, only a small percentage have been recognized by the authorities as work-related, impeding the workers right to compensation.

A lack of effective dialogue between the authorities and health care workers and exclusion of healthcare workers from government policy-making prevents the authorities from developing and implementing effective policy measures aimed at protection of healthcare workers during the pandemic and beyond. Healthcare trade unions stated they were not effectively consulted about the Governments COVID-19 response in healthcare at the national and local levels, nor about the ongoing healthcare reform process. Furthermore, HRMMU is alarmed about cases of reprisals against healthcare workers who publicly exposed the poor preparedness and response of the healthcare sector for the COVID-19 crisis.

Dangerous working conditions and inadequate wages and social security, including for work-related illness, disability or death, have led to healthcare workers leaving their jobs. Given that Ukraine faced a shortage of healthcare workers before the pandemic, their departure is likely to further negatively impact the populations right to health. This in turn will likely impact the chance of Ukraine being able to meet Sustainable Development Goal 3 on ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-being at all ages.

The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, in particular Articles 7 and 9, guarantees the right to work and to the enjoyment of just and favourable conditions of work, including remuneration which provides all workers, as a minimum, with fair wages and equal remuneration for work of equal value without distinction of any kind, a decent living for themselves and their families, safety and healthy working conditions, and rest and reasonable limitation of working hours, and the right to social security, in particular social insurance. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights also guarantees the right to participate in public affairs and the freedoms of opinion and expression, peaceful assembly and association.

In line with its international human rights obligations and national commitments, including the Sustainable Development Goals, Ukraine should significantly increase its investments in the health sector to improve working conditions for healthcare workers, including by providing them with decent pay and improved occupational safety and health and social security, and by ensuring an effective mechanism of consultations with healthcare workers at various levels, including through trade unions.

Read more here:
Briefing note: Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on healthcare workers in Ukraine February 2021 - Ukraine - ReliefWeb

A Calgary artist is busy passing down a centuries-old tradition for Easter this year.

Cathy Reitzsays pysanka from the Ukrainian verb pysanty, meaning "to write" is the practiceof creatingintricate Ukrainian Easter eggs.

WATCH | See how much detail goes into each egg in the video above

"My great aunt taught me she was taught by her mother before, and her mother before that," she said.

"It was such a deep, meaningful tradition to do at Easter."

Now, shemakes almost 50 pysanky eggs every year, witheach requiring hours ofcreativity and patience.

"To be able to do it here in Calgary is really special, and it's really meaningful. And I'm just one of quite a few in Calgary that are actively keeping up the tradition of pysanka writing."

The eggs may look like a fun Easter craft, but inReitz's case it can take five to nine hours to complete one egg.

"You can see all the hard work, all the hours you put in, and see how it translated," she said.

First, she starts by ensuringall the insides of the egg are completelyremoved.

"It is very heartbreaking after spending hours on a design, when you go to hollow it out afterwards, taking the insides out, and it cracks on you and you're left with a mess," she said.

Once the shells are treated and each egg is blown out, she's ready to start drawing; however, the artist warns a lot of patience is needed during this process.

"In between each layer, you then have a new colour. And you can't start right away. You need to wait for the process, for the colour to dry, before you're able to keep on writing."

While most designs follow Ukraine tradition, Reitz says each symbol has a meaning and sometimes a special wish.

"I have one that I'm doing right now that is for a friend who lost her house before Christmas in a house fire. And it is filled with symbolism of protection, new beginnings, good wishes for the future," she explained.

Ukrainians around the world still gather to write pysanky during Orthodox Easter, which will land on May 2 this year.

But in pre-modern times, the eggs served a more functional purpose: They were thought to have magical properties.

Some were kept inside the home to guard against storms and fire; some were placed with animals to promote fertility;and a few were saved to place in the coffins of loved ones who died during the year.

It was traditionally done every Easter by the women in Ukrainian families and was not supposed to be attempted by children.

However, theworldwide practicenow has a dedicated museum to the art of pysankain the Ukrainian city ofKolomyia.

Reitzsays she has sent one of her own eggs to be featured at the museum.

"Now that I've been able to send one, I actually truly feel like a piece of me is out there to help represent my family, represent their history and have a little piece of my art out there," she said.

Read more:
Calgary artist connects with Ukrainian culture by making dozens of intricate Easter eggs - CBC.ca

A member of an election commission carries a mobile ballot box in Ivano-Frankivsk region during Ukraine's May 2014 presidential election. (REUTERS/Kacper Pempel)

Ukraines public governance system is in dire need of transformation and President Zelenskyy has identified digitization as the best route towards greater accessibility and accountability. Our goal is to make sure that all relations with the state can be carried out with the help of a regular smartphone and the internet, commented Zelenskyy during the presentation of the governments Diia mobile application in February 2020. However, a promised move towards internet voting for Ukrainian elections may be premature for the countrys fledgling democracy.

Ukraines vision for digital transformation is ambitious and includes holding online voting for all elections and referendums. This aspiration to bring Ukraines public governance into the digital age should be applauded, but there are number of serious obstacles that must be taken into account when considering internet voting. Premature implementation of online voting could potentially have dire consequences for Ukraines democratic development, political stability, and electoral integrity.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

While the use of the internet for remote voting has considerable future potential, it is a new approach that has only been successfully implemented in very few cases and with limited scope. These cases all need to be considered before implementing wide-scale internet voting in Ukraine in order to learn crucial lessons, compare contexts, and realistically evaluate if it is an appropriate step forward for the country.

Internet voting was first used for binding political elections in 2000 in the United States in a pilot across several states targeting out-of-country voters. Since then, approximately a dozen countries have experimented with this technology. A few nations use internet voting in some parts of their country or for certain voters. The list includes Armenia, Australia, Canada, Panama, Switzerland, and the US.

Countries that use internet voting tend to target specific categories of voters. For example, this often includes out-of-country voters, diplomatic or military personnel posted abroad, domestic absentee voters, or voters with disabilities.

Estonia is the only country that uses internet voting nationwide, but this step came following decades of investment in a full e-governance transformation and infrastructure. In Estonia, todays internet voting system was added as part of an overall e-governance system that already had the trust of the public. This system is linked to mandatory electronic ID documents as well as a large-scale e-governance ecosystem that includes an inter-agency data exchange system.

The Estonian government has been developing both of these features since the 1990s. Only after extensive use and gradual expansion of preexisting services (in areas like social security, taxation, and property registration) did Estonia launch its online voting efforts, and even then only gradually.

Todays Ukraine exists in a very different context. It has a significantly larger population that does not yet have similar levels of trust in digital technologies, and its digitized identification system is significantly lacking. According to the most recent data, only 5.6 million Ukrainians (out of 40 million) have digital IDs, while the countrys citizen registry requires broad reform and modernization.

Internet voting is still a developing technology when it comes to security and trust. Many countries have chosen not to use it after conducting feasibility studies or pilots due to these concerns. Some did so after limited pilots of internet voting (the United Kingdom and Norway), others initially adopted internet voting but decided to discontinue it (India, France, the Netherlands, and Spain). Even a pilot of this technology, if not properly planned and communicated to voters, could have a lasting negative impact on public trust in electoral technology and election integrity.

Security, as well as the perception of security, should be a key consideration before implementing internet voting. Especially given the ongoing military conflict between Ukraine and Russia, there is a high risk of e-voting technology being compromised. It is important to note the recent leaks of personal information of citizens from state registries, and the recent history of sophisticated cyber attacks against Ukraine.

Countries that experience frequent and sometimes devastating cyber attacks must take all necessary measures to increase the resilience of their existing election infrastructure. At this stage, Ukraine does not have the necessary technological infrastructure to adequately pilot internet voting. If piloting did move forward, it would first have to be carefully researched, planned for and resourced. By no means should a pilot take place as part of a live election event.

Trust is probably the most critical aspect of any election process. Allegations of election fraud or irregularities, even if unfounded, can have a devastating impact on political stability, as we have recently seen in several high-profile elections.

In Ukraine, there is currently significant distrust of internet voting among voters and politicians. This distrust may threaten public willingness to accept election results through this system, particularly if those who lose an election accuse the system of fraud or manipulation.

The example of the recent US election is particularly revealing. Importantly, if an online voting exercise fails and the publics trust in e-democracy is impacted, this could have negative consequences for all tech initiatives and for democratic development itself in Ukraine.

In light of these concerns, the introduction of online voting or the conduct of a pilot exercise tied to a live election event in Ukraine requires a bit more thought. Fifty-four Ukrainian NGOs share this sentiment and co-signed IFESs Joint Statement on Internet Voting Pilot during Local Elections 2020 in early July last year.

Crucially, this does not mean that Ukraine should abandon the idea of digitizing and modernizing the election process. There is a clear need for a more transparent and accessible result management system. Ukraine could also consider implementing solutions for electronic voting and electronic counting including ballot scanners and verified voter paper trails, as well as crucial risk limiting audits.

However, these technological solutions can only be effectively introduced in the controlled environment of an election precinct, not in an individual voters home or on a smartphone, where it is more difficult to police instances of fraud, vote-buying, and coercion. It is also critical to ensure the Central Election Commissions leading role in discussing the implementation of any modern IT solutions for the electoral process, as it is the only institution mandated to take on the challenges of administering them.

Technology can serve as a tool to bring greater electoral integrity to a country, making government interactions with citizens more transparent, efficient, and accountable. Ukraine is right to aspire to this. However, if applied or used inappropriately, technology can also set a country back. Much progress has been made over the past decade to improve Ukraines electoral administration and protect electoral integrity. A misstep in introducing internet voting could now potentially cast doubt on the foundations of democracy in Ukraine and jeopardize this hard-won progress.

Serhii Savelii is the Senior Legal Officer of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) in Ukraine. Meredith Applegate is the Program Advisor for the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) for Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, and co-author of the IFES white paper Considerations on Internet Voting: An Overview for Electoral Decision-Makers.

Wed, Jul 29, 2020

The Ukrainian Institute was established in 2018 in order to make the most of the countrys untapped soft power potential, but this cultural diplomacy initiative faces numerous political and bureaucratic obstacles.

UkraineAlertbyMarina Pesenti

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Centers mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

See the original post here:
The risks of rushing to internet voting in Ukraine - Atlantic Council

The national flags of Ukraine and the US on display outside Kyiv in this file photo from 2016. (REUTERS/Valentyn Ogirenko)

The election of Joe Biden raised the welcome prospect of a return to normalcy in the US-Ukraine relationship after his predecessor Donald Trump tried to use it for political advantage. But the first two months of the Biden administration has also demonstrated that this return to the norm is proving to be complicated.

While Kyiv has signaled its interest in starting a relationship with the new US administration at the highest level, there has still not been a phone call between President Zelenskyy and President Biden. It is true, as Ambassador Bill Taylor has observed, that the relationship does not require a presidential call. American and Ukrainian interests can be served without it.

Biden put down a marker in his first call with President Putin that Moscows aggression in Ukraine was a major obstacle to an improvement in US-Russian relations. This was a clear signal of strong American support for Ukraine in thwarting the Kremlins ongoing aggression in eastern Ukraines Donbas region.

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UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

Perhaps if Ukraine had not appeared as an issue in the recent US presidential election, the call between presidents Biden and Zelenskyy might have already taken place. But these unusual circumstances have also yielded some good results.

The Biden administration has indicated that reform and the fight against corruption are a priority. And over the past few months, partly in an effort to hasten the presidential call, the Ukrainian president has taken more reform steps than at any time since he removed his reformist prime minister, Oleksiy Honcharuk, and most of the cabinet, one year ago.

Indeed, the process started before the inauguration, after the US Treasury Department sanctioned seven Ukrainians including Oleksandr Dubinsky, a senior MP in Zelenskyys Servant of the People Party and close colleague of Ukrainian oligarch Igor Kolomoisky, for interfering in the US presidential elections on behalf of Russia. Zelenskyy quickly had Dubinsky removed from his partys parliamentary faction, and then from the party itself.

More important was the decision taken by Ukraines National Security and Defense Council to ban three television stations controlled by the Ukrainian politician and close Putin associate Victor Medvedchuk. While some argue that this step was a violation of press freedoms, the decision was taken on national security grounds that these stations have been a regular conduit for Kremlin disinformation and were at least partly funded by assets from Kremlin-occupied Donbas.

Washington had sanctioned Medvedchuk in March 2014 because of his role in Russias occupation of Crimea, and had thought his relationship with former Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko peculiar. Zelenskyy has now rectified this.

The steps against Medvedchuk were followed by the leveling of fraud charges against the former CEO of Privatbank, Oleksandr Dubilet, and two of his deputies. Privatbank was taken away from oligarch Igor Kolomoisky in 2016 and nationalized after long-standing allegations of massive fraud at the bank.

These recent charges were interpreted as a major blow against Kolomoiskys efforts to regain ownership of Privatbank, or to receive compensation for losing it. In early March 2021, Washington announced visa sanctions against Kolomoisky and his family, a move which was taken very seriously in Ukraine.

Given the strength of entrenched interests in Ukraine, Zelenskyys strong steps have occurred in the face of major opposition and counter-steps. Even as the authorities go after senior Privatbank employees allegedly involved in fraud, a case has also been opened against Kateryna Rozhkova, First Deputy Governor of the National Bank of Ukraine, who played an important and laudatory role in the nationalization of Privatbank.

In fact, Rozhkova is being charged with treason and embezzlement precisely for her role in that effort. While serving as a timely reminder of the urgent need to reform Ukraines prosecution service and court system, this case also cuts against Zelenskyys efforts to woo Washington.

So, too, does the case brought by brothers Hrihoriy and Igor Surkis, who seek USD 350 million from the Ukrainian government that they allegedly lost as shareholders of Privatbank when the bank was nationalized. This case is widely viewed as a dress rehearsal for Kolomoiskys own efforts to either regain Privatbank or receive compensation.

The Surkis brothers won their suit in Kyivs notorious Pechersk Court last year. However, a subsequent Supreme Court ruling temporarily blocked the execution of the court decision. The case is returning to court this month. A decision to confirm the earlier Pechersk Court ruling would likewise resound in Western capitals.

Zelenskyy has consistently sought to clear the decks for a better relationship with Washington. Given the overlap of interests and values between the US and Ukraine, bilateral relations are going to get closer as the Biden administration settles in; but issues like the Rozhkova prosecution and the disposition of Privatbank assets can slow down Zelenskyys charm offensive. That would not serve US or Ukrainian interests.

John E. Herbst is Director of the Eurasia Center at the Atlantic Council and a former US ambassador to Ukraine.

The views expressed in UkraineAlert are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Atlantic Council, its staff, or its supporters.

UkraineAlert is a comprehensive online publication that provides regular news and analysis on developments in Ukraines politics, economy, civil society, and culture.

The Eurasia Centers mission is to enhance transatlantic cooperation in promoting stability, democratic values and prosperity in Eurasia, from Eastern Europe and Turkey in the West to the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia in the East.

See the article here:
Returning the US-Ukraine relationship to normalcy - Atlantic Council