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To a casual observer, Moldova and Ukraine appear quite similar with their common Soviet histories, heavily corrupt domestic politics, and a frozen conflict on their eastern borders. However, while Ukraine remains entrapped in a war with Russia over eastern Ukraine, Moldova has maintained amicable relations with both Russia and Ukraine, positioning itself as a bridge between East and West. Some have noted that Moldovas status as an interlocutor between East and West has become threatened with the recent election of President Igor Dodon in December 2016. Dodon has consistently promised closer relations with the Kremlin. Yet, while the Moldovan economy is dependent on Russia and the Moldovan public is exposed to a steady stream of Russian propaganda, these factors do not preclude the development of strong Ukrainian-Moldovan relations as long as a pro-EU coalition retains control of Moldovas parliament. Moldova and Ukraineno matter their differences and disputesmust maintain close relations in order to combat Russian incursions and aggression. Main Interests and Obstacles Traditionally, Ukrainian-Moldovan foreign relations have centered on issues such as border demarcation and property disputes leftover from the collapse of the USSR. For Moldova, its main interests towards Ukraine are the development of infrastructure projects, environmental protection of the Dniester River, closer economic cooperation, and maintaining Ukraines territorial integrity. For Ukraine, interests include resolving the conflict in Transnistria, helping Moldova resist Russian propaganda, settling the state border between Ukraine and Moldova, and promoting economic partnerships. Some of the main issues that have blocked deeper Ukrainian-Moldovan relations include the status of the Dniester HES-2 hydroelectric station, a 1990s land agreement near the village of Giurgiulesti, and a planned railway connecting Moldova to Odessa, which would have bypassed the breakaway region of Transnistria. These long-lasting concerns, combined with the implementation of protective quotas and duties on certain Ukrainian and Moldovan goods in 2016 have hindered relations between the two countries. However, a February 2017 negotiation between President Petro Poroshenko of Ukraine and Prime Minister Pavel Filip of Moldova has helped restore cooperation between the two countries. This has led to talks of energy cooperation and restoration of stable electricity supply from Ukraine to Moldova, as well as breakthroughs in discussions of environmental issues concerning the Dniester water basin. Additionally, Moldova decided not to extend restrictive measures to Ukrainian meat and dairy products introduced in 2016. These positive developments in Ukrainian-Moldovan relations are critical at a time when Dodon continues to cozy up to the Kremlin. Russias Role One cannot discuss relations between Ukraine and Moldova without analyzing the countries respective ties to Russia. After the annexation of Crimea in March 2014, observers were concerned that Moldova would follow a similar path as Ukraine due to the similarities between the two countries. However, the pro-EU coalitions within the parliament backed Ukraine and condemned Russias annexation. Former Prime Minister of Moldova Iurie Leanca visited Kyiv after the annexation as a sign of support for the Ukrainian government, while Petro Poroshenko visited Chisinau in November 2014, prior to parliamentary elections, to support the pro-European coalition in Moldova. Attitudes within Moldovan society were split with 29% supporting Russias annexation of Crimea with 44% against. Moreover, the pro-Russian Communist Party of Moldova continued to support Russia and helped to serve as a conduit for the Kremlins narrative of events within the country. Notably, in April 2014, the breakaway region Transnistria held a referendum to join the Russian Federation, leading many to worry that the Kremlin was planning to recreate the Ukraine scenario in Moldova. However, Vladimir Putin did not find it in Russias best interest to formally annex the region, given its de facto control of the territory. Rather, the Kremlin uses existing domestic cleavages within Moldova to shape the countrys politics such as exploiting nostalgia for the Soviet Union and targeting citizens who feel as if theyve not benefited from greater integration with the European Union. While Russias economic leverage over its post-Soviet neighbors is declining, approximately 20% of Moldovan exports still go to Russia. This dependency gives the Kremlin influence over Moldovan politics, which it has used to ban Moldovan wines and implement measures against EU food products when the Moldovan government moves in a pro-European direction. It has not helped that Ukrainian authorities have made it difficult for Moldovan wines to enter the Ukrainian market, further incentivizing closer ties between Moldova and Russia, while breeding resentment amongst local producers. From a domestic standpoint, the major corruption scandal in 2014, where over 1 billion dollars disappeared from Moldovas leading banks, implicated many pro-European politicians and helped strengthen the pro-Russian coalitions in Moldovas government. The pro-Russian opposition expertly utilized the corruption scandal to link the domestic troubles within Moldova to the European Union and the West. Most notably, Former Prime Minister and founder of the pro-EU Liberal Democratic Party of Moldova Vlad Filat was arrested in October 2015, helping pave the way for a pro-Russian president to win the presidential election. Consequences of Moldovas Pro-Russian President With growing distrust towards Europe and the West, the pro-Russian Socialist candidate Igor Dodon managed to win 54 percent in the 2016 presidential election, compared to his pro-European challenger, Maia Sandu, who received just under 45 percent. Since his victory, Dodon has expressed that most Moldovans would support joining the Russia-led Eurasian Union, adding that Moldova has not benefited from European integration, and warned about closer ties with NATO (only 21% of Moldovans expressed support for joining NATO). According to a September 2016 poll by the International Republican Institute (IRI), Russia is consistently seen as a more important economic partner than Ukraine (62% to 27%), and there is an even split between those who want to join the EU (40%) and the Eurasian Customs Union (43%). Perhaps most notably, the percentage of Moldovans who think that Russian troops in Transnistria are not a threat to Moldova has increased from 21% in September 2014 to 39% in September 2016. Moreover, during a January 17 visit to Russia, Dodon noted that he would certainly support a policy that would terminate Moldovas 2014 Association Agreement with the European Union. While he expressed hope that Russian-Ukrainian relations will resume as friendly and brotherly ones, his close relations to the Kremlin do not inspire confidence in those who hope for stronger Ukrainian-Moldovan relations. Future of Ukraine-Moldova Relations Despite these recent developments, it is important not to overemphasize the pro-Russian turn in Moldovas foreign policy. More Moldovans say their country has better relations with the European Union (57%) and Ukraine (47%) than Russia (43%). Additionally, the current parliament continues to express dissatisfaction and opposition towards the presidents pro-Russian orientation. Prime Minister Filip expressed deep displeasure with Dodons statements about terminating the Association Agreement with the European Union and tried to assure international actors of the presidents inability to unilaterally make such decisions for the country. Additionally, Moldova and Ukraine have enduring inter-governmental institutions like the Ukraine-Moldova Commission for Trade and Economic Cooperation, which serves as a forum for the two countries to work together to promote their economic and security interests. Therefore despite, Russian economic leverage over the Moldovan economy and targeted Russian propaganda towards Moldovan citizens, it is possible for Moldova to maintain both close relations with Russia and Ukraine as long as a pro-EU coalition controls the parliament to serve as a check on the Moldovan president. Observers of the region and Ukrainian-Moldovan relations should continue to pay close attention to the 2018 parliamentary elections, which could shape Moldovas foreign policy agenda for the foreseeable future.

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Moldova and Ukraine: Diverging Neighbors? - EurasiaNet

Ukraines navy is looking into the possibility of purchasing decommissioned NATO ships in order to add to its fleet, Ukraines Channel 5 reports.

Speaking on air, the navys commander, Ihor Voronchenko, said that to satisfy Ukraines role in occupying a significant portion of the Black Sea coastline, it should be better equipped to police these waters.

Ukraine is a transit state and we are obliged as naval forces to ensure the peaceful sailing of all vessels in the Black Sea, he said. We cannot fulfill the full spectrum of this work with only one minesweeper, Henichesk, that we obtained.

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Vice Admiral Ihor Voronchenko, commander of the Ukrainian Navy, speaks during an interview with Reuters in Kiev, Ukraine, October 27, 2016. He has just proposed using old NATO ships to boost Ukraine's coastal fleet. Valentyn Ogirenko/Reuters

The navy received the ship in question from the Black Sea Fleeta Crimea-based Soviet-era unit that in modern times existed under much facility-sharing between Ukraine, on whose territory the main port of the unit fell, and Russia. Henichesk was one of the handful of ships Ukraine received in the messy divorce between the two navies after Russias annexation of Crimea in 2014.

Voronchenko said a Ukrainian naval delegation recently returned from a NATO state that he was not authorized to name, where they discussed purchasing older Western ships to fill out Ukraines ranks.

Several options were looked at and we decided that for the resources that we have, we will be able to buy a mine-sweeping set, he said. The same (solution) is being worked on for acquiring ships for the coastal area.

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Ukraine Looks Into Beefing Up Navy With Old NATO Ships - Newsweek

Negotiators for the European Parliament and European Union member states have reached a deal to allow Ukrainian citizens to enter Schengen zone countries without a visa.

Ukrainian citizens who have biometric passports will be able to enter for up to 90 days during any 180-day period, the parliament said in a statement on March 1. The entry is valid for business trips, tourism, or family stays.

Ukrainians have eagerly awaited the advent of visa-free travel after being stuck in a conflict with Russia-backed separatists in the east for three years. They see the visa deal as a symbol of closer ties to the EU.

Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko on Twitter hailed the move as a "formal, but important step on the road."

European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker said earlier this month that visa liberalization between the EU and Ukraine is expected to come into force this summer.

The deal still has to be endorsed by parliament as a whole and the EU states.

The 26 Schengen area countries are Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland.

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Ukraine Moves Step Closer To Visa-Free Travel In EU - RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty

PR dla Zagranicy

Roberto Galea 01.03.2017 15:10

Polish Foreign Minister Witold Waszczykowski and his British counterpart Boris Johnson visit the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv, on Wednesday.

This will be the ministers first joint visit to a foreign country. The aim is to show continuing support for Ukraines pro-European course, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to assure Ukrainian authorities and society about Europes backing.

The two ministers will hold a series of high level meetings with Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko, Prime Minister Volodymyr Groysman, Deputy Prime Minister Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze, and Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin, among others.

Before the visit, Waszczykowski stressed that Poland and the UK have supported Ukraine on its pro-European path since the beginning of the Revolution of Dignity.

Im extremely happy that together with... Boris Johnson we will be able to reiterate our commitment to Ukraines European choice, its sovereignty and territorial integrity, Waszczykowski said.

Poland was the first country to recognise Ukraines independence. Since then we consider Ukraine a strategic partner. We will continue to support Ukrainians reform process, he added.

(rg/pk)

Source: Polish foreign ministry

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Polish and British foreign ministers on joint Ukraine trip - thenews.pl

Olha Demydova models during Ukrainian fashion week in Kiev on 6 February. Photograph: Valentyn Ogirenko/Reuters

Hanging from the snow-covered roof of Lesnoy fleamarket in the Ukrainian capital of Kiev is a fur coat, identical to that seen on the catwalk of trend-setting label Vetements in Paris in January. Suspended alongside it are oversized padded coats, sportswear, bootleg brands and washed-out denim the sartorial tropes by which the post-Soviet world has come to bewitch the contemporary fashion world.

The new east which typically comprises Russia, Georgia and Ukraine might not be one of the industrys so-called fashion capitals, but in the past 18 months its designers, models and aesthetic have burst on to the fashion scene, way beyond its borders.

Demna Gvasalia, fashions golden boy, is a Georgian who grew up in Ukraine and is now revolutionising traditional Parisian label Balenciaga (as well as being head designer for Vetements). From Russia, Gosha Rubchinskiy is the current darling of streetwear, while Ukrainian designer Anna K is a favourite among the Kardashians set and Vogue Ukraine is fast becoming a reference point. However, while the 1990s Soviet aesthetic that designers such as Gvasalia and Rubchinskiy champion is on the up around the world, many of them have yet to find success in their home countries.

Lesnoy fleamarket is a good place to find out more about Ukrainian fashion. It is packed with Kievs models, designers, stylists and photographers a new generation resurrecting the 90s aesthetic of their youth. For them, of course, the post-USSR fallout the corruption, economic chaos and Ukraines ongoing war, which has killed more than 9,000 people is a reality as well as an aesthetic.

For up-and-coming stylist Stas Soulkeeper, everything that went along with the fall of the Soviet Union forms a kind of moodboard. Dressed in a death metal T-shirt tucked into his high-waisted jeans, he cites: my friends sex stories, vintage porn, common things from our part of the world post-USSR films like Lilya 4-ever that kind of social situation as influences. His editorial in Februarys Vogue Ukraine is an exploration of all of the above.

But despite the popularity of this aesthetic, and despite the international success of some homegrown talents, many of Ukraines talented new wave of designers, such as draganddrop and Masha Reva claim to be priced out of the official schedule of their domestic fashion week, due to the fees it charges for a fashion show although many of them work at the event as stylists or models.

Others do not feel its the right context to share their designs despite the regions current global reputation for cutting-edge cool, Ukraine fashion week is more about plastic surgery and diamonds than the experimental Vetements aesthetic. And given the link between wealth and corruption that persists after the 2014 Maidan revolution, its no surprise that some young designers feel out of place. We dont feel comfortable there, we dont go there, said Yulia Grazhdan the founder of womenswear label draganddrop, she is one of the new generation of Ukrainian designers who is better received outside of her homeland.

But of course there are exceptions. One designer at Ukraine fashion week whose work has some of the edge the new east has become known for is 23-year-old Ivan Frolov. His collection explored themes of religion and sexual taboo. Incense, candles, stained-glass windows and a large male-voice choir framed clothes that featured kink, nods to 1980s jumble sales and churchy silhouettes in garish jacquard silks and knits. Frolov is attracting international interest and is soon to be stocked in Opening Ceremony, the American boutique label famous for collaborations with the likes of Chloe Sevigny.

Nikita Sereda, a 21-year-old model and arguably the best-dressed man at fashion week, cast and styled Frolovs show. Dressed head-to-toe in second-hand finds from Lesnoy, he is a regular at the underground techno club Closer. Like legendary Berlin club Berghain, Closer has become a hub of Kievs counterculture, where anti-corruption crusaders such as Serhiy Leshchenko (now in government) party to the cream of contemporary techno alongside the citys fashion underground. Based in a former factory, its unadorned walls are the opposite of the veneered, glitzy venues preferred by Ukraines wealthy socialites. And where the official fashion week fails, Closer succeeds this is where the citys true catwalk lies.

Given the fuss around the former Eastern bloc, organisers of Ukrainian fashion week need to find a way to harness the creativity of the underground scene and bring the countrys prolific young talent in from the cold.

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Kiev's cutting-edge: the designers ignored by Ukrainian fashion week - The Guardian